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  • Chargement/Site  + (<p>Video créée par Connor Turland po<p>Video créée par Connor Turland pour la campagne de collecte de fonds pour l’organisation du séminaire « Commons based economy » de Quilligan School of Commoning à Londres</p></br><p>Texte de la vidéo : </p></br><blockquote><p>There are at least 2 major factors at play in the universe.<br /></br>For our purposes we’ll call them Unity … and Diversity.<br /></br>Generally today, we tend to you think that you just can’t have both.<br /></br>And consequently, as a human, you can’t be working towards both. You’re either working towards this. Or this. And that decides which camp you’re in, warring against the other.<br /></br>Predictably, this gets us a net progress of … NOWHERE.<br /></br>The same place that 1 dimensional, polaristic thinking is getting us.<br /></br>So what if we thought in another dimension.<br /></br>Collectively, what we’ve gained over here…we’ve lost over here.<br /></br>The Commons is the word that encompasses all those things that have been depleted to get us where we are today.<br /></br>We are rapidly depleting the social, cultural, intellectual, natural, genetic, and material commons.<br /></br>But can we replenish this…<br /></br>Without losing what we’ve gained?<br /></br>Frankly, millions of people, and institutions, businesses, and even countries already are.<br /></br>And whether everyone knows it or not, we all seem to be converging…<br /></br>On what? … we could call it a Commons-Based Economy.<br /></br>But time is of the essence! As other forces threaten to throw us into a worse dark age than ever.<br /></br>That’s why the people in this campaign are working tirelessly for me AND we to support the emergence of a commons-based economy.<br /></br>Help us help the world as we build a commons for the commons.<br /></br>That means learning resources, a learning platform, and sharing the vital work of James Quilligan, who just gave 12 seminars in 12 days on the emergence of a commons-based economy.<br /></br>It will take all of our collective intentions and intelligence to learn our way together towards the more beautiful world our hearts tell us is possible.<br /></br>To take the human project to the next dimension, we need nothing less than a mass movement.<br /></br>Internet, your move.</p></blockquote>next dimension, we need nothing less than a mass movement.<br /> Internet, your move.</p></blockquote>)
  • Chargement/Site 2  + (<p>Video créée par Connor Turland po<p>Video créée par Connor Turland pour la campagne de collecte de fonds pour l’organisation du séminaire « Commons based economy » de Quilligan School of Commoning à Londres</p></br><p>Texte de la vidéo : </p></br><blockquote><p>There are at least 2 major factors at play in the universe.<br /></br>For our purposes we’ll call them Unity … and Diversity.<br /></br>Generally today, we tend to you think that you just can’t have both.<br /></br>And consequently, as a human, you can’t be working towards both. You’re either working towards this. Or this. And that decides which camp you’re in, warring against the other.<br /></br>Predictably, this gets us a net progress of … NOWHERE.<br /></br>The same place that 1 dimensional, polaristic thinking is getting us.<br /></br>So what if we thought in another dimension.<br /></br>Collectively, what we’ve gained over here…we’ve lost over here.<br /></br>The Commons is the word that encompasses all those things that have been depleted to get us where we are today.<br /></br>We are rapidly depleting the social, cultural, intellectual, natural, genetic, and material commons.<br /></br>But can we replenish this…<br /></br>Without losing what we’ve gained?<br /></br>Frankly, millions of people, and institutions, businesses, and even countries already are.<br /></br>And whether everyone knows it or not, we all seem to be converging…<br /></br>On what? … we could call it a Commons-Based Economy.<br /></br>But time is of the essence! As other forces threaten to throw us into a worse dark age than ever.<br /></br>That’s why the people in this campaign are working tirelessly for me AND we to support the emergence of a commons-based economy.<br /></br>Help us help the world as we build a commons for the commons.<br /></br>That means learning resources, a learning platform, and sharing the vital work of James Quilligan, who just gave 12 seminars in 12 days on the emergence of a commons-based economy.<br /></br>It will take all of our collective intentions and intelligence to learn our way together towards the more beautiful world our hearts tell us is possible.<br /></br>To take the human project to the next dimension, we need nothing less than a mass movement.<br /></br>Internet, your move.</p></blockquote>next dimension, we need nothing less than a mass movement.<br /> Internet, your move.</p></blockquote>)
  • Chargement/Site 2  + (<p>Video that Connor created for the<p>Video that Connor created for the School of Commoning crowdfunding that allowed us to organize the Quilligan seminar series in London.</p></br><p>Text : </p></br><blockquote><p>There are at least 2 major factors at play in the universe.<br /></br>For our purposes we’ll call them Unity … and Diversity.<br /></br>Generally today, we tend to you think that you just can’t have both.<br /></br>And consequently, as a human, you can’t be working towards both. You’re either working towards this. Or this. And that decides which camp you’re in, warring against the other.<br /></br>Predictably, this gets us a net progress of … NOWHERE.<br /></br>The same place that 1 dimensional, polaristic thinking is getting us.<br /></br>So what if we thought in another dimension.<br /></br>Collectively, what we’ve gained over here…we’ve lost over here.<br /></br>The Commons is the word that encompasses all those things that have been depleted to get us where we are today.<br /></br>We are rapidly depleting the social, cultural, intellectual, natural, genetic, and material commons.<br /></br>But can we replenish this…<br /></br>Without losing what we’ve gained?<br /></br>Frankly, millions of people, and institutions, businesses, and even countries already are.<br /></br>And whether everyone knows it or not, we all seem to be converging…<br /></br>On what? … we could call it a Commons-Based Economy.<br /></br>But time is of the essence! As other forces threaten to throw us into a worse dark age than ever.<br /></br>That’s why the people in this campaign are working tirelessly for me AND we to support the emergence of a commons-based economy.<br /></br>Help us help the world as we build a commons for the commons.<br /></br>That means learning resources, a learning platform, and sharing the vital work of James Quilligan, who just gave 12 seminars in 12 days on the emergence of a commons-based economy.<br /></br>It will take all of our collective intentions and intelligence to learn our way together towards the more beautiful world our hearts tell us is possible.<br /></br>To take the human project to the next dimension, we need nothing less than a mass movement.<br /></br>Internet, your move.</p></blockquote>o the next dimension, we need nothing less than a mass movement.<br /> Internet, your move.</p></blockquote>)
  • Chargement/Site  + (<p>Video that Connor created for the<p>Video that Connor created for the School of Commoning crowdfunding that allowed us to organize the Quilligan seminar series in London.</p></br><p>Text : </p></br><blockquote><p>There are at least 2 major factors at play in the universe.<br /></br>For our purposes we’ll call them Unity … and Diversity.<br /></br>Generally today, we tend to you think that you just can’t have both.<br /></br>And consequently, as a human, you can’t be working towards both. You’re either working towards this. Or this. And that decides which camp you’re in, warring against the other.<br /></br>Predictably, this gets us a net progress of … NOWHERE.<br /></br>The same place that 1 dimensional, polaristic thinking is getting us.<br /></br>So what if we thought in another dimension.<br /></br>Collectively, what we’ve gained over here…we’ve lost over here.<br /></br>The Commons is the word that encompasses all those things that have been depleted to get us where we are today.<br /></br>We are rapidly depleting the social, cultural, intellectual, natural, genetic, and material commons.<br /></br>But can we replenish this…<br /></br>Without losing what we’ve gained?<br /></br>Frankly, millions of people, and institutions, businesses, and even countries already are.<br /></br>And whether everyone knows it or not, we all seem to be converging…<br /></br>On what? … we could call it a Commons-Based Economy.<br /></br>But time is of the essence! As other forces threaten to throw us into a worse dark age than ever.<br /></br>That’s why the people in this campaign are working tirelessly for me AND we to support the emergence of a commons-based economy.<br /></br>Help us help the world as we build a commons for the commons.<br /></br>That means learning resources, a learning platform, and sharing the vital work of James Quilligan, who just gave 12 seminars in 12 days on the emergence of a commons-based economy.<br /></br>It will take all of our collective intentions and intelligence to learn our way together towards the more beautiful world our hearts tell us is possible.<br /></br>To take the human project to the next dimension, we need nothing less than a mass movement.<br /></br>Internet, your move.</p></blockquote>o the next dimension, we need nothing less than a mass movement.<br /> Internet, your move.</p></blockquote>)
  • Politique de l'eau en France  + (Cette vidéo réalisée par les agences de l'Cette vidéo réalisée par les agences de l'eau à l'occasion du 6ème Forum mondial de l'eau retrace l'histoire de la politique de l'eau, les principes, les enjeux et décrit les acteurs qui la mettent en œuvre. Cette reconstruction est faite à partir des lois principales adoptées à niveau national et européen et elle essaie d'encadrer ces mesures dans l'évolution de l'économie française. La vidéo explique aussi le fonctionnement des instances de gouvernance et contrôle créées à cette fin.ouvernance et contrôle créées à cette fin.)
  • Manque d'eau : comment affronter la catastrophe ?  + (Charlène Descollonges, hydrologue, touche Charlène Descollonges, hydrologue, touche le problème des crises de l'eau, de plus en plus urgent en France et ailleurs dans les dernières années à cause de longues périodes de sécheresse dues au réchauffement climatique. L'hydrologue dessine des solutions possibles et des stratégies d'adaptation face à cette émergence. </br>Cette situation risque d’augmenter encore les tensions sur la répartition de l’eau avec notamment les manifestations contre les méga bassines. Pour Descollonges « la question de l’eau est éminemment politique et démocratique », c'est pour cela qu'elle envisage une gouvernance partagée des ressources en eau.ouvernance partagée des ressources en eau.)
  • L’eau en partage  + (Dans cet épisode titré « L'eau en partage Dans cet épisode titré « L'eau en partage » Emeline Hassenforder et Chamseddine Harrabi nous parle du programme mis en place en Tunisie pour répondre aux problèmes liés au manque d'eau dans le secteur de l'agriculture. Ce programme lancé par le gouvernement tunisien vise à améliorer la gouvernance des ressources naturelles, en l'occurrence de l'eau, en misant sur la participation citoyenne. en misant sur la participation citoyenne.)
  • À la découverte des communs  + (Dans cette brève vidéo de présentation de Dans cette brève vidéo de présentation de son engagement dans les communs, l'Agence Française du Développement (AFD) propose une définition nuancée et intelligente des communs à partir de trois exemples situés dans des contextes culturels et économiques et sociaux différents. Un Fab lab à Lomé, une association qui facilite l’accès aux terres pour les agriculteurs, une association d’usagers qui organise l’accès à l’eau à Kinshasa, à travers ces trois exemples cette vidéo met en évidence les mécanismes de partage, d'interdépendance et les enjeux sociaux économiques et environnementaux.x sociaux économiques et environnementaux.)
  • Les Champs Captants du Sud de Lille  + (Dans cette vidéo l'association « EntrelianDans cette vidéo l'association « Entrelianes » nous parle des enjeux environnementaux auxquels Les Champs Captants sont confrontés : défi climatique, crise de la biodiversité et crise de l'eau. Il s'agit d'un territoire qui alimente 30% de l'eau potable de la Métropole Européenne de Lille. L'expression « champs captants » définit des terres qui infiltrent directement l'eau de la pluie vers les nappes phréatiques sous-jacentes.vers les nappes phréatiques sous-jacentes.)
  • Accompagner la gouvernance concertée des eaux souterraines - Limaoua  + (Dans cette vidéo on retrouve le travail deDans cette vidéo on retrouve le travail de conception des politiques de gestion de l'eau mises en place à Limaoua en Tunisie. L'idée était d'adopter une démarche participative pour arriver à une gouvernance concertées des eaux souterraines. Professionnels, agriculteurs et d'autres acteurs concernés nous expliquent les raisons qui ont motivé ce choix.quent les raisons qui ont motivé ce choix.)
  • Accompagner la gouvernance concertée des eaux souterraines - Aousja  + (Dans cette vidéo on retrouve une rétrospécDans cette vidéo on retrouve une rétrospéctive des politiques de gestion de l'eau mises en place à Aousja en Tunisie. L'idée était d'adopter une démarche participative pour arriver à une gouvernance concertées des eaux souterraines. Professionnels, agriculteurs et d'autres acteurs concernés nous expliquent les raisons qui ont motivé ce choix et comment le processus s'est déroulé.oix et comment le processus s'est déroulé.)
  • Hommage Silke Helfrich - 03 Intervention Benjamin Coriat  + (Intervention de Benjamin Coriat lors de l'hommage à Silke Helfrich le 26/05/2023)
  • Hommage Silke Helfrich - 02 Intervention David Bollier  + (Intervention de David Bollier lors de l'hommage à Silke Helfrich le 26/05/2023)
  • Hommage Silke Helfrich - 06 Intervention Frédéric Sultan  + (Intervention de Frédéric Sultan lors de l'hommage à Silke Helfrich le 26/05/2023)
  • Hommage Silke Helfrich - 04 Intervention Sebastien Shulz  + (Intervention de Sebastien Shulz lors de l'hommage à Silke Helfrich le 26/05/2023)
  • Hommage Silke Helfrich - 05 Intervention Sylvia Fredriksson  + (Intervention de Sylvia Fredriksson lors de l'hommage à Silke Helfrich le 26/05/2023)
  • Maison des Utopies en Expérimentation (MUE)  + (La Maison des utopies est un projet de création de lieu de refuge, de ressourcement et d'activité pour les collectifs militants engagés pour une transformation radicale.)
  • Journal du Portrait Nature des champs captants  + (Synthèse des observations et propositions Synthèse des observations et propositions issues du Portrait Nature des Champs Captants du Sud de Lille (2021-22). Diagnostic citoyen animé par l'association Entrelianes à partir des questions suivantes : comment mieux protéger la nappe de la craie du Sud de Lille et comment mieux la recharger ?d de Lille et comment mieux la recharger ?)
  • La culture des communs est-elle indispensable pour la bascule ?  + (Table ronde avec plusieurs professionnels Table ronde avec plusieurs professionnels engagés dans l'agenda du Développement Durale et de la RSE en Europe. Remettre au centre les ressources, initier de nouvelles conditions de partage, instituer la possibilité de “faire ensemble” : c'étaient les thématiques abordée lors de cette rencontre en se posant la question si la culture des communs peut être un point de départ pour faire face à ces enjeux.nt de départ pour faire face à ces enjeux.)
  • Entrevue David Bollier et Benjamin Coriat  + (Une discussion animée entre David Bollier Une discussion animée entre David Bollier et Benjamin Coriat en différents fichiers audio. Une recolte d'une contribution importante pour le débat sur les commons. Les fichiers audio contienent des réflexions de D.Bollier et B. Coriat sur le mouvement des communs, sur l'ambiance française, la litérature française sur les communs et l'apport sur les commons.r les communs et l'apport sur les commons.)
  • Atelier sur les biens communs à la Ferme des Bouillons  + (À la demande de l'association de la Ferme À la demande de l'association de la Ferme des bouillons, nous avons organisé deux jours de formation des militants autour de la notion de communs. Cette formation se déroule dans le contexte de la lutte pour la préservation de la ferme occupée. Elle s'appuie sur une mise à jour de l'histoire des communs dans les domaines de l'alimentation, du foncier, de la culture et du vivre ensemble.ncier, de la culture et du vivre ensemble.)
  • European Commons Assembly  + (European Commons Assembly is an ongoing prEuropean Commons Assembly is an ongoing process that facilitates pluralistic debate regarding the strategy and agenda for a fundamentally united political vision. It supports activists’ continued engagement in concrete, collaborative and bottom-up actions and campaigns in Europe, and ultimately helps to build a flourishing European political civil society movement for the commons. </br></br>The main objectives were defined in the initial meeting CommonsWatch (see Commons Watch Report):</br>* to stand in solidarity around our diverse struggles for the commons,</br>* to exchange experiences, case studies and other information,</br>* to develop and govern resources in an open, participatory and inclusive manner (funding, infrastructures...) to support our activities,</br>* to develop policies to preserve the commons and commoners and participate in lawmaking processes,</br>* to strenghten, gain visibility and campaign betterghten, gain visibility and campaign better)
  • Ateliers populaire de cartographie des communs  + (Les ''Ateliers populaires de cartographie Les ''Ateliers populaires de cartographie des communs'' sont nées dans la dynamique de coalition autour des biens communs de la rencontre Internationale "Economics and the Commons" (Berlin 2013). Celle-ci a révélé la nécessité développer une pratique d'appropriation sociale, culturelle et politique des communs avec les militants africains. Les ''Ateliers populaires de cartographie des communs'' visent à développer la capacité du continent à produire des discours savants à propos des biens communs sur la base de recherche-action susceptibles de rentrer en dialogue avec le reste de la communauté des biens communs et ainsi contribuer au développement d'un mouvement autour des biens communs en Afrique. </br></br>Observations, recherches documentaires, enquêtes et études de cas, focus groupe, ... réalisés avec la population, portant sur l'alimentation, le transport, la Santé, l'environnement, l'information, l'éducation, ... défis actuels qui traversent la société africaine contemporaine, permettent de définir des projets concrets pour révéler les processus de Biens Communs en Afrique. Ces recherches-actions doivent nous permettre de dévoiler les pratiques et les enjeux des biens communs, d'articuler la recherche sur les communs, en Afrique, aux débats généraux sur les définitions et la cartographie des communs d’une part, et, d’autre part, de contribuer à enrichir l’agenda international des communs.richir l’agenda international des communs.)
  • Glossaire des biens communs  + (Préserver et enrichir le vocabulaire des bPréserver et enrichir le vocabulaire des biens communs en français est un double enjeu pour le mouvement des communs. En élaborant un glossaire, les acteurs des biens communs se donnent une base de définitions en même temps qu’ils proposent une grille de lecture du réel basée sur le paradigme des biens communs. En outre cette démarche contribue aussi à lutter contre les phénomènes de « commons washing » qui émergent aujourd’hui. </br></br>Notre projet vise à rassembler un ensemble de termes qui sont assez largement utilisés sans que leur définition soit toujours claire. Nous nous attacherons à croiser des définitions émanent de points de vues différents (différents acteurs, différents domaines d’action ou disciplines, différents registres de définition, …) et à les mettre en regard. Enfin, nous pourrons apporter des ressources documentaires sur ces termes.  ressources documentaires sur ces termes. )
  • TRAVAILLER ENSEMBLE en Territoire Zéro Chômeur de Longue Durée  + (« TRAVAILLER ENSEMBLE EN TERRITOIRE ZÉRO C« TRAVAILLER ENSEMBLE EN TERRITOIRE ZÉRO CHÔMEUR DE LONGUE DURÉE » est un film documentaire réalisé par l’association « Autour du Premier Mai » avec de l’Entreprise à but d’emploi « La Fabrique », en Lorraine. Ce film permet de rentrer dans le quotidien de cette expérience de retour à l’emploi pour des chômeurs de longue durée et de les entendre échanger sur le travail avec Florence Jany-Catrice, une économiste spécialiste de cette initiative.conomiste spécialiste de cette initiative.)
 (Cercle de gouvernance déclaré lors de la création de l'association Remix the commons - Remix en-commun(s))
  • Définition des communs selon Michel Bauwens (2013)  + ("Basically for me the commons is leading y"Basically for me the commons is leading your life and always thinking about how all other beings can benefit from it; so not only humanity but actually all living beings. So just yes it has to nourish yourself, but to do it in such a way that it also nourishes and spreads the benefits to more and more people. As opposed to the way it is supposed to work in our system which is simply as a question “how does it benefit me?”, and just hoping that somehow, indirectly, others may benefit from our selfishness. So I think we have to more directly pose the necessity and idea of everything we do has to create value for all living beings".as to create value for all living beings".)
  • Construisons ensemble - Auto construction d'éoliennes  + ("Construisons Ensemble - Un travail collec"Construisons Ensemble - Un travail collectif d'auto-construction d'éolienne riche de sens" est le 4ème épisode de la web-série documentaire sur les alternatives (http://www.side-ways.netSideWays). En une semaine, un groupe de 10 personnes va construire deux éoliennes avec un formateur expérimenté. Tout en apprenant le travail du bois, du métal et de l'électricité, les membres vont découvrir une autre manière de travailler. découvrez le magazine multimédia : http://www.side-ways.net/episode4).</br></br>Le tournage a eu lieu lors du stage organisé à Henripont (Belgique) par Peter du 28 octobre au 2 novembre 2013. Mélanie et Aurélien, un jeune couple de Moselle, vivent dans une petite maison en bois. Pour des raisons pratiques et économiques, ils souhaitent devenir autonomes en électricité. Après de nombreuses recherches, ils se rendent compte que c'est plus compliqué qu'ils ne le pensent et qu'il faut éviter les nombreuses arnaques dans ce secteur. Ils décident alors de participer à un stage d'auto-construction d'éolienne avec l'association Tripalium.</br></br>'''Tripalium''' est une association fondée en 2007. Elle propose régulièrement des stages d'auto-construction d'éolienne ouverts à tous.''' Que l'on soit manuel ou non, tout le monde peut participer au stage et apprendre les différents métiers nécessaires à sa construction : travail du bois, du métal et de l'électricité.</br></br>Pendant un stage d'une semaine, une ou deux éoliennes sont fabriquées par le groupe. Elles sont alors tirées au sort parmi les participants qui souhaitent l'acheter. Le coût correspond alors au prix des matériaux bruts nécessaires à la construction. Mélanie et Aurélien participent au stage qui a lieu à Henripont, un petit village belge situé à une trentaine de kilomètres de Bruxelles.</br></br>Dans un habitat groupé très vivant, Peter commence à organiser des stages d'auto-construction de toutes sortes pour participer à la transmission de savoirs-faire variés. Après une brève présentation théorique, la dizaine de stagiaires aux profils et compétences très variés se met au travail avec une motivation perceptible. Il y a trois ateliers et tout le monde s'organise comme il le souhaite. Cela facilite les collaborations entre les participants et développe les échanges de savoirs. Toutes les indications sont présentes dans le guide d'auto-construction d'éolienne fourni par Tripalium dès de lundi matin. Ainsi, Jay Hudnall, le formateur, n'est qu'une personne parmi tant d'autres qui possède des connaissances spécifiques.</br></br>Cette organisation collaborative correspond bien à l'esprit de Tripalium et de Ti'éole, l'entreprise d'éolienne dont Jay est également le maître d'oeuvre. Lorsqu'il monte une éolienne chez un particulier, il demande à cette personne de participer au travail. Elle est ainsi plus autonome en cas de problème.</br></br>http://side-ways.net/episode4/#sthash.3F3QWeby.dpufde-ways.net/episode4/#sthash.3F3QWeby.dpuf)
  • 08 Déplier la finance  + (''Déplier la finance, retour sur le rôle d''Déplier la finance, retour sur le rôle de passeur de connaissances du séminaire de SSFA 1998-2018'' a été présenté lors de la Table ronde : La finance depuis le prisme des sciences sociales, organisée dans le cadre de la Semaine du Management, FNEGE 1968-2018, Session RIODD - FINANCE AUTREMENT le 25 mai 2018. RIODD - FINANCE AUTREMENT le 25 mai 2018.)
  • 100 en 1 jour Montréal: la ville comme bien commun  + (100 actions citoyennes le 5 octobre 2013 à Montréal. Un festival de création urbaine durant lequel les citoyens se réapproprient leur ville et y créent un meilleur endroit où vivre." http://www.100en1jourmontreal.com/)
  • How Does the Commons Work?  + ( :FR Cette animation vidéo, illustre quelq</br>:FR</br>Cette animation vidéo, illustre quelques-unes des principales caractéristiques de la vision de David Bollier sur la façon dont nous pouvons gérer «les biens communs» de manière équitable pour transformer le système actuel sur la base du paradigme des communs.</br></br>:EN</br>How can we use "commoning" as a process to transform the social paradigm of our current system? In this paper for our "New Systems: Possibilities and Proposals" series exploring viable political-economic alternatives to the present order, economist David Bollier suggests we rethink the traditional "tragedy of the commons" argument, moving instead toward new and innovative ways to equitably manage shared resources. </br></br>In this stop-motion video animation, we illustrate some of the principal features of David Bollier’s vision for how we can manage "the commons" in an equitable fashion to transform our current system.</br>le fashion to transform our current system. )
  • Chargement/Site  + (<blockquote><p> Interview de P<blockquote><p> Interview de Philippe Minard sur l’ouvrage de l’historien britannique E. P. Thompson: Whigs and Hunters : The Origin of the Black Act, traduit et publié en français en 2014.</br></p></blockquote></br><p><iframe loading="lazy" frameborder="0" width="400" height="225" src="http://www.dailymotion.com/embed/video/x1b1xbe?logo=0" allowfullscreen></iframe><br /><a href="http://www.dailymotion.com/video/x1b1xbe_philippe-minard-boite-a-idees_news" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Philippe Minard. Boîte à Idées</a> <i>par <a href="http://www.dailymotion.com/Mediapart" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Mediapart</a></i></p></br><p>A propos de la Guerre des Forêts, de Edward P. Thompson</p></br><p>L’ouvrage, paru à Londres en 1975, est une enquête vivante d’histoire sociale : au début du XVIIIe siècle, un conflit oppose, d’un côté, les propriétaires et administrateurs de la forêt – celle de Windsor notamment – et, de l’autre, ses usagers. Au point qu’une loi promulguée en 1723 punit de mort certains des usages coutumiers : ce « Black Act », ainsi nommé parce que les braconniers se couvraient le visage de suie, est particulièrement impitoyable : si un vol de cerf est un crime capital, l’abattage de jeunes arbres ou la mutilation du bétail peuvent conduire aussi la potence. Les habitants des forêts opposent, à cette répression « sanguinaire », le droit coutumier des usages collectifs (droits de pâturage, d’extraction de tourbe, d’abattage et de ramassage du bois…).</p></br><p>Ainsi, outre la mise en place d’une évidente « politique de classes », ce que Thompson, grande figure intellectuelle inspirée par le marxisme et pionnier de « l’histoire par le bas », nous oblige à penser, c’est un monde dans lequel survivaient, avant que le XVIIIe siècle ne les arase au profit d’une conception exclusive, des modes et des degrés de propriété fort différents : « Ce qui était en jeu, écrit-il, (…) c’était des définitions concurrentes du droit de la propriété : pour le propriétaire terrien, l’enclosure ; pour le petit paysan, les droits collectifs ; pour les autorités de la forêt, les “chasses gardées” des cerfs ; pour les habitants des forêts, le droit de prélever de la tourbe ».</p></br><p>Selon Philippe Minard, c’est l’un des aspects les plus frappants de cet ouvrage : « Thompson nous aide à penser la diversité des régimes d’accès possibles, tout ce qui existe entre la propriété individuelle et l’absence totale de propriété. » Resurgi dans les années 1970, à la faveur de l’écologie (quand il a fallu déterminer à qui appartenaient les forêts, les océans ou encore l’atmosphère, en passe d’être durablement souillés), ce questionnement s’est poursuivi avec le développement d’Internet. Depuis la fin des années 1990, des activistes se battent contre tout ce qui entrave la circulation et l’appropriation collective des connaissances, en faisant explicitement référence aux pratiques des droits collectifs et des commons. Il se déroule sur le Net, selon eux, ce que Thompson décrivait dans les forêts anglaises : « Un conflit entre les utilisateurs et les exploiteurs. »</p></br><p>Extrait de : A l’usage de tous. « La Guerre des forêts », d’Edward P. Thompson dans LE MONDE DES LIVRES | 23.01.2014 | Julie Clarini </p>;/p> <p>Extrait de : A l’usage de tous. « La Guerre des forêts », d’Edward P. Thompson dans LE MONDE DES LIVRES | 23.01.2014 | Julie Clarini </p>)
  • Chargement/Site  + (<blockquote><p>6 months after <blockquote><p>6 months after the World Social Forum, our Documentation / Card Play tool on the commons is ready to circulate, to animate conversations and to help you to move the commons close to you!</p></blockquote></br><p><img decoding="async" loading="lazy" class="aligncenter size-medium wp-image-4621" src="https://www.remixthecommons.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/03/IMG_0071-1024x768-300x225.jpg" alt="IMG_0071-1024x768" width="800" height="600" /></p></br><p>C@rds in Common is a game where 2 to 5 players collaborate to build a resilient civil society that defends the commons against the forces of monopolization. Apart from the pleasure of playing, C@rds in common was conceived as a means of documenting the presence of the commons at the Commons Space, an ephemeral encounter at the World Social Forum in Montreal in August 2016. The cards that composed the game were designed by volunteers who shared their vision and experience of the commons and the game mecanism designed by Mathieu Rhéaume and his team. This experience suggests that it would be possible to use the same approach and these methodological tools to document the commons in other local contexts, alike your neighborhood, or thematics as the commons of knowledge for example. We look forward to such experiments!</p></br><p>To learn more about the game, have a look at the <a href="http://cartesencommun.cc">website</a>.</p></br><p>The game is released on demand by The Game Crafter in the US for $ 22.99 each plus shipping and customs via: <a href="https://www.thegamecrafter.com/games/c-rds-in-common">https://www.thegamecrafter.com</a></p></br><p>To reduce shipping and customs for Europeans, we are launching a bulk order and hopefully this will bring the cost of each game delivered to Europe to around US $ 30/35.</p></br><p>If you wish to participate in this first bulk order, fill in <a href="https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfVa7DsY3rbjkxPoui-KzHqpPtmhhV1_KBstEMebKWVceaPnQ/viewform?c=0&w=1">the form</a> before March 18th at 20:00 GMT.</p></br><p>You will also have to pay an advance corresponding only to the price of the game(s) ordered. The remainder to be paid (port and customs) will be asked when the order is completed, when we will know the costs of postage and customs.</p></br><p>Then, be patient! The group order will be initiated on 19 March and will arrive in Paris during the month of April. As soon as they arrive in Paris, the games will be mailed to their recipients.</p>>Then, be patient! The group order will be initiated on 19 March and will arrive in Paris during the month of April. As soon as they arrive in Paris, the games will be mailed to their recipients.</p>)
  • Chargement/Site  + (<blockquote><p><strong>E<blockquote><p><strong>Entrevue avec Joan Subirats(1) par Alain Ambrosi Mai 2018 </strong></p></blockquote></br><blockquote><p>Joan Subirats est commissaire à la culture de la ville de Barcelone, dirigée par le groupe Barcelona en comu. Il est également professeur de sciences politiques à l’Universitat autonoma de Barcelona et fondateur de l’Institut sur la gouvernance et les politiques publiques (IGOP). Dans cette interview en anglais, il présente les enjeux de la politique culturelle pour la municipalité de Barcelone actuellement dirigée par Barcelona en Comù.</p></blockquote></br><figure style="width: 800px" class="wp-caption alignleft"><img decoding="async" loading="lazy" class="size-full" src="https://s1.qwant.com/thumbr/0x380/b/4/cf4cf4f48af794bc54dc5384e88975c9e7cd020dbccf80dc35882a989230be/joan%20subirats.jpg?u=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.fepsu.es%2Fimage%2Fjoan%2520subirats.jpg&q=0&b=1&p=0&a=1" alt="Joan Subirats (UAB) Conferencia FEPSU 2016" width="800" height="400" /><figcaption class="wp-caption-text">Joan Subirats (UAB) Conferencia FEPSU 2016</figcaption></figure></br><p><strong>AA</strong></p></br><ul>: In your recent article in La Vanguardia(2), you set out a framework for a cultural policy, you refer to putting into practice the key community values that should underpin that policy… Maybe we could start there?</ul></br><p><strong>JS</strong>: For me, whereas in the 20th century the defining conflict was between freedom and equality – and this marked the tension between right and left throughout the 20th century because in a way this is the frame in which capitalism and the need for social protection evolved together with the commodification of life while at the same time the market called for freedom – ie: no rules, no submission. But the need for protection demanded equality. But in the 21st century there is rejection of the notion of protection linked to statism: Nancy Fraser published an article(3) in the New Left Review, it is a re-reading of Polanyi and she claims that this double movement between commodification and protection is still valid, but that the State-based protection typical of the 20th century, where equality is guaranteed by the State, clashes since the end of the 20th century with the growing importance of heterogeneity, diversity and personal autonomy. Therefore, if in order to obtain equality, we have to be dependent on what the State does, this is going to be a contradiction…. So we could translate those values that informed the definition of policies in the 20th century, in 21st century terms they would be the idea of freedom (or personal autonomy, the idea of empowerment, not subjection, non-dependence) and at the same time equality, but no longer simply equality of opportunities but also equality of condition because we have to compensate for what is not the same (equal) in society. If you say « equal opportunities », that everyone has access to cultural facilities, to libraries, you are disregarding the fact that the starting conditions of people are not the same, this is the great contribution of Amartya Sen, no? You have to compensate for unequal starting situations because otherwise you depoliticize inequality and consider that inequality is the result of people’s lack of effort to get out of poverty. So equality yes, but the approach is different. And we must incorporate the idea of diversity as a key element in the recognition of people and groups on the basis of their specific dignity. That seems easy to say, but in reality it is complicated, especially if you relate it to culture, because culture has to do with all these things: it has to do with the construction of your personality, it has to do with equal access to culture just as cultural rights and culture have to do with the recognition of different forms of knowledge and culture – canonical culture, high culture, popular culture, everyday culture, neighbourhood culture …<br /></br>So for me, a cultural policy should be framed within the triple focus of personal autonomy, equality and diversity. And this is contradictory, in part, with the cultural policies developed in the past, where there is usually confusion between equality and homogeneity. In other words, the left has tended to consider that equality meant the same thing for everyone and that is wrong, isn’t it?, because you are confusing equality with homogeneity. The opposite of equality is inequality, the opposite of homogeneity is diversity. So you have to work with equality and diversity as values that are not antagonistic, but can be complementary. And this is a challenge for public institutions because they do not like heterogeneity, they find it complicated because it is simpler to treat everyone the same, as the administrative law manual used to prescribe `indifferent efficiency’: it is a way of understanding inequality as indifference, right?</p></br><p><strong>AA</strong></p></br><ul>: In your article you also talk about the opposition between investing in infrastructures versus creating spaces and environments that are attractive to creators and you put an emphasis on the generation of spaces. What is being done, what has been done, what could be done about this?</ul></br><p><strong>JS</strong> : In Barcelona we want to ensure that the city’s cultural policies do not imply producing culture itself, but rather to try to influence the values in the production processes that already exist, in the facilities, in the cultural and artistic infrastructures: the role of the city council, of the municipality, is not so much to produce culture as to contribute to the production of culture. Which is different, helping to produce culture…. Obviously, the city council will give priority to those initiatives that coincide with the values, with the normative approach that we promote. There are some exceptions, for example, the Grec festival in Barcelona(4) in July, or the Mercé(5), which is the Festa Mayor, where the city council does in fact subsidize the production of culture, so some productions are subsidised but generally what we have is a policy of aid to creators. What is being done is that 11 creative factories (fablabs) have been built, these are factories with collectives that manage them chosen through public tenders. There are now 3 factories of circus and visual arts, 2 factories of dance creation, one factory of more global creation housed at Fabra & Coats, 3 theatre factories and 2 visual arts and technology sites. So there are 11 factories of different sorts and there are plans to create others, for example in the field of feminist culture where we are in discussion with a very well consolidated group : normally all these creative factories have their management entrusted to collectives that already become highly consolidated in the process of creation and that need a space to ensure their continuity. Often the city council will cede municipal spaces to these collectives, sometimes through public competitions where the creators are asked to present their project for directing a factory. This is one aspect. Another aspect is what is called living culture, which is a programme for the promotion of cultural activities that arise from the community or from collectives in the form of cooperatives and this is a process of aid to collectives that are already functioning, or occasionally to highlight cultural activities and cultural dynamics that have existed for a long time but have not been dignified, that have not been valued, for example the Catalan rumba of the Gypsies, which is a very important movement in Barcelona that emerged from the gypsy community of El Raval, where there were some very famous artists like Peret. There we invested in creating a group to work on the historical memory of the rumba, looking for the roots of this movement, where it came from and why. Then some signposts were set up in streets where this took place, such as La Cera in El Raval, where there are two murals that symbolise the history of the Catalan rumba and the gypsy community in this area so that this type of thing is publicly visible. That is the key issue for culture: a recognition that there are many different cultures.</p></br><p>Then there is the area of civic centres: approximately 15% of the civic centres in the city are managed by civic entities as citizen heritage, and those civic centres also have cultural activities that they decide on, and the city council, the municipality helps them develop the ideas put forward by the entities that manage those centres.</p></br><p>So, if we put all those things together, we could talk about a culture of the urban commons. It is still early stages, this is still more of a concept than a reality, but the underlying idea is that in the end the density and the autonomous cultural-social fabric will be strong enough to be resilient to political changes. In other words, that you have helped to build cultural practices and communities that are strong and autonomous enough that they are not dependent on the political conjuncture. This would be ideal. A bit like the example I often cite about the housing cooperatives in Copenhagen, that there was 50% public housing in Copenhagen, and a right-wing government privatised 17% of that public housing, but it couldn’t touch the 33% of housing that was in the hands of co-operatives. Collective social capital has been more resilient than state assets: the latter is more vulnerable to changes in political majorities.</p></br><p><strong>AA</strong></p></br><ul>: You also speak of situated culture which I think is very important: setting it in time and space. Now Facebook has announced it is coming to Barcelona so the Barcelona brand is going to be a brand that includes Facebook and its allies. But your conception of a situated culture is more about a culture where social innovation, participation, popular creativity in the community are very important…</ul></br><p><strong>JS</strong> : Yes, it seems contradictory. In fact what you’re asking is the extent to which it makes sense to talk about situated culture in an increasingly globalized environment which is more and more dependent on global platforms. I believe that tension exists and conflict exists, this is undeniable, the city is a zone of conflict, therefore, the first thing we have to accept is that the city is a battleground between political alternatives with different cultural models. It is very difficult for a city council to set out univocal views of a cultural reality that is intrinsically plural. Talking about situated culture is an attempt to highlight the significance of the distinguishing factors that Barcelona possesses in its cultural production. This does not mean that this situated culture should be a strictly localist culture – a situated culture does not mean a culture that cuts off global links – it is a culture that relates to the global on the basis of its own specificity. What is most reprehensible from my point of view are cultural dynamics that have a global logic but that can just as well be here or anywhere else. And it’s true that the platforms generate this. An example: the other day the former minister of culture of Brazil, Lluca Ferreira, was here and talked about a program of living culture they developed, and they posted a photograph of some indigenous people where the man wore something that covered his pubic parts but the woman’s breasts were naked. So Facebook took the photograph off the site, and when the Minister called Facebook Brazil to say ‘what is going on?’, they told him that they didn’t have any duty towards the Brazilian government, that the only control over them was from a judge in San Francisco and that, therefore, if the judge in San Francisco forced them to put the photograph back, they would put it back, otherwise they wouldn’t have to listen to any minister from Brazil or anywhere else. In the end, there was a public movement of protest, and they put the photo back. The same thing happened here a few days ago, a group from a municipal theatre creation factory put up a poster with a man’s ass advertising a play by Virginia Wolff and Facebook took their entire account off the net – not just the photograph, they totally removed them from Facebook. And here too Facebook said that they are independent and that only the judge from San Francisco and so on. I believe that this is the opposite of situated culture because it is a global cultural logic, but at the same time it allows itself to be censored in Saudi Arabia, in China, that is to say it has different codes in each place. So to speak of situated culture means to speak of social transformation, of the relationship between culture and social transformation situated in the context in which you are working. But at the same time to have the will to dialogue with similar processes that exist in any other part of the world and that is the strength of a situated culture. And those processes of mutuality, of hybridization, that can happen when you have a Pakistani community here, you have a Filipino community, you have a Chinese community, you have a Gypsy community, you have an Italian community, you have an Argentinean community: they can be treated as typical folkloric elements in a theme park, or you can try to generate hybridization processes. Now at the Festival Grec this year there will be poetry in Urdu from the Pakistanis, there will be a Filipino theatre coming and a Filipino film fest at the Filmoteca – and this means mixing, situating, the cultural debate in the space where it is happening and trying to steep it in issues of cultural diversity. What I understand is that we need to strive for a local that is increasingly global, that this dialogue between the local and the global is very important.</p></br><p><strong>AA</strong></p></br><ul>: Returning to social innovation and popular creativity, social innovation is also a concept taken up pretty much everywhere: how is it understood here? Taking into account that in the world of the commons, Catalonia, and especially Barcelona, is very well known for its fablabs, which are also situated in this new era. How then do you understand social innovation and how do you see the relationship between education and social innovation?</ul></br><p><strong>JS</strong> : What I am trying to convey is that the traditional education system is doing little to prepare people and to enhance inclusive logics in our changing and transforming society, so in very broad lines I would say that if health and education were the basic redistributive policies of the 20th century, in the 21st century we must incorporate culture as a basic redistributive policy. Because before, the job market had very specific demands for the education sector: it knew very well what types of job profiles it needed because there was a very Taylorist logic to the world of work – what is the profile of a baker, of a plumber, of a miller? How many years you have to study for this kind of work. There is now a great deal of uncertainty about the future of the labour market, about how people will be able to work in the future and the key words that appear are innovation, creativity, entrepreneurship, flexibility, ability to understand a diverse world, teamwork , being open to new ideas: this has little to do with traditional educational profiles, but it has much to do with culture, with things that allow you to acquire that backpack of basic tools that will help you navigate in a much more uncertain environment. And for me, to find the right connection between culture and education is very important because it allows the educational system to constantly transform itself by taking advantage of the creative potential of an environment that is much more accessible now than before because of new technologies, and therefore to make the transition from a deductive system where there is a teacher who knows and tells people what they need to know – to an inductive system: how do we explore what we need to know in order to be able to act. And that more inductive, more experimental logic has to do with creativity whereas the traditional education system didn’t postulate creativity, it postulated your ability to learn what someone else had decided you needed to study. It’s art, it is culture that allows you to play in that field much more easily …</p></br><p><strong> Translated from Spanish by Nancy Thede.</strong></p></br><p>1 Joan Subirats is Commissioner for culture in the city government of Barcelona led by the group Barcelona en comu. He is also professor of political science at the Universitat<br /></br>autonoma de Barcelona and founder of the Institute on Governance and Public Policy.</p></br><p>2 « Salvara la cultura a las ciudades? », La Vanguardia (Barcelona), Culturals supplement, 12<br /></br>May 2018, pp. 20-21. https://www.lavanguardia.com/cultura/20180511/443518454074/cultura-ciudadesbarcelona-crisis.html</p></br><p>3 Nancy Fraser, « A Triple Movement », New Left Review 81, May-June 2013. Published in Spanish in Jean-Louis Laville and José Luis Coraggio (Eds.), La izquierda del<br /></br>siglo XXI. Ideas y diálogo Norte-Sur para un proyecto necesario Icaria, Madrid 2018.</p></br><p>4 Festival Grec, an annual multidisciplinary festival in Barcelona, now in its 42nd year. It is<br /></br>named for the Greek Theatre built for the 1929 Universal Exhibition in Barcelona:<br /></br>http://lameva.barcelona.cat/grec/en/.</p></br><p>5 Barcelona’s annual ‘Festival of Festivals’ begins on Sept 24, day of Our Lady of Mercy, a city holiday in Barcelona. It especially highlights catalan and barcelonian cultural traditions and in recent years has especially featured neighbourhood cultural activities like street theatre. See: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/La_Mercè.</p>nnual ‘Festival of Festivals’ begins on Sept 24, day of Our Lady of Mercy, a city holiday in Barcelona. It especially highlights catalan and barcelonian cultural traditions and in recent years has especially featured neighbourhood cultural activities like street theatre. See: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/La_Mercè.</p>)
  • Chargement/Site  + (<blockquote><p><strong>E<blockquote><p><strong>Entrevue avec Joan Subirats(1) par Alain Ambrosi Mai 2018 </strong></p></blockquote></br><blockquote><p>Joan Subirats est commissaire à la culture de la ville de Barcelone, dirigée par le groupe Barcelona en comu. Il est également professeur de sciences politiques à l’Universitat autonoma de Barcelona et fondateur de l’Institut sur la gouvernance et les politiques publiques (IGOP). Dans cette interview en anglais, il présente les enjeux de la politique culturelle pour la municipalité de Barcelone actuellement dirigée par Barcelona en Comù.</p></blockquote></br><figure style="width: 800px" class="wp-caption alignleft"><img decoding="async" loading="lazy" class="size-full" src="https://s1.qwant.com/thumbr/0x380/b/4/cf4cf4f48af794bc54dc5384e88975c9e7cd020dbccf80dc35882a989230be/joan%20subirats.jpg?u=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.fepsu.es%2Fimage%2Fjoan%2520subirats.jpg&q=0&b=1&p=0&a=1" alt="Joan Subirats (UAB) Conferencia FEPSU 2016" width="800" height="400" /><figcaption class="wp-caption-text">Joan Subirats (UAB) Conferencia FEPSU 2016</figcaption></figure></br><p><strong>AA</strong></p></br><ul>: In your recent article in La Vanguardia(2), you set out a framework for a cultural policy, you refer to putting into practice the key community values that should underpin that policy… Maybe we could start there?</ul></br><p><strong>JS</strong>: For me, whereas in the 20th century the defining conflict was between freedom and equality – and this marked the tension between right and left throughout the 20th century because in a way this is the frame in which capitalism and the need for social protection evolved together with the commodification of life while at the same time the market called for freedom – ie: no rules, no submission. But the need for protection demanded equality. But in the 21st century there is rejection of the notion of protection linked to statism: Nancy Fraser published an article(3) in the New Left Review, it is a re-reading of Polanyi and she claims that this double movement between commodification and protection is still valid, but that the State-based protection typical of the 20th century, where equality is guaranteed by the State, clashes since the end of the 20th century with the growing importance of heterogeneity, diversity and personal autonomy. Therefore, if in order to obtain equality, we have to be dependent on what the State does, this is going to be a contradiction…. So we could translate those values that informed the definition of policies in the 20th century, in 21st century terms they would be the idea of freedom (or personal autonomy, the idea of empowerment, not subjection, non-dependence) and at the same time equality, but no longer simply equality of opportunities but also equality of condition because we have to compensate for what is not the same (equal) in society. If you say « equal opportunities », that everyone has access to cultural facilities, to libraries, you are disregarding the fact that the starting conditions of people are not the same, this is the great contribution of Amartya Sen, no? You have to compensate for unequal starting situations because otherwise you depoliticize inequality and consider that inequality is the result of people’s lack of effort to get out of poverty. So equality yes, but the approach is different. And we must incorporate the idea of diversity as a key element in the recognition of people and groups on the basis of their specific dignity. That seems easy to say, but in reality it is complicated, especially if you relate it to culture, because culture has to do with all these things: it has to do with the construction of your personality, it has to do with equal access to culture just as cultural rights and culture have to do with the recognition of different forms of knowledge and culture – canonical culture, high culture, popular culture, everyday culture, neighbourhood culture …<br /></br>So for me, a cultural policy should be framed within the triple focus of personal autonomy, equality and diversity. And this is contradictory, in part, with the cultural policies developed in the past, where there is usually confusion between equality and homogeneity. In other words, the left has tended to consider that equality meant the same thing for everyone and that is wrong, isn’t it?, because you are confusing equality with homogeneity. The opposite of equality is inequality, the opposite of homogeneity is diversity. So you have to work with equality and diversity as values that are not antagonistic, but can be complementary. And this is a challenge for public institutions because they do not like heterogeneity, they find it complicated because it is simpler to treat everyone the same, as the administrative law manual used to prescribe `indifferent efficiency’: it is a way of understanding inequality as indifference, right?</p></br><p><strong>AA</strong></p></br><ul>: In your article you also talk about the opposition between investing in infrastructures versus creating spaces and environments that are attractive to creators and you put an emphasis on the generation of spaces. What is being done, what has been done, what could be done about this?</ul></br><p><strong>JS</strong> : In Barcelona we want to ensure that the city’s cultural policies do not imply producing culture itself, but rather to try to influence the values in the production processes that already exist, in the facilities, in the cultural and artistic infrastructures: the role of the city council, of the municipality, is not so much to produce culture as to contribute to the production of culture. Which is different, helping to produce culture…. Obviously, the city council will give priority to those initiatives that coincide with the values, with the normative approach that we promote. There are some exceptions, for example, the Grec festival in Barcelona(4) in July, or the Mercé(5), which is the Festa Mayor, where the city council does in fact subsidize the production of culture, so some productions are subsidised but generally what we have is a policy of aid to creators. What is being done is that 11 creative factories (fablabs) have been built, these are factories with collectives that manage them chosen through public tenders. There are now 3 factories of circus and visual arts, 2 factories of dance creation, one factory of more global creation housed at Fabra & Coats, 3 theatre factories and 2 visual arts and technology sites. So there are 11 factories of different sorts and there are plans to create others, for example in the field of feminist culture where we are in discussion with a very well consolidated group : normally all these creative factories have their management entrusted to collectives that already become highly consolidated in the process of creation and that need a space to ensure their continuity. Often the city council will cede municipal spaces to these collectives, sometimes through public competitions where the creators are asked to present their project for directing a factory. This is one aspect. Another aspect is what is called living culture, which is a programme for the promotion of cultural activities that arise from the community or from collectives in the form of cooperatives and this is a process of aid to collectives that are already functioning, or occasionally to highlight cultural activities and cultural dynamics that have existed for a long time but have not been dignified, that have not been valued, for example the Catalan rumba of the Gypsies, which is a very important movement in Barcelona that emerged from the gypsy community of El Raval, where there were some very famous artists like Peret. There we invested in creating a group to work on the historical memory of the rumba, looking for the roots of this movement, where it came from and why. Then some signposts were set up in streets where this took place, such as La Cera in El Raval, where there are two murals that symbolise the history of the Catalan rumba and the gypsy community in this area so that this type of thing is publicly visible. That is the key issue for culture: a recognition that there are many different cultures.</p></br><p>Then there is the area of civic centres: approximately 15% of the civic centres in the city are managed by civic entities as citizen heritage, and those civic centres also have cultural activities that they decide on, and the city council, the municipality helps them develop the ideas put forward by the entities that manage those centres.</p></br><p>So, if we put all those things together, we could talk about a culture of the urban commons. It is still early stages, this is still more of a concept than a reality, but the underlying idea is that in the end the density and the autonomous cultural-social fabric will be strong enough to be resilient to political changes. In other words, that you have helped to build cultural practices and communities that are strong and autonomous enough that they are not dependent on the political conjuncture. This would be ideal. A bit like the example I often cite about the housing cooperatives in Copenhagen, that there was 50% public housing in Copenhagen, and a right-wing government privatised 17% of that public housing, but it couldn’t touch the 33% of housing that was in the hands of co-operatives. Collective social capital has been more resilient than state assets: the latter is more vulnerable to changes in political majorities.</p></br><p><strong>AA</strong></p></br><ul>: You also speak of situated culture which I think is very important: setting it in time and space. Now Facebook has announced it is coming to Barcelona so the Barcelona brand is going to be a brand that includes Facebook and its allies. But your conception of a situated culture is more about a culture where social innovation, participation, popular creativity in the community are very important…</ul></br><p><strong>JS</strong> : Yes, it seems contradictory. In fact what you’re asking is the extent to which it makes sense to talk about situated culture in an increasingly globalized environment which is more and more dependent on global platforms. I believe that tension exists and conflict exists, this is undeniable, the city is a zone of conflict, therefore, the first thing we have to accept is that the city is a battleground between political alternatives with different cultural models. It is very difficult for a city council to set out univocal views of a cultural reality that is intrinsically plural. Talking about situated culture is an attempt to highlight the significance of the distinguishing factors that Barcelona possesses in its cultural production. This does not mean that this situated culture should be a strictly localist culture – a situated culture does not mean a culture that cuts off global links – it is a culture that relates to the global on the basis of its own specificity. What is most reprehensible from my point of view are cultural dynamics that have a global logic but that can just as well be here or anywhere else. And it’s true that the platforms generate this. An example: the other day the former minister of culture of Brazil, Lluca Ferreira, was here and talked about a program of living culture they developed, and they posted a photograph of some indigenous people where the man wore something that covered his pubic parts but the woman’s breasts were naked. So Facebook took the photograph off the site, and when the Minister called Facebook Brazil to say ‘what is going on?’, they told him that they didn’t have any duty towards the Brazilian government, that the only control over them was from a judge in San Francisco and that, therefore, if the judge in San Francisco forced them to put the photograph back, they would put it back, otherwise they wouldn’t have to listen to any minister from Brazil or anywhere else. In the end, there was a public movement of protest, and they put the photo back. The same thing happened here a few days ago, a group from a municipal theatre creation factory put up a poster with a man’s ass advertising a play by Virginia Wolff and Facebook took their entire account off the net – not just the photograph, they totally removed them from Facebook. And here too Facebook said that they are independent and that only the judge from San Francisco and so on. I believe that this is the opposite of situated culture because it is a global cultural logic, but at the same time it allows itself to be censored in Saudi Arabia, in China, that is to say it has different codes in each place. So to speak of situated culture means to speak of social transformation, of the relationship between culture and social transformation situated in the context in which you are working. But at the same time to have the will to dialogue with similar processes that exist in any other part of the world and that is the strength of a situated culture. And those processes of mutuality, of hybridization, that can happen when you have a Pakistani community here, you have a Filipino community, you have a Chinese community, you have a Gypsy community, you have an Italian community, you have an Argentinean community: they can be treated as typical folkloric elements in a theme park, or you can try to generate hybridization processes. Now at the Festival Grec this year there will be poetry in Urdu from the Pakistanis, there will be a Filipino theatre coming and a Filipino film fest at the Filmoteca – and this means mixing, situating, the cultural debate in the space where it is happening and trying to steep it in issues of cultural diversity. What I understand is that we need to strive for a local that is increasingly global, that this dialogue between the local and the global is very important.</p></br><p><strong>AA</strong></p></br><ul>: Returning to social innovation and popular creativity, social innovation is also a concept taken up pretty much everywhere: how is it understood here? Taking into account that in the world of the commons, Catalonia, and especially Barcelona, is very well known for its fablabs, which are also situated in this new era. How then do you understand social innovation and how do you see the relationship between education and social innovation?</ul></br><p><strong>JS</strong> : What I am trying to convey is that the traditional education system is doing little to prepare people and to enhance inclusive logics in our changing and transforming society, so in very broad lines I would say that if health and education were the basic redistributive policies of the 20th century, in the 21st century we must incorporate culture as a basic redistributive policy. Because before, the job market had very specific demands for the education sector: it knew very well what types of job profiles it needed because there was a very Taylorist logic to the world of work – what is the profile of a baker, of a plumber, of a miller? How many years you have to study for this kind of work. There is now a great deal of uncertainty about the future of the labour market, about how people will be able to work in the future and the key words that appear are innovation, creativity, entrepreneurship, flexibility, ability to understand a diverse world, teamwork , being open to new ideas: this has little to do with traditional educational profiles, but it has much to do with culture, with things that allow you to acquire that backpack of basic tools that will help you navigate in a much more uncertain environment. And for me, to find the right connection between culture and education is very important because it allows the educational system to constantly transform itself by taking advantage of the creative potential of an environment that is much more accessible now than before because of new technologies, and therefore to make the transition from a deductive system where there is a teacher who knows and tells people what they need to know – to an inductive system: how do we explore what we need to know in order to be able to act. And that more inductive, more experimental logic has to do with creativity whereas the traditional education system didn’t postulate creativity, it postulated your ability to learn what someone else had decided you needed to study. It’s art, it is culture that allows you to play in that field much more easily …</p></br><p><strong> Translated from Spanish by Nancy Thede.</strong></p></br><p>1 Joan Subirats is Commissioner for culture in the city government of Barcelona led by the group Barcelona en comu. He is also professor of political science at the Universitat<br /></br>autonoma de Barcelona and founder of the Institute on Governance and Public Policy.</p></br><p>2 « Salvara la cultura a las ciudades? », La Vanguardia (Barcelona), Culturals supplement, 12<br /></br>May 2018, pp. 20-21. https://www.lavanguardia.com/cultura/20180511/443518454074/cultura-ciudadesbarcelona-crisis.html</p></br><p>3 Nancy Fraser, « A Triple Movement », New Left Review 81, May-June 2013. Published in Spanish in Jean-Louis Laville and José Luis Coraggio (Eds.), La izquierda del<br /></br>siglo XXI. Ideas y diálogo Norte-Sur para un proyecto necesario Icaria, Madrid 2018.</p></br><p>4 Festival Grec, an annual multidisciplinary festival in Barcelona, now in its 42nd year. It is<br /></br>named for the Greek Theatre built for the 1929 Universal Exhibition in Barcelona:<br /></br>http://lameva.barcelona.cat/grec/en/.</p></br><p>5 Barcelona’s annual ‘Festival of Festivals’ begins on Sept 24, day of Our Lady of Mercy, a city holiday in Barcelona. It especially highlights catalan and barcelonian cultural traditions and in recent years has especially featured neighbourhood cultural activities like street theatre. See: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/La_Mercè.</p>nnual ‘Festival of Festivals’ begins on Sept 24, day of Our Lady of Mercy, a city holiday in Barcelona. It especially highlights catalan and barcelonian cultural traditions and in recent years has especially featured neighbourhood cultural activities like street theatre. See: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/La_Mercè.</p>)
  • Chargement/Site  + (<blockquote><p>A must read ! &<blockquote><p>A must read !</br></p></blockquote></br><p>PM Press has published the last book of Peter Linebaugh: <a href=" http://ift.tt/O62hZa ">Stop, Thief: The Commons, Enclosures, and Resistance</a>. </p></br><p> with chapters on Karl Marx, the Luddites, William Morris, Thomas Paine, indigenous peoples, is scheduled for March 1, but it is already available in ibook also … author of Magna Carta which can be found in the introduction of<a href="http://ift.tt/AmSWqc"> Libres Savoirs </a>.</p></br><p>Note that 2015 will be the 800th anniversary of the signing of the Magna Carta in Britain. It is a date to commemorate in 2015, while the same year will take place the COP 21 climate negotiations, the MDGs and probably, at the same time will happen the end of the negotiation of the transatlantic agreement (TAFTA). </p>and probably, at the same time will happen the end of the negotiation of the transatlantic agreement (TAFTA). </p>)
  • Chargement/Site  + (<blockquote><p>A workshop <<blockquote><p>A workshop <a href="http://mappingthecommons.net/">mapping the commons</a> will take place at Rio (Brazil) from 18 to 26 of october 2013, coordinated by <a href="http://hackitectura.net/">Pablo de Soto</a> with the collaboration of <a href="http://www.bernardogutierrez.es/">Bernardo Gutiérrez</a> and the support of MediaLab (Madrid).</br></p></blockquote></br><p><iframe loading="lazy" width="400" height="225" src="//www.youtube.com/embed/Nrtbi9gbuWw?rel=0" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen></iframe></p></br><p>Mapping the commons was developed by Pablo Soto. This initiative aims to produce with inhabitants, activists in the place, living maps, consisting of short video documentaries and vidéoposts. The proposed approach takes the form of an intense multi-day workshop with communication students and activists to find the Commons, define and make them visible in the territory by producing media that form the map.</p></br><p>Pablo Soto initiated this approach around urban commons of <a href="http://mappingthecommons.net/map-of-istanbul-commons/">istanbul</a> and <a href = "http://mappingthecommons.net/map-of-athens-commons/"> Athens </ a>. See the work done about <a href="http://mappingthecommons.net/taksim-square/"> Taksim Square </a>, whose privatization was one of the starting points of protest in Turkey this year. The mapping is a strategic tool. To research of the urban commons is a process of mapping the space, that Pablo Soto understand « as proposed by Deleuze and Guattari, and used many artists and activists during the last decade, as a <a href="http://cartografiaciudadana.net/athenscommons/auto.php"> performance</a> which can be thinking, artistic work, or social change ».</p></br><p>On 20 March 2013, a wikisprint was performed in Barcelona using the same principles and methodology . Under the title  » Global P2P  » , it was to map Common practices and P2P in Latin America and southern Europe. See in English <a href=" http://codigoabiertocc.wordpress.com/2013/08/07/globalp2p-the-wind-that-shook-the-net/"> # GlobalP2P , the wind that shook the net </a>.</p></br><p>Rio next step Mapping the commons is one of the cities that comes from living like the rest of Brazil, an intense social and political mobilization against international festivities that tend to <a href= "http:// scinfolex.wordpress.com/?s=Olympic"> privatize public space </a>. Many consider these mobilizations, their claims and modes of organization fall within the paradigm of Commons. See analysis on the subject of Bernardo Gutierrez in <a href="http://blogs.20minutos.es/codigo-abierto/2013/05/23/globalp2p-el-viento-que-desordeno-las-redes/">el viento that desordeno las redes</a> and Alexandre Mendes in <a href ="http://uninomade.net/tenda/a-atualidade-de-uma-democracia-das-mobilizacoes-e-do-comum/"> A atualidade uma das democracia mobilizacoes do comum e</a>.</p></br><p>To go further , we recommand to read the article <a href="http://www.academia.edu/2637017/Mapping_the_Commons_Workshop"> Mapping the Commons Workshop: Athens and Istanbul </a> , Pablo De Soto, Daphne Dragona , Aslihan Şenel , Demitri Delinikolas José Pérez de Lama</p>lt;p>To go further , we recommand to read the article <a href="http://www.academia.edu/2637017/Mapping_the_Commons_Workshop"> Mapping the Commons Workshop: Athens and Istanbul </a> , Pablo De Soto, Daphne Dragona , Aslihan Şenel , Demitri Delinikolas José Pérez de Lama</p>)
  • Chargement/Site  + (<blockquote><p>Ce post est la <blockquote><p>Ce post est la traduction de la présentation par David Bollier sur son <a href="http://bollier.org/blog/promise-%E2%80%9Copen-co-operativism%E2%80%9D">blog, </a>du rapport d’un atelier international de deux jours, sur le thème « Vers un Coopérativisme Ouvert, » qui s’est tenue en Août 2014 en Allemagne.</p></blockquote></br><p>Est-il possible d’imaginer une nouvelle sorte de synthèse ou de synergie entre le mouvcement émergent des communs et de la production entre pairs (P2P production) d’une part, et les éléments novateurs du mouvement de l’économie de coopération et de solidarité qui se développent de l’autre?</p></br><p>C’est la question qui animait un atelier de deux jours, « Vers un Coopérativisme Ouvert, » qui s’est tenue en Août 2014 et qui fait l’objet d’un nouveau rapport rédigé par l’expert du coopérativisme en Grande bretagne, Pat Conaty et moi-même. (Pat est membre de la New Economics Foundation et un associé de recherche des coopératives Royaume-Uni, et a assisté à l’atelier.)</p></br><p>L’atelier a été organisé parce que le mouvement des communs et de la production par les pairs partage une grande partie de leurs valeurs et de leurs approches avec les coopératives …. mais diffèrent aussi de manière profonde sur certains points. Les deux partagent la conviction profonde que la coopération sociale est une force économique et sociale constructive. Pourtant, ils tirent de leurs histoires, cultures, identités et aspirations, singulières des visions de l’avenir qui ne sont pas identiques. Il est très prometteur que ces deux mouvements cheminent plus étroitement ensemble, mais il ne faut pas ignorer les obstacles importants qui pourraient être rencontrés sur ce chemin.</p></br><p>L’atelier a exploré ce sujet, comme capturé par le sous-titre du rapport: «Une nouvelle économie sociale fondée sur les plates-formes ouvertes, des modèles coopératifs et les communs», organisée par le Commons Strategies Group à Berlin en Allemagne, le 27 Août et 28 2014. l’atelier a été soutenu par la Fondation Heinrich Böll, et la Fondation Charles Léopold Mayer.</p></br><p>Vous trouverez ci-dessous, l’introduction du rapport suivi par la table des matières. Vous pouvez télécharger une version PDF du rapport complet (28 pages) ici [http://bollier.org/open-co-operativism-report]. Le rapport complet est distribué sous licence Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike (BY-SA) licence 3.0, alors ne hésitez pas à le diffuser.</p></br><h1>Extrait de l’introduction</h1></br><p>Pour les personnes qui participent aux communs, à la production par les pairs ou aux coopératives, l’économie émergente présente un paradoxe frustrant du fait de l’énorme décalage entre culture coopérative d’une part et les formes d’organisation qui peuvent soutenir et faire avancer le grand bien-être de la société, d’autre part.</p></br><p>Les nouvelles formes de production par les pairs génèrent de nouvelles de ressources en communs, de la connaissance, du code et du design et des secteurs de production et de gouvernance socio-économico-techniques entièrement nouveaux. Ce mouvement tentaculaire, éclectique, basé sur le logiciel libre, la connaissance ouverte, la conception ouverte et production ouverte repose sur la collaboration et du partage, et aspire à devenir un secteur auto-suffisant et autonome des communs.</p></br><p>Malheureusement, parce que ces formats économiques sont généralement intégrées dans les économies capitalistes – dépendantes d’une conception fermée de la propriété intellectuelle, du modèle de financement du capital risque, de structures d’entreprises à but lucratif, et ainsi de suite – les nouveaux «modèles ouverts» sont généralement subordonnées aux marchés hyper-concurrentiel et rattrapés par la dynamique capitaliste. La revendication du potentiel libérateur de «l’économie de partage, et de la production par les pairs sur les plates-formes ouvertes pourrait se limiter à remplacer les formes plus classiques du capitalisme propriétaire par une forme hybride d’entreprise/communs qui captent divers communs pour finalement servir les intérêts du capital.</p></br><p>Pendant ce temps, le mouvement coopératif, dans de nombreuses parties du monde, fait face à ses propres défis, en rapport avec les technologies et l’économie politique contemporaines. Certaines grandes coopératives ont acquis une envergure mondiale, et agissent sur le marché avec les cultures organisationnelles et styles de gestion correspondant. Elles ne sont pas totalement à l’abri de menaces de privatisation. Leurs gestionnaires et dirigeant fonctionnent sans véritablement impliquer les membres de la coopérative qui, souvent, ne participent plus activement ou ne partagent plus la culture coopérative. De même, pour les petites coopératives, beaucoup ont été repoussées aux marges à la fois du marché et de la société par les grandes forces dominantes. Ainsi, sans solutions créatives, ces acteurs sont incapables de soutenir la concurrence sur les grands marchés, concentrés ou adopter les technologies de réseautage qui pourraient améliorer leurs capacités coopératives.</p></br><p>Pour ces raisons et d’autres, le mouvement coopératif, en dépit de son illustre histoire et des impressionnants modèles organisationnels et financiers, n’inspire plus l’imaginaire social populaire à l’image de l’élan des années 1890, 1920 ou 1970. Le pouvoir du capital mondial et des marchés, les technologies numériques et la culture consumériste ont fonctionnés de manière perverse pour freiner les ambitions de certaines composantes du mouvement coopératif. Cependant, ces dernières années ont vu un renouvellement de la confiance dans le secteur coopératif international. Les Nations Unies ont déclaré 2012 «Année internationale des coopératives», et dans la même année, l’Alliance coopérative internationale rajeunie, a adopté un plan ambitieux pour une «décennie de coopération » destiné à établir un leadership d’un modèle coopératif et écologique qui repose sur l’association plus étroite des parties-prenantes de l’entreprise. L’idée de l’open coopérativisme rencontre une attention croissante, comme on le voit dans le livre de Robin Murray, Coopération à l’ère de Google (Co-operation in the Age of Google), un thème qui fait écho au premier principe cardinal du mouvement coopératif, de l’adhésion « ouverte et inclusive».</p></br><p>Ces évolutions sont les bienvenues, car un affaiblissement des coopératives diminuerait le bien-être général de la société. Le grand public a de moins en moins d’alternatives face aux grandes sociétés prédatrices dont les comportements anti-sociaux sont souvent sanctionnés par les législateurs et les bureaucraties d’État. Bien que l ‘«économie sociale» gagne du terrain dans de nombreuses régions du monde et certains secteurs d’activité, ces avantages sont souvent tués dans l’oeuf ou maintenus dans des limites strictes. Le duopole marché / Etat, qui divise la responsabilité de la production et de la gouvernance, tout en poussant un agenda de croissance économique implacable et des politiques néolibérales, continue d’être largement incontrôlé.</p></br><p>Tout cela nous amène donc à la question: Est-il possible d’imaginer une nouvelle synthèse ou synergie entre le mouvement des communs produits entre pairs naissant d’une part, et les éléments toujours plus novateurs des mouvements de l’économie de la coopération et de la solidarité de l’autre? Les deux partagent la conviction profonde que la coopération sociale puise être une force économique et sociale constructive. Pourtant, ils tirent de leurs histoires, cultures, identités et aspirations, singulières des visions de l’avenir qui ne sont pas identiques. Il est très prometteur que ces deux mouvements cheminent plus étroitement ensemble, mais il ne faut pas ignorer les obstacles importants qui pourraient être rencontrés sur ce chemin.</p></br><h1>Explorer les possibilités d’un Open Coopérativisme</h1></br><p>Cet atelier a exploré la question suivante : Comment la coopération sociale dans la vie contemporaine peut-elle être structurée de façon à mieux servir les intérêts des coopérateurs / commoners et la société en général, dans une économie de techno/politique qui favorise actuellement l’appropriation de la plus-value par le capital privé ?</p></br><p>Les commoners ont tendance à aborder cette question à travers une perspective et une vision historique différentes de celle du mouvement coopératif. Cela résulte par exemple, du fait que les commoners ont tendance à occuper un espace à l’extérieur des marchés, alors que les coopératives sont généralement elles-mêmes des entités du marché. Les commoners ont tendance à avoir peu de ressources institutionnelles ou sources de revenus, mais plutôt à compter sur de puissants réseaux de collaboration basés sur des plates-formes ouvertes.</p></br><p>En revanche, les coopératives constituent aujourd’hui une partie importante de l’économie moderne. Il y a plus d’un milliard de coopérateurs dans 2,6 coopératives à travers le monde, et ils génèrent un revenu annuel estimé à 2,98 milliards de Dollar. A l’échelle des états, cette économie serait le cinquième plus grande économie dans le monde, après l’Allemagne. Pourtant, l’impact transformateur de ce pouvoir économique est plus faible que ce que sa taille suggère. Là où il y a une présence de coopérative forte, comme dans le secteur de la banque locale en Allemagne, le logement en Suède ou l’agriculture en Inde, les coopératives peuvent changer les effets du marché. Mais là où elles sont un minoritaires, en dehors de cas singuliers de coopératives particulièrement innovantes, de nombreuses coopératives se sont tout simplement adaptées aux pratiques et à l’éthique de l’économie capitaliste et à la politique de concurrence, plutôt que d lutter pour réinventer le modèles du « commonwealth coopératif» de notre temps. Leur influence sur la vie politique nationale n’est plus ce qu’elle a put être de par le passé, ni comme vecteur d’une vision progressiste et novatrice, ni comme axe d’amélioration du sort des citoyens ordinaires. Il y a plusieurs raisons à cela : l’échelle des anciennes entreprises coopératives, la distance entre les gestionnaires et les membres bénéficiaires, les termes passéistes de la législation existante sur les coopératives, et les affinités culturelles entre les «nouvelles coopératives» et le mouvement de l’économie sociale et solidaire.</p></br><p>Le but de cet atelier était d’explorer les possibilités d’efforts convergence entre les commoners et les coopérateurs, en particulier dans le rencontre du savoir-faire institutionnel et financier des coopératives avec la puissance explosive des technologies numériques et des réseaux ouverts. Pouvons-nous trouver de nouvelles façons de marier les éthiques participatives novatrices de la production par les pairs, à l’expérience historique et la sagesse du mouvement coopératif ? Quelles fructueuses convergences entre ces deux formes de coopération sociale pourrions-nous identifier et de cultiver? Quelles sont les possibilités pour la réalisation de nouvelles formes «d’accumulation de coopération », dans lequel les contributions des individus aux communs seraient couplés avec des services à valeur ajoutée qui génèrent des revenus et des moyens en nature pour les coopérateurs/commoners ?</p></br><p>Un projet de l’open coopératisme aborderait deux importantes questions non résolues : 1) le problème des moyens de subsistance d’une économie des communs numériques (comment l’économie peut-elle se renouveler et initier une logique sociale et économique différente, si tout le monde travaille sans rémunération); et 2) le défi des coopératives et de l’économie solidaire est de savoir tirer parti de l’énorme potentiel des nouvelles technologies de l’information et de la communication, tout en évitant la subordination à la logique et à la discipline du capital.</p></br><p>«L’accumulation coopérative» pourrait occuper un espace entre les communs, qui ont peu ou pas d’engagements sur les marchés, et les entreprises capitalistes, qui cherchent à extraire des bénéfices privés et accumuler du capital. Cette forme intermédiaire, ouverte de coopérativisme, pourrait constituer un nouveau secteur dans lequel les commoners pourraient gérer leurs ressources en communs, les allouer de façon équitable et durable, et gagner leur vie en tant que membres de coopératives – plus ou moins à l’extérieur des marchés capitalistes classiques. Ce que nous envisageons ici, est la création et la gouvernance de nouveaux types de marchés non capitalistes ou post-capitaliste qui réintègrent en leur sein les communautés sociales et les structures de responsabilisation.<b></b></p></br><p>La clé, bien sûr, est de savoir comment conceptualiser et mettre en œuvre cette convergence. Comme nous le verrons ci-dessous [dans le rapport], un certain nombre d’idées prometteuses ont été proposées, comme les entrepreneurs coopératifs co-producteurs de communs ; les coalitions d’entrepreneurs éthiques qui utiliseraient des licences de droit d’auteur pour créer des zones de production protégée du capital et les marchés traditionnels; et de nouveaux modèles de production locale distribuée reliés à des réseaux de connaissance partagée à l’échelle mondiale. D’autres idées intrigantes mais encore peu développées, telles que le rôle potentiel que la gouvernance coopérative pourrait jouer dans la production par les pairs basée sur les communs et, inversement, la façon dont l’auto-gouvernance largement expérimentée dans les secteurs numériques, pourraient être appliquée dans la coopérative et l’économie sociale et solidarité.<br /></br>Etant donné que ce rapport est le résultat d’un dialogue au sein de l’atelier, de nombreux points de vue différents sont représentés, de nombreuses idées suggérées sont incomplètes . Ce n’est donc pas un plan clair pour savoir comment aller de l’avant. Notre espoir, cependant, est que ce rapport stimulera utilement la recherche, le débat, l’innovation et une nouvelle convergence des mouvements.</p></br><p>Traduction : Frédéric Sultan</p>)
  • Chargement/Site  + (<blockquote><p>Comment traduir<blockquote><p>Comment traduire les communs en processus de transformation systématique de la société ? L’équateur lance une initiative qui vise à faire se rencontrer les hackers et les communautés indigènes autour du partage de la connaissance.</p></blockquote></br><p>Traduction de l’<a href="http://floksociety.org/2013/09/18/michel-bauwens-arriba-al-ecuador/">article original : Michel Bauwens arriba al Ecuador</a>.</p></br><p>FLOK Society souhaite la bienvenue à Michel Bauwens en Equateur. Michel Bauwens, l’un des fondateurs de la Fondation P2P, est arrivé à Quito le 17 septembre pour participer au projet de réinvention fondamentale de l’Equateur. Bauwens dirigera une équipe de recherche qui se propose de déclencher un processus participatif mondial avec une mise en œuvre immédiate en Equateur. Le processus vise à retourner aux racines de l’économie équatorienne, pour déclencher une transition vers une société de la connaissance libre et ouverte.</p></br><p>Au cours du premier semestre de 2014, Michel Bauwens participera à la mise en place d’un réseau mondial de chercheurs sur la transition. La Fondation P2P est un réseau mondial de chercheurs qui documente le passage à des pratiques ouvertes, participatives et basées sur les communs dans tous les domaines de l’activité humaine, et plus particulièrement dans celui de la connaissance et du code ouvert, et le passage à la coopération en matière de conception ouverte, de production ouverte, de science ouverte, de gouvernement ouvert, d’agriculture ouverte et production ouverte qui ont un fort potentiel d’amélioration des processus agricoles et industriels durables.</p></br><p>L’Equateur est le premier pays à s’engager dans la création d’une société basée sur la connaissance ouverte comme biens communs. Afin de réaliser la transition vers un « bien savoir », ou une société de «bonne connaissance» <a href="http://plan2009.senplades.gob.ec/web/en" rel="nofollow">http://plan2009.senplades.gob.ec/web/en</a>, qui est une extension de la stratégie officielle pour une société basée sur le « buen vivir ». L’Institut d’études avancées (IAEN sigle espagnol ) à Quito, Équateur, dirigé par le recteur Carlos Prieto, a lancé un processus stratégique, appelé Project Society FLOK, qui vise à organiser une conférence internationale en Mars 2014 et produire 10 documents stratégiques proposant des politiques de transition vers une société de la bonne connaissance, qui sera présenté aux citoyens équatoriens à travers des processus participatifs intensifs, semblables à ceux qui ont eu lieu lors de la rédaction de la nouvelle Constitution et les plans nationaux ambitieux, qui fixent les orientations de la politique du gouvernement.</p></br><p>Alors que le Buen Vivir vise à remplacer l’accumulation aveugle de la croissance économique par une forme de croissance qui profite directement au bien-être du peuple équatorien. Buen Saber vise à créer des communs de la connaissance ouvert qui faciliteront une telle transition. FLOK signifie « Free Libre and Open Knowledge ». Pour établir ces nouvelles orientations et documents, IAEN s’est mis en lien avec le mouvement international hacker et logiciels libres, mais aussi avec ses extensions à travers les nombreuses initiatives pairs à pairs qui ont pour objectif de constituer un corps de connaissance pour la production physique dans l’agriculture et l’industrie.</p></br><p>La base de connaissances de la Fondation P2P met également l’accent sur la documentation des nouvelles politiques et des cadres juridiques mis en place par les villes ouvertes au partage, telles que Séoul, San Francisco, et Naples, et les régions telles que Bordeaux, Open Commons Region de Linz, en Autriche, au Soudan du Sud, le Cabineto Digital de Rio del Sur, et plus encore. La base de données de 22.000 initiatives sur les communs à travers le monde a été vu près de 25 millions de fois et attire 25.000 chercheurs, activistes, utilisateurs et des lecteurs chaque jour. Michel Bauwens est également l’auteur d’une synthése de l’économie collaborative, l’expert externe pour l’Académie pontificale des sciences sociales, un membre du Forum Hangwang à Chengdu qui étudie la viabilité industrielle, et s’est engagé dans un projet de recherche de l’Université Leuphana sur la démocratie liquide numérique. En tant que membre fondateur et partenaire du Commons Strategies Group, il a co-organisé deux réunions mondiales sur les biens communs, la dernière en mai 2013 à Berlin a été dédiée au domaine émergent de l’Économie basée sur les communs.</p></br><p>En Mars 2013, la Fondation P2P a organisé un « wikisprint hispanique mondiale» , avec l’aide de l’activiste ispano-brésilien Bernardo Gutierrez, au cours de laquelle plus de 500 participants individuels et collectifs, dans plus de 60 villes et 23 pays, ont cartographié les initiatives P2P, de partage et de biens communs dans leur région et les zones d’activités , permettant l’interconnexion d’un réseau de militants et d’universitaires latino-américains.</p></br><p>IAEN estime que la collaboration entre les communautés hacktivistes, la Société FLOK et les réseaux mondiaux et hispaniques actifs dans la construction des biens communs ouverts sera essentielle pour créer une synergie avec les acteurs locaux de la société équatorienne, et aidera à atteindre le but que le pays s’est donné.</p></br><p>Traduction de l’article <a href="http://floksociety.org/en/2013/09/18/michel-bauwens-arriba-al-ecuador/">Michel Bauwens arrives in Ecuador</a> par F. Sultan</p>)
  • Chargement/Site  + (<blockquote><p>From the 15th-1<blockquote><p>From the 15th-17th of November 2016 a European Commons Assembly will take place in Brussels. The commoners will convene, discuss, showcase, and reclaim Europe. On the afternoon of the 16th, around 150 will partcipate in a meeting in the European Parliament, organized in cooperation with the EP intergroup on Common Goods and Public Services (Led by Marisa Matias, Dario Tamburrano, Ernesto Urtasun, Sergio Cofferati). A variety of other events (and local assemblies) will take place outside Parliament, both in Brussels and across Europe.</br></p></blockquote></br><p><H1>Networking, unity and policy around the commons paradigm </H1></p></br><p>On September 26, a group of nonprofits, foundations, and other civil society organizations jointly publish a “Call for a European Commons Assembly” (https://europeancommonsassembly.eu/#section1). The collectively drafted document, which continues to garner signatures from groups and individuals around Europe, serves as a declaration of purpose for a distributed network of “commoners.”<br /></br><img decoding="async" loading="lazy" src="https://www.remixthecommons.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/09/ECA-300x212.jpg" alt="eca" width="900" height="636" class="aligncenter size-medium wp-image-4561" /><br /></br>Author: TILL GENTZSCH</p></br><p>The Assembly seeks to unite citizens in trans-local and trans-european solidarity to overcome Europe’s current challenges and reinvigorate the political process for the 21st century. The commons can be understood as a bridging paradigm that stresses cooperation in management of resources, knowledge, tools, and spaces as diverse as water, Wikipedia, a crowdfund, or a community garden. Their Call describes commoning as:</p></br><ul></br>…the network-based cooperation and localized bottom-up initiatives already sustained by millions of people around Europe and the world. These initiatives create self-managed systems that satisfy important needs, and often work outside of dominant markets and traditional state programmes while pioneering new hybrid structures.</ul></br><p> The Assembly emerged in May from a diverse, gender balanced pilot community of 28 activists from 15 European countries, working in different domains of the commons. New people are joining the Assembly every week, and ECA is inclusive and open for others to join, so that a broad and resilient European movement can coalesce. It seeks to visibilize acts of commoning by citizens for citizens, while promoting interaction with policy and institutions at both the national and European levels. </p></br><p><H1>Part of a broader movement</H1><br /></br>The rapid embrace of commons as an alternative holistic, sustainable and social worldview is in part an expression of unease with the unjust current economic system and democratic deficiencies. The commons movement has exploded in recent years, following the award of the Nobel Prize in Economics to Elinor Ostrom in 2009 for her work on managing common resources. It has also seen overlap with other movements, such as the Social and Solidarity and Sharing Economy movements, peer to peer production, and Degrowth.</p></br><p>Michel Bauwens, part of the ECA who is also a prominent figure in the peer-to-peer movement, explains: <em>All over the world, a new social movement is emerging, which is challenging the ‘extractive’ premises of the mainstream political economy and which is co-constructing the seed forms of a sustainable and solidary society. Commoners are also getting a voice, for example through the Assemblies of the Commons that are emerging in French cities and elsewhere. The time is ripe for a shoutout to the political world, through a European Assembly of the Commons.</em></p></br><p>The Call includes an open invitation to Brussels from November 15 to 17, 2016 for three days of activities and shared reflection on how to protect and promote the commons. It will include an official session in the European Parliament, hosted by the Intergroup on Common Goods and Public Services, on November 16 (limited capacity). </p></br><p>You can read and sign the full text of the Call, also available in French, Spanish, and soon other European languages, on the <a href="http://europeancommonsassembly.eu">ECA website</a>. There is an <a href="http://europeancommonsassembly.eu/sign-call/">option to sign</a> as an individual or an organization.</p></br><p>For more information, visit <a href="http://europeancommonsassembly.eu/">http://europeancommonsassembly.eu/ </a> or follow @CommonsAssembly on Twitter for regular updates.</p></br><p><strong>Media Contact: Nicole Leonard contact@europeancommonsassembly.eu<br /></br></strong><br /></br>Keywords: Commons, European, Citizens, Parliament, Participatory Democracy, Civil Society</p>/ </a> or follow @CommonsAssembly on Twitter for regular updates.</p> <p><strong>Media Contact: Nicole Leonard contact@europeancommonsassembly.eu<br /> </strong><br /> Keywords: Commons, European, Citizens, Parliament, Participatory Democracy, Civil Society</p>)
  • Chargement/Site  + (<blockquote><p>How commons cou<blockquote><p>How commons could be the base of a transition of the society? The equator is launching an initiative to bring together hackers and indigenous communities around the sharing of knowledge.</p></blockquote></br><p>Original article published <a href="http://floksociety.org/en/2013/09/18/michel-bauwens-arriba-al-ecuador/">here</a></p></br><p>The FLOK Society welcomes Michel Bauwens to Ecuador. Bauwens, a founder of the P2P Foundation, flew into Quito on Sept. 17 to begin collaborating towards a fundamental reimagination of Ecuador.</p></br><p>Bauwens will lead a research team that is proposing to unleash a participatory, global process with an immediate implementation in Ecuador. The process will remake the roots of Ecuador’s economy, setting off a transition into a society of free and open knowledge.</p></br><p>In the first semester of 2014, Bauwens will assist in setting up a global network of transition researchers. The P2P Foundation is a global network of researchers that is documenting the shift towards open, participatory and commons-oriented practices in every domain of human activity, but especially also the shift from collaboration on open knowledge and code, towards cooperation in open design, open hardware, open science, open government, and the shift towards open agricultural and open machining practices that have great potential for increasing the productivity and sustainability of farming and industrial processes.</p></br><p>Ecuador is the first country in the world which is committing itself to the creation of a open commons knowlege based society. In order to achieve the transition to a ‘buen saber’, or ‘good knowledge’ society, which is an extension of the official strategy towards a ‘buen vivir’-based society, the Advanced Studies Institute (IAEN by its ]Spanish initials) in Quito, Ecuador, led by the rector Carlos Prieto, has initiated a strategic process, called the FLOK Society Project, which aims to organize a major international conference in March 2014, and will produce 10 strategic documents proposing transition policies towards the good knowledge society, which will be presented to the Ecuadorian citizens through intensive participatory processes, similar to those that took place for the establishment of the new Constitution and the ambitious National Plans, which set the guidelines for government policy.</p></br><p>While Buen Vivir aims to replace mindless accumulative economic growth to a form of growth that directly benefits the wellbeing of the Ecuadorian people, Buen Saber aims to create the open knowledge commons which will facilitate such a transition. FLOK stands for ‘Free Libre and Open Knowledge. In order to establish these transition policies and documents, IAEN has connected itself with the global hacker and free software movement, but also with its extension in the many peer to peer initiatives that directly aim to create a body of knowledge for physical production in agriculture and industry.</p></br><p>The P2P Foundation knowledge base has also focused on documenting new policy and legal frameworks being set up by sharing cities such as Seoul, San Francisco, and Naples ; and regions such as Bordeaux, Open Commons Region Linz in Austria, South Sudan, the Cabineto Digital of Rio del Sur, and more. It’s database of 22,000 global commons initiatives has been viewed nearly 25 million times and attracts 25,000 researchers, activists, users and readers on a daily basis. Michel Bauwens is also the author of a Synthetic Overview of the Collaborative Economy, an external expert for the Pontifical Academy of Social Sciences, a member of the Hangwang Forum in Chengdu that works on industrial sustainability, and engaged in a research project for Leuphana University on digital liquid democracy. As a founding member and partner of the Commons Strategies Group, he co-organized two global meetings on the commons, the last one in May 2013 in Berlin was dedicated to the emerging field of Commons-oriented Economics.</p></br><p>In March, the P2P Foundation organized a ‘global hispanic wikisprint’, with the help of Spanish-Brazilian activist Bernardo Gutierrez, in which more than registered 500 individuals and collectives, in more than 60 cities and 23 countries, mapped the open, p2p, sharing and commons initiatives in their region and areas of activities, resulting in a Latin American network of connected activists and scholars.</p></br><p>IAEN believes that the connection between the hacktivism communities, the FLOK Society, and the global and hispanic networks active in constructing open commons will be vital to create a synergy with the local actors of Ecuadorian society, and will help us accomplish the mayor goal we have set for ourselves as a country.</p>g open commons will be vital to create a synergy with the local actors of Ecuadorian society, and will help us accomplish the mayor goal we have set for ourselves as a country.</p>)
  • Chargement/Site  + (<blockquote><p>Interview Joan <blockquote><p>Interview Joan Subirats(1) by Alain Ambrosi May 2018</p></blockquote></br><figure style="width: 700px" class="wp-caption alignleft"><img decoding="async" loading="lazy" class="size-full" src="https://s1.qwant.com/thumbr/0x380/b/4/cf4cf4f48af794bc54dc5384e88975c9e7cd020dbccf80dc35882a989230be/joan%20subirats.jpg?u=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.fepsu.es%2Fimage%2Fjoan%2520subirats.jpg&q=0&b=1&p=0&a=1" alt="Joan Subirats (UAB) Conferencia FEPSU 2016" width="700" height="400" /><figcaption class="wp-caption-text">Joan Subirats (UAB) Conferencia FEPSU 2016</figcaption></figure></br><p><strong>AA</strong></p></br><ul>: In your recent article in La Vanguardia(2), you set out a framework for a cultural policy, you refer to putting into practice the key community values that should underpin that policy… Maybe we could start there?</ul></br><p><strong>JS</strong>: For me, whereas in the 20th century the defining conflict was between freedom and equality – and this marked the tension between right and left throughout the 20th century because in a way this is the frame in which capitalism and the need for social protection evolved together with the commodification of life while at the same time the market called for freedom – ie: no rules, no submission. But the need for protection demanded equality. But in the 21st century there is rejection of the notion of protection linked to statism: Nancy Fraser published an article(3) in the New Left Review, it is a re-reading of Polanyi and she claims that this double movement between commodification and protection is still valid, but that the State-based protection typical of the 20th century, where equality is guaranteed by the State, clashes since the end of the 20th century with the growing importance of heterogeneity, diversity and personal autonomy. Therefore, if in order to obtain equality, we have to be dependent on what the State does, this is going to be a contradiction…. So we could translate those values that informed the definition of policies in the 20th century, in 21st century terms they would be the idea of freedom (or personal autonomy, the idea of empowerment, not subjection, non-dependence) and at the same time equality, but no longer simply equality of opportunities but also equality of condition because we have to compensate for what is not the same (equal) in society. If you say « equal opportunities », that everyone has access to cultural facilities, to libraries, you are disregarding the fact that the starting conditions of people are not the same, this is the great contribution of Amartya Sen, no? You have to compensate for unequal starting situations because otherwise you depoliticize inequality and consider that inequality is the result of people’s lack of effort to get out of poverty. So equality yes, but the approach is different. And we must incorporate the idea of diversity as a key element in the recognition of people and groups on the basis of their specific dignity. That seems easy to say, but in reality it is complicated, especially if you relate it to culture, because culture has to do with all these things: it has to do with the construction of your personality, it has to do with equal access to culture just as cultural rights and culture have to do with the recognition of different forms of knowledge and culture – canonical culture, high culture, popular culture, everyday culture, neighbourhood culture …<br /></br>So for me, a cultural policy should be framed within the triple focus of personal autonomy, equality and diversity. And this is contradictory, in part, with the cultural policies developed in the past, where there is usually confusion between equality and homogeneity. In other words, the left has tended to consider that equality meant the same thing for everyone and that is wrong, isn’t it?, because you are confusing equality with homogeneity. The opposite of equality is inequality, the opposite of homogeneity is diversity. So you have to work with equality and diversity as values that are not antagonistic, but can be complementary. And this is a challenge for public institutions because they do not like heterogeneity, they find it complicated because it is simpler to treat everyone the same, as the administrative law manual used to prescribe `indifferent efficiency’: it is a way of understanding inequality as indifference, right?</p></br><p><strong>AA</strong></p></br><ul>: In your article you also talk about the opposition between investing in infrastructures versus creating spaces and environments that are attractive to creators and you put an emphasis on the generation of spaces. What is being done, what has been done, what could be done about this?</ul></br><p><strong>JS</strong> : In Barcelona we want to ensure that the city’s cultural policies do not imply producing culture itself, but rather to try to influence the values in the production processes that already exist, in the facilities, in the cultural and artistic infrastructures: the role of the city council, of the municipality, is not so much to produce culture as to contribute to the production of culture. Which is different, helping to produce culture…. Obviously, the city council will give priority to those initiatives that coincide with the values, with the normative approach that we promote. There are some exceptions, for example, the Grec festival in Barcelona(4) in July, or the Mercé(5), which is the Festa Mayor, where the city council does in fact subsidize the production of culture, so some productions are subsidised but generally what we have is a policy of aid to creators. What is being done is that 11 creative factories (fablabs) have been built, these are factories with collectives that manage them chosen through public tenders. There are now 3 factories of circus and visual arts, 2 factories of dance creation, one factory of more global creation housed at Fabra & Coats, 3 theatre factories and 2 visual arts and technology sites. So there are 11 factories of different sorts and there are plans to create others, for example in the field of feminist culture where we are in discussion with a very well consolidated group : normally all these creative factories have their management entrusted to collectives that already become highly consolidated in the process of creation and that need a space to ensure their continuity. Often the city council will cede municipal spaces to these collectives, sometimes through public competitions where the creators are asked to present their project for directing a factory. This is one aspect. Another aspect is what is called living culture, which is a programme for the promotion of cultural activities that arise from the community or from collectives in the form of cooperatives and this is a process of aid to collectives that are already functioning, or occasionally to highlight cultural activities and cultural dynamics that have existed for a long time but have not been dignified, that have not been valued, for example the Catalan rumba of the Gypsies, which is a very important movement in Barcelona that emerged from the gypsy community of El Raval, where there were some very famous artists like Peret. There we invested in creating a group to work on the historical memory of the rumba, looking for the roots of this movement, where it came from and why. Then some signposts were set up in streets where this took place, such as La Cera in El Raval, where there are two murals that symbolise the history of the Catalan rumba and the gypsy community in this area so that this type of thing is publicly visible. That is the key issue for culture: a recognition that there are many different cultures.</p></br><p>Then there is the area of civic centres: approximately 15% of the civic centres in the city are managed by civic entities as citizen heritage, and those civic centres also have cultural activities that they decide on, and the city council, the municipality helps them develop the ideas put forward by the entities that manage those centres.</p></br><p>So, if we put all those things together, we could talk about a culture of the urban commons. It is still early stages, this is still more of a concept than a reality, but the underlying idea is that in the end the density and the autonomous cultural-social fabric will be strong enough to be resilient to political changes. In other words, that you have helped to build cultural practices and communities that are strong and autonomous enough that they are not dependent on the political conjuncture. This would be ideal. A bit like the example I often cite about the housing cooperatives in Copenhagen, that there was 50% public housing in Copenhagen, and a right-wing government privatised 17% of that public housing, but it couldn’t touch the 33% of housing that was in the hands of co-operatives. Collective social capital has been more resilient than state assets: the latter is more vulnerable to changes in political majorities.</p></br><p><strong>AA</strong></p></br><ul>: You also speak of situated culture which I think is very important: setting it in time and space. Now Facebook has announced it is coming to Barcelona so the Barcelona brand is going to be a brand that includes Facebook and its allies. But your conception of a situated culture is more about a culture where social innovation, participation, popular creativity in the community are very important…</ul></br><p><strong>JS</strong> : Yes, it seems contradictory. In fact what you’re asking is the extent to which it makes sense to talk about situated culture in an increasingly globalized environment which is more and more dependent on global platforms. I believe that tension exists and conflict exists, this is undeniable, the city is a zone of conflict, therefore, the first thing we have to accept is that the city is a battleground between political alternatives with different cultural models. It is very difficult for a city council to set out univocal views of a cultural reality that is intrinsically plural. Talking about situated culture is an attempt to highlight the significance of the distinguishing factors that Barcelona possesses in its cultural production. This does not mean that this situated culture should be a strictly localist culture – a situated culture does not mean a culture that cuts off global links – it is a culture that relates to the global on the basis of its own specificity. What is most reprehensible from my point of view are cultural dynamics that have a global logic but that can just as well be here or anywhere else. And it’s true that the platforms generate this. An example: the other day the former minister of culture of Brazil, Lluca Ferreira, was here and talked about a program of living culture they developed, and they posted a photograph of some indigenous people where the man wore something that covered his pubic parts but the woman’s breasts were naked. So Facebook took the photograph off the site, and when the Minister called Facebook Brazil to say ‘what is going on?’, they told him that they didn’t have any duty towards the Brazilian government, that the only control over them was from a judge in San Francisco and that, therefore, if the judge in San Francisco forced them to put the photograph back, they would put it back, otherwise they wouldn’t have to listen to any minister from Brazil or anywhere else. In the end, there was a public movement of protest, and they put the photo back. The same thing happened here a few days ago, a group from a municipal theatre creation factory put up a poster with a man’s ass advertising a play by Virginia Wolff and Facebook took their entire account off the net – not just the photograph, they totally removed them from Facebook. And here too Facebook said that they are independent and that only the judge from San Francisco and so on. I believe that this is the opposite of situated culture because it is a global cultural logic, but at the same time it allows itself to be censored in Saudi Arabia, in China, that is to say it has different codes in each place. So to speak of situated culture means to speak of social transformation, of the relationship between culture and social transformation situated in the context in which you are working. But at the same time to have the will to dialogue with similar processes that exist in any other part of the world and that is the strength of a situated culture. And those processes of mutuality, of hybridization, that can happen when you have a Pakistani community here, you have a Filipino community, you have a Chinese community, you have a Gypsy community, you have an Italian community, you have an Argentinean community: they can be treated as typical folkloric elements in a theme park, or you can try to generate hybridization processes. Now at the Festival Grec this year there will be poetry in Urdu from the Pakistanis, there will be a Filipino theatre coming and a Filipino film fest at the Filmoteca – and this means mixing, situating, the cultural debate in the space where it is happening and trying to steep it in issues of cultural diversity. What I understand is that we need to strive for a local that is increasingly global, that this dialogue between the local and the global is very important.</p></br><p><strong>AA</strong></p></br><ul>: Returning to social innovation and popular creativity, social innovation is also a concept taken up pretty much everywhere: how is it understood here? Taking into account that in the world of the commons, Catalonia, and especially Barcelona, is very well known for its fablabs, which are also situated in this new era. How then do you understand social innovation and how do you see the relationship between education and social innovation?</ul></br><p><strong>JS</strong> : What I am trying to convey is that the traditional education system is doing little to prepare people and to enhance inclusive logics in our changing and transforming society, so in very broad lines I would say that if health and education were the basic redistributive policies of the 20th century, in the 21st century we must incorporate culture as a basic redistributive policy. Because before, the job market had very specific demands for the education sector: it knew very well what types of job profiles it needed because there was a very Taylorist logic to the world of work – what is the profile of a baker, of a plumber, of a miller? How many years you have to study for this kind of work. There is now a great deal of uncertainty about the future of the labour market, about how people will be able to work in the future and the key words that appear are innovation, creativity, entrepreneurship, flexibility, ability to understand a diverse world, teamwork , being open to new ideas: this has little to do with traditional educational profiles, but it has much to do with culture, with things that allow you to acquire that backpack of basic tools that will help you navigate in a much more uncertain environment. And for me, to find the right connection between culture and education is very important because it allows the educational system to constantly transform itself by taking advantage of the creative potential of an environment that is much more accessible now than before because of new technologies, and therefore to make the transition from a deductive system where there is a teacher who knows and tells people what they need to know – to an inductive system: how do we explore what we need to know in order to be able to act. And that more inductive, more experimental logic has to do with creativity whereas the traditional education system didn’t postulate creativity, it postulated your ability to learn what someone else had decided you needed to study. It’s art, it is culture that allows you to play in that field much more easily …</p></br><p><strong> Translated from Spanish by Nancy Thede.</strong></p></br><p>1 Joan Subirats is Commissioner for culture in the city government of Barcelona led by the group Barcelona en comu. He is also professor of political science at the Universitat<br /></br>autonoma de Barcelona and founder of the Institute on Governance and Public Policy.</p></br><p>2 « Salvara la cultura a las ciudades? », La Vanguardia (Barcelona), Culturals supplement, 12<br /></br>May 2018, pp. 20-21. https://www.lavanguardia.com/cultura/20180511/443518454074/cultura-ciudadesbarcelona-crisis.html</p></br><p>3 Nancy Fraser, « A Triple Movement », New Left Review 81, May-June 2013. Published in Spanish in Jean-Louis Laville and José Luis Coraggio (Eds.), La izquierda del<br /></br>siglo XXI. Ideas y diálogo Norte-Sur para un proyecto necesario Icaria, Madrid 2018.</p></br><p>4 Festival Grec, an annual multidisciplinary festival in Barcelona, now in its 42nd year. It is<br /></br>named for the Greek Theatre built for the 1929 Universal Exhibition in Barcelona:<br /></br>http://lameva.barcelona.cat/grec/en/.</p></br><p>5 Barcelona’s annual ‘Festival of Festivals’ begins on Sept 24, day of Our Lady of Mercy, a city holiday in Barcelona. It especially highlights catalan and barcelonian cultural traditions and in recent years has especially featured neighbourhood cultural activities like street theatre. See: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/La_Mercè.</p>vals’ begins on Sept 24, day of Our Lady of Mercy, a city holiday in Barcelona. It especially highlights catalan and barcelonian cultural traditions and in recent years has especially featured neighbourhood cultural activities like street theatre. See: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/La_Mercè.</p>)
  • Chargement/Site  + (<blockquote><p>L’Assemblée Eur<blockquote><p>L’Assemblée Européenne des Communs (ECA) est un <a href="http://europeancommonsassembly.eu">réseau de personnes engagées dans les communs</a> sur le terrain en Europe. Ce réseau s’est donné rendez-vous au Medialab Prado, Madrid du 25 au 27 octobre prochain. Cette rencontre se déroule en parallèle du Festival Transeuropa, lui-même une vaste réunion autour des alternatives politiques, sociales et environnementales. L’appel à participer est ouvert jusqu’au 4 août. [voir ici le <a href="https://goo.gl/forms/9vID21eSIojQsffk1">formulaire d’inscription</a>] </p></blockquote></br><p><a data-flickr-embed="true" data-footer="true" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/medialab-prado/28100107155/" title="18.05.16 Taller"><img decoding="async" loading="lazy" src="https://farm8.staticflickr.com/7379/28100107155_1659853c90_c.jpg" width="800" height="500" alt="18.05.16 Taller"></a><script async src="//embedr.flickr.com/assets/client-code.js" charset="utf-8"></script></p></br><p>L’Assemblée Européenne des Communs (ECA) a été lancée en novembre 2016 lors du <a href="https://europeancommonsassembly.eu/process/">premier événement public</a> sur les communs qui s’est déroulé au Parlement Européen et au centre social Zinneke à Bruxelles, en Belgique. Cette réunion a rassemblé plus de 150 commoners européens pour faire valoir la nécessité de politiques publiques pour les communs en Europe et développer les réseaux pour inscrire cette démarche dans la durée. </p></br><p>La rencontre de Madrid se structure autour d’ateliers thématiques sur les communs urbains, d’une rencontre avec les acteurs politiques de madrilènes et d’autres villes espagnoles, et de temps de délibération sur le futur de ECA à l’horizon 2018/2019. </p></br><p>Les ateliers thématiques, au coeur du processus de cette rencontre, permettront, à partir des échanges avec les initiatives madrilènes et espagnoles, d’expérimenter et de proto-typer les outils utiles au développement des communs urbains en Europe. Les premiers participants inscrits ont proposés de travailler sur dans thèmes tels que : Espace public, Migrations et réfugiés, Participation citoyenne à la politique urbaine, Culture, Aliments, Logement, Santé, Devise et financement pour les communs, Lois et mécanismes juridiques pour protéger les communs, Technologie pour la citoyenneté. Vous pouvez également proposer un thème qui ne figure pas déjà dans cette liste. Un processus d’agglutination permettra de définir la liste définitive des ateliers dans la limite de 8 atleirs. Pour cela remplissez le formulaire et proposez l’organisation d’un atelier spécifique et / ou de participer à l’un des ateliers déjà identifié qui vous intéresse.</p></br><p>Chaque atelier sera l’occasion de collaborations entre une ou plusieurs initiatives communautaires locales espagnoles et d’autres venant d’ailleurs en Europe engagées sur le thème de l’atelier. Ces ateliers seront conçus pour permettre le partage et l’exploration des connaissances et des stratégies fruits de ces expériences. À cette fin, l’équipe de coordination de ECA à Madrid organisera plusieurs vidéoconférences pour relier les différentes initiatives et co-concevoir les contenus de l’atelier avant la rencontre avec les participants. La méthodologie de facilitation sera aussi conçue pour inclure les participants dans la démarche structuration de la documentation des travaux collectifs afin de ressortir de la rencontre avec une boite à outils partagée sur les communs urbains. </p></br><p>Coté logistique, lorsque vous remplissez le formulaire, vous pouvez indiquer si vous avez besoin de faire couvrir vos frais de déplacement et / ou d’hébergement par l’organisation (dans le cas où il n’est pas possible de couvrir ces dépenses d’une autre manière). </p></br><p>Pour plus d’informations, contactez nicole.leonard [at] sciencespo.fr ou bien retrouvez plus d’informations sur le<a href="https://europeancommonsassembly.eu/"> site Web de ECA</a>.</p>assembly.eu/"> site Web de ECA</a>.</p>)
  • Chargement/Site  + (<blockquote><p>L’Assemblée Eur<blockquote><p>L’Assemblée Européenne des Communs (ECA) est un <a href="http://europeancommonsassembly.eu">réseau de personnes engagées dans les communs</a> sur le terrain en Europe. Ce réseau s’est donné rendez-vous au Medialab Prado, Madrid du 25 au 27 octobre prochain. Cette rencontre se déroule en parallèle du Festival Transeuropa, lui-même une vaste réunion autour des alternatives politiques, sociales et environnementales. L’appel à participer est ouvert jusqu’au 4 août. [voir ici le <a href="https://goo.gl/forms/9vID21eSIojQsffk1">formulaire d’inscription</a>] </p></blockquote></br><p><a data-flickr-embed="true" data-footer="true" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/medialab-prado/28100107155/" title="18.05.16 Taller"><img decoding="async" loading="lazy" src="https://farm8.staticflickr.com/7379/28100107155_1659853c90_c.jpg" width="800" height="500" alt="18.05.16 Taller"></a><script async src="//embedr.flickr.com/assets/client-code.js" charset="utf-8"></script></p></br><p>L’Assemblée Européenne des Communs (ECA) a été lancée en novembre 2016 lors du <a href="https://europeancommonsassembly.eu/process/">premier événement public</a> sur les communs qui s’est déroulé au Parlement Européen et au centre social Zinneke à Bruxelles, en Belgique. Cette réunion a rassemblé plus de 150 commoners européens pour faire valoir la nécessité de politiques publiques pour les communs en Europe et développer les réseaux pour inscrire cette démarche dans la durée. </p></br><p>La rencontre de Madrid se structure autour d’ateliers thématiques sur les communs urbains, d’une rencontre avec les acteurs politiques de madrilènes et d’autres villes espagnoles, et de temps de délibération sur le futur de ECA à l’horizon 2018/2019. </p></br><p>Les ateliers thématiques, au coeur du processus de cette rencontre, permettront, à partir des échanges avec les initiatives madrilènes et espagnoles, d’expérimenter et de proto-typer les outils utiles au développement des communs urbains en Europe. Les premiers participants inscrits ont proposés de travailler sur dans thèmes tels que : Espace public, Migrations et réfugiés, Participation citoyenne à la politique urbaine, Culture, Aliments, Logement, Santé, Devise et financement pour les communs, Lois et mécanismes juridiques pour protéger les communs, Technologie pour la citoyenneté. Vous pouvez également proposer un thème qui ne figure pas déjà dans cette liste. Un processus d’agglutination permettra de définir la liste définitive des ateliers dans la limite de 8 atleirs. Pour cela remplissez le formulaire et proposez l’organisation d’un atelier spécifique et / ou de participer à l’un des ateliers déjà identifié qui vous intéresse.</p></br><p>Chaque atelier sera l’occasion de collaborations entre une ou plusieurs initiatives communautaires locales espagnoles et d’autres venant d’ailleurs en Europe engagées sur le thème de l’atelier. Ces ateliers seront conçus pour permettre le partage et l’exploration des connaissances et des stratégies fruits de ces expériences. À cette fin, l’équipe de coordination de ECA à Madrid organisera plusieurs vidéoconférences pour relier les différentes initiatives et co-concevoir les contenus de l’atelier avant la rencontre avec les participants. La méthodologie de facilitation sera aussi conçue pour inclure les participants dans la démarche structuration de la documentation des travaux collectifs afin de ressortir de la rencontre avec une boite à outils partagée sur les communs urbains. </p></br><p>Coté logistique, lorsque vous remplissez le formulaire, vous pouvez indiquer si vous avez besoin de faire couvrir vos frais de déplacement et / ou d’hébergement par l’organisation (dans le cas où il n’est pas possible de couvrir ces dépenses d’une autre manière). </p></br><p>Pour plus d’informations, contactez nicole.leonard [at] sciencespo.fr ou bien retrouvez plus d’informations sur le<a href="https://europeancommonsassembly.eu/"> site Web de ECA</a>.</p>assembly.eu/"> site Web de ECA</a>.</p>)
  • Chargement/Site  + (<blockquote><p>Un CommonsCamp <blockquote><p>Un CommonsCamp aura lieu à Grenoble (France) du 22 au 26 août, lors de l’<a href="https://ue2018.org/">Université d’été des mouvements sociaux français</a>.</p></blockquote></br><figure style="width: 275px" class="wp-caption aligncenter"><img decoding="async" loading="lazy" class="size-full" src="https://wiki.remixthecommons.org/images/thumb/Flyer_CommonsCamp_VF.1-1.jpg/723px-Flyer_CommonsCamp_VF.1-1.jpg" alt="CommonsCamp programme" width="275" height="390" /><figcaption class="wp-caption-text">CommonsCamp programme</figcaption></figure></br><p>Rassemblement ouvert et auto-organisé, cet événement est structuré en 3 modules: COMMUNS, MUNICIPALISME et DROITS À LA VILLE et CARTOGRAPHIE et SYNERGY, deux réunions dédiés à la fabrication d’outils numériques pour les commoners. Le CommonsCamp se terminera par un atelier destiné à identifier les suites possibles ou les prochaines étapes.<br /></br>Deux expositions seront organisées lors de l’événement: « <a href="https://wiki.remixthecommons.org/index.php?title=Expo_sur_les_communs">Les communs</a> » et « <a href="https://www.facebook.com/events/1651602484889455/">Les voies de la démocratie</a>« .</p></br><p>Ce CommonsCamp se concentrera sur le partage des connaissances et des compétences pratiques déployées dans le domaine des communs urbains. Il vise à stimuler l’émergence et la réalisation de projets concrets et de collaborations futures entre les commoners.</p></br><p>Pour plus d’informations, jetez un oeil au programme: en <a href="https://hackmd.lescommuns.org/s/ryZjgnXZm#">ANGLAIS</a><br /></br>ou bien en <a href="https://hackmd.lescommuns.org/s/SyLhb9ff7">FRANÇAIS</a>, à la liste des <a href="https://hackmd.lescommuns.org/s/By5srebX7#">contributeurs / participants</a>.</p></br><p>Toutes les informations (programme, préparation, contributeurs, actions, budget sont accessibles <a href="https://frama.link/commonscamp2018-sommaire">en ligne</a>.</p></br><p>Le CommonsCAmp bénéficie d’une interprétation en FR et EN lors des réunions plénières. Pour les autres activités, les organisateurs et le facilitateur feront en sorte que tout le monde soit en mesure de participer (ex: interprétation en chuchotant).</p></br><p>La documentation (prise de notes, photos, audio / vidéo) sera un effort collectif, chacun étant invité à contribuer à notre récolte collective de connaissances. Un groupe de bénévoles assistera quotidiennement à la récolte et à la publication du contenu sur le Web.</p></br><p>Vous pouvez déjà commencer à contribuer en envoyant des messages à cette liste, en<br /></br>éditant un pad ou en envoyant des demandes ou du matériel à Mélanie Pinet <pinet.melanie75@gmail.com> ou FrédéricSultan: fredericsultan@gmail.com.</p></br><p>Bel été à tous !</p>buer en envoyant des messages à cette liste, en<br /> éditant un pad ou en envoyant des demandes ou du matériel à Mélanie Pinet <pinet.melanie75@gmail.com> ou FrédéricSultan: fredericsultan@gmail.com.</p> <p>Bel été à tous !</p>)
  • Chargement/Site  + (<blockquote><p>Une session de <blockquote><p>Une session de <a href="http://mappingthecommons.net/">mapping the commons</a> se déroulera à Rio du 18 to 26 october 2013 coordonnée par <a href="http://hackitectura.net/">Pablo de Soto</a> en collaboration avec <a href="http://www.bernardogutierrez.es/">Bernardo Gutiérrez</a> et le soutien de MediaLab (Madrid).</br></p></blockquote></br><p><iframe loading="lazy" width="400" height="225" src="//www.youtube.com/embed/Nrtbi9gbuWw?rel=0" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen></iframe></p></br><p>Mapping the commons est un projet développé par Pablo de Soto. Cette initiative vise à produire avec les habitants, les activistes dans le territoire, des cartographies vivantes, composées de courtes vidéos documentaires et de vidéoposts. La démarche proposée prend la forme d’un intense atelier de plusieurs jours avec des étudiants en communication et des activistes pour rechercher les communs, les définir et rendre visible sur le territoire en produisant les médias qui constitueront la carte.</p></br><p>Pablo de Soto a initié cette approche autour des biens communs urbains d’<a href="http://mappingthecommons.net/map-of-istanbul-commons/">istambul</a> et <a href="http://mappingthecommons.net/map-of-athens-commons/">Athènes</a>, On peut voir en particulier qu’un travail avait été conduit sur <a href="http://mappingthecommons.net/taksim-square/">Taksim Square</a>, dont la privatisation a été l’un des points de départ de la contestation en Turquie cette année. La cartographie est un outil stratégique. Mais la recherche des biens communs est un processus de cartographie de l’espace urbains qui doit se comprendre, bien sur « ainsi que le proposent Deleuze et Guattari, et l’ont utilisé de nombreux artistes et activistes durant la dernière décade, comme une <a href="http://cartografiaciudadana.net/athenscommons/auto.php">performance</a> qui peut devenir réflexion, travail artistique, ou action de transformation sociale » (Pablo Soto).</p></br><p>Le 20 mars 2013 un wikisprint a été réalisé à Barcelone utilisant les mêmes principes et méthodologie. Sous le titre de « Global P2P », il s’agissait de cartographier les pratiques de Communs et de P2P en Amérique latine et en Europe du sud. Voir en anglais <a href=" http://codigoabiertocc.wordpress.com/2013/08/07/globalp2p-the-wind-that-shook-the-net/">#GlobalP2P, the wind that shook the net</a>. </p></br><p>Rio, prochaine étape de Mapping the commons, est l’une des villes qui vient de vivre, comme le reste du Brésil, des mobilisations sociales et politiques intenses contre des festivités internationales à venir qui tendent à <a href="http://scinfolex.wordpress.com/?s=olympique">privatiser l’espace public</a>. Beaucoup considèrent que ces mobilisations, leurs revendications et leurs modes d’organisation relèvent du paradigme des Communs. Voir les analyses sur le sujet de Bernardo Guttierez dans <a href="http://codigoabiertocc.wordpress.com/2013/05/23/globalp2p-el-viento-que-desordeno-las-redes/">globalp2p el viento que desordeno las redes</a> et d’Alexandre Mendes dans <a href="http://uninomade.net/tenda/a-atualidade-de-uma-democracia-das-mobilizacoes-e-do-comum/"> A atualidade de uma democracia das mobilizacoes e do comum/</a></p></br><p>Pour aller plus loin, lire l’article <a href="http://www.academia.edu/2637017/Mapping_the_Commons_Workshop">Mapping the Commons Workshop: Athens and Istanbul</a>, Pablo De Soto, Daphne Dragona, Aslıhan Şenel, Demitri Delinikolas, José Pérez de Lama</p>"http://www.academia.edu/2637017/Mapping_the_Commons_Workshop">Mapping the Commons Workshop: Athens and Istanbul</a>, Pablo De Soto, Daphne Dragona, Aslıhan Şenel, Demitri Delinikolas, José Pérez de Lama</p>)
  • Chargement/Site  + (<blockquote><p>italiano sotto&<blockquote><p>italiano sotto</p></blockquote></br><p><strong>Festival International des communs, Chieri, Italie, Dimanche, 12 juillet, de 12:00 à 18:00.</strong><br /></br>Salle : Sala conferenze della biblioteca</p></br><p>Reconquérir, protéger et créer des communs dans nos quartiers et dans nos villes, les communs urbains, contribue à la réalisation effective et quotidienne de droits fondamentaux et de droits sociaux.</p></br><p>En pratique, ces luttes prennent des formes multiples. Toutes sont confrontées à la nécessité de la création et de l’usage d’instruments juridiques originaux qui permettent d’administrer des ressources partagées en communs en vue de répondre à un besoin spécifique au sein d’une communauté. Chacune de ces créations juridiques est singulière. Elle correspond à un contexte, à une vision, à une culture.</p></br><p>Elle nous renseigne sur l’inventivité et l’imagination créative des commoners et sur la relation qu’ils entretiennent avec l’État à l’échelle locale, nationale ou même international.</p></br><p>La connaissance de ces expériences juridiques permet d’enrichir celles des autres commoners. L’analyse des pratiques qui les ont produites ou inspirées, est un facteur potentiel de développement et de multiplication des communs. Dans le cadre du Festival des communs de Chieri, nous proposons un atelier pour élaborer collaborativement un outil d’analyse des instruments juridiques, des statuts, des chartes et des règlements pour les communs. Cet outil, l’Atlas des chartes des communs urbains, servira à connaître la nature, comprendre le fonctionnement, les effets et les conditions de développement des instruments juridiques favorables aux communs. Ce sera une ressource opérationnelle et critique pour les échanges et les collaborations entre collectifs de commoners engagés dans la revendication de communs urbains, dans des projets de différentes natures, situés dans différents contextes culturels, droits locaux et nationaux.</p></br><p>L’atelier sera organisé en deux temps distincts auxquels il est possible de participer indépendamment :</p></br><p><strong>De 12:00 à 15:00.</strong><br /></br>– le premier atelier permettra de faire l’inventaire et de partager toutes les démarches et les expériences qui valorisent les instruments juridiques des communs urbains, afin de faciliter la coopération entre les militants, les initiatives et les organisations engagées;</p></br><p><strong>De 15:00 à 18:00.</strong><br /></br>– le deuxième temps permettra une mise en pratique de l’analyse d’instruments juridiques, statuts, délibération, règlements et chartes des communs urbains, à partir d’une première grille de lecture qui servira de matrice à l’Atlas des chartes des communs urbains. L’objectif sera de réaliser une première itération de cette grille d’analyse, afin de pouvoir l’améliorer. Il s’agira aussi élaborer un ou plusieurs scénario d’usage de cet outil correspondant à des besoins identifiés.</p></br><p>Les deux ateliers seront animés par : Alain Ambrosi, Irene Favero, Daniela Festa, Frédéric Sultan</p></br><p><strong>Inscription recommandées afin de faciliter l’organisation de l’atelier : </strong><a href=" http://doodle.com/9myczsrttbb7mvu8">http://doodle.com/9myczsrttbb7mvu8</a></p></br><p><strong>Contact : </strong><br /></br><a href="mailto:ambrosia@web.net">Alain Ambrosi</a><br /></br><a href="mailto:irenefavero@reseauculture21.fr">Irene Favero</a><br /></br><a href="mailto:festadaniela@gmail.com">Daniela Festa</a><br /></br><a href="mailto:fredericsultan@gmail.com">Frédéric Sultan </a></p></br><blockquote><p>ITALIANO</p></blockquote></br><h2>WORKSHOP: Creazione di un Atlante degli statuti dei Commons Urbani</h2></br><p><strong>Festival Internazionale dei Beni Comuni, Domenica 12 luglio dalle 12:00 alle 18:00.</strong><br /></br>Sala conferenze della biblioteca</p></br><p>Rivendicare, proteggere e creare commons nei nostri quartieri e nelle le nostre città contribuisce all’attuazione effettiva e quotidiana di diritti fondamentali e di diritti sociali.</p></br><p>Nella pratica, le lotte per i beni comuni urbani possono assumere forme eterogenee. Tutte si trovano confrontate, tuttavia, alla necessità di usare o creare regole e strumenti giuridici che permettano di governare risorse condivise per rispondere a esigenze specifiche di un comunità. Tali strumenti hanno caratteri propri. Corrispondono a determinati contesti e visioni e sono espressioni di determinate culture. Forniscono informazioni sull’inventività e l’immaginazione creativa dei commoners e la relazione che questi hanno con lo Stato a livello locale, nazionale, internazionale.</p></br><p>La conoscenza di queste esperienze giuridiche può arricchire gli altri commoners. L’analisi delle pratiche che le hanno prodotte o ispirate è un potenziale fattore di sviluppo e moltiplicazione dei commons. Nel contesto del Festival dei beni comune di Chieri, proponiamo un workshop per elaborare collettivamente uno strumento di analisi di statuti, dichiarazioni e regolamenti che si sono prodotti a partire dai beni comuni. Questo strumento, “Atlante degli statuti dei commons urbani”, servirà a comprenderne la natura, analizzarne il funzionamento e gli effetti e individuare le condizioni e le premesse per lo sviluppo di strumenti giuridici che possano favorire i commons. Sarà una risorsa critica e operativa per gli scambi e la cooperazione tra i collettivi di commoners impegnati nella rivendicazione dei diversi beni comuni urbani situati in diversi contesti culturali e giuridici.</p></br><p>Il workshop sarà organizzato in due momenti diversi ai quali è possibile partecipare in modo indipendente:</p></br><p><strong>Delle 12:00 alle 15:00:</strong><br /></br>– Il primo workshop si propone di individuare e condividere le pratiche e le esperienze ascrivibili alle rivendicazioni di urban commons per facilitare la cooperazione tra attivisti, esperienze e realtà presenti;</p></br><p><strong>Dalle 15:00 alle 18:00:</strong><br /></br>– Il seconda workshop consentirà di sperimentare l’analisi dei diversi strumenti giuridici elaborati: statuti, regolamenti, delibere, linee guida a partire da una prima griglia di lettura che servirà da matrice per L’Atlante degli statuti dei commons urbani.</p></br><p>L’obiettivo è quello di realizzare una prima sperimentazione della griglia d’analisi per correggerla e migliorarla e di proporre uno o più scenari di utilizzo dello strumento corrispondente alle necessità emerse durante l’insieme dei lavori.</p></br><p>Entrambi i laboratori saranno condotti da: Alain Ambrosi, Irene Favero, Daniela Festa, Frédéric Sultan</p></br><p>Registrazione raccomanda di facilitare lo svolgimento del workshop : <a href=" http://doodle.com/9myczsrttbb7mvu8">http://doodle.com/9myczsrttbb7mvu8</a></p></br><p><strong>Contact : </strong><br /></br><a href="mailto:ambrosia@web.net">Alain Ambrosi</a><br /></br><a href="mailto:irenefavero@reseauculture21.fr">Irene Favero</a><br /></br><a href="mailto:festadaniela@gmail.com">Daniela Festa</a><br /></br><a href="mailto:fredericsultan@gmail.com">Frédéric Sultan </a></p>/doodle.com/9myczsrttbb7mvu8">http://doodle.com/9myczsrttbb7mvu8</a></p> <p><strong>Contact : </strong><br /> <a href="mailto:ambrosia@web.net">Alain Ambrosi</a><br /> <a href="mailto:irenefavero@reseauculture21.fr">Irene Favero</a><br /> <a href="mailto:festadaniela@gmail.com">Daniela Festa</a><br /> <a href="mailto:fredericsultan@gmail.com">Frédéric Sultan </a></p>)
  • Chargement/Site  + (<h2>Interview with Joan Subirats – B<h2>Interview with Joan Subirats – Barcelona, April 20, 2017</h2></br><p><strong>Alain Ambrosi and Nancy Thede </strong></p></br><blockquote><p><i>The pro-independence government of Catalonia recently sparked a political crisis in Spain by proposing to call a referendum on independence by the end of 2017 with or without the approval of the central government. In contrast, « Catalonia in common » defines itself as an innovative political space of the Catalan left. Initiated by Barcelona in Comú a little less than a year after its election to city hall, the initiave was launched in October 2016. A short manifesto explained its raison-d’être and presented an « ideario politico » (a political project) of some 100 pages for broad discussion over 5 months which culminated in a constituent assembly last April 8.</i></p></br><p><i>This new political subject defines itself as « a left-wing Catalan organisation that aims to govern and to transform the economic, political and social structures of the present neo-liberal system. » Its originality in the political panorama of Catalonia and of Spain is its engagement with « a new way of doing politics, a politics of the commons where grassroots people and communities are the protagonists. » In response to those who see its emergence only in the context of the impending referendum, it affirms: « We propose a profound systemic, revolutionary change in our economic, social, environmental and political model. » </i></p></br><p><i>We interviewed Joan Subirats a few days after the Constituent Assembly of Catalunya en Comú took place. Joan is an academic renowned for his publications and his political engagement. A specialist in public policy and urban issues, he has published widely on the Commons and on the new municipalism. He is one of the artisans of Barcelona in Comú and has just been elected to the coordinating body of the new space named recently « Catalunya en comú ».</i></p></blockquote></br><h3>The Genesis of a New Political Subject</h3></br><p><b>NT —</b> Tell us about the trajectory of the development of this new initiative: a lot of people link it to the 15-M, but I imagine that it was more complex than that and started long before.</p></br><p><img decoding="async" loading="lazy" class="aligncenter size-full wp-image-4740" src="https://www.remixthecommons.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/06/Joan_Subirats_2013_cropped.jpg" alt="Joan_Subirats_2013_(cropped)" width="423" height="526" /><br /></br><a href="https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File%3AJoan_Subirats_2013_(cropped).jpg">By Directa (youtube) [CC BY 3.0 (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0)], via Wikimedia Commons</a></p></br><p><b>JS —</b> At the outset there was Guanyem, which was in fact the beginning of Barcelona en Comú: the first meetings were in February-March 2014. Who was involved? this is quite simultaneous with the decision by Podemos to compete in the European Parliament elections in May 2014. Podemos organises in February 2014; Guanyem begins organising in February- March 2014 to compete in the municipal elections of May 2015.</p></br><p>Going farther back, there is a phase of intense social mobilisation against austerity policies between 2011 and 2013. If we look at the statistics of the Ministry of the Interior on the number of demonstrations, it is impressive, there were never as many demonstrations as during that period, but after mid-2013 they start to taper off. There is a feeling that there are limits and that demonstrations can’t obtain the desired changes in a situation where the right-wing Popular Party (PP) holds an absolute majority. So the debate emerges within the social movements as to whether it’s a good idea to attempt to move into the institutions.</p></br><p>Podemos chooses the most accessible scenario, that of the European elections, because these elections have a single circonscription, so all of Spain is a single riding, with a very high level of proportionality, so with few votes you get high representation because there are 60-some seats, so with one million votes they obtained 5 seats. And people vote more freely in these elections because apparently the stakes are not very high, so they are elections that are good for testing strategies. In contrast, here in Barcelona, we chose the municipal elections as the central target because here there is a long history of municipalism.</p></br><p>So this sets the stage for the period that began in 2014 with Guanyem and Podemos and the European elections and in May 2015 with the municipal elections where in 4 of the 5 major cities – Barcelona, Madrid, Valencia and Zaragoza – alternative coalitions win that are not linked to either of the two major political parties (PP and the Socialist Party – PSOE) that have dominated the national political scene since the return to democracy in 1977. And in the autonomous elections<sup id="cite_ref-1" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-1">[1]</a></sup>, a new political cycle also begins, in which we still are. If we go farther back, to 2011 – there are a couple of maps that show the correlation between the occupation of plazas in the 15-M with the number of alternative citizen canadidacies at the municipal level.</p></br><p>So Podemos and all the alternative citizen coalitions all refer to the 15M as their founding moment. But the 15M is not a movement, it was a moment, an event. You must have heard the joke about the stranger who arrives and wants to talk to the 15M – but there is no 15M, it has no spokespersons and no address. But everyone considers it very important because it transformed the political scene in its wake . But what was there before the 15M?</p></br><p>There were basically 4 major trends that converged in the 15-M :<br /></br>First the anti-globalisation movement, the oldest one, very interesting because a large number of the new political leaders have come out of it, with forms of political mobilisation different from the traditional ones.</p></br><p>Then there was the « Free Culture Forum » linked to issues regarding internet which was very important here in Barcelona – with Simona Levy and Gala Pin, who is now a municipal councillor – that is important because here digital culture, network culture, was present from the very beginning, something that didn’t occur in other places.</p></br><p>The third movement was the PAH (Platform for People Affected by Mortgages) which emerges in 2009 and had precedents with Ada Colau and others who organised « V for vivienda » (like the film « V for vendetta », but in this case vivienda – housing), an attempt to demonstrate that young people were excluded from social emancipation because they didn’t have access to housing. Their slogan was « you’ll never have a house in your whole f’king life ». And the forms of mobilisation were also very new, for example, they occupied IKEA because at that time IKEA’s advertising slogan was « the independent republic of your home », so they occupied it and slept in the beds there. So this was more youthful, alternative, more of a rupture, but then in 2009 with the creation of the PAH they started to try to connect with the immigrant sector and people who were losing their houses because of the mortgage hype, it was very important because it’s the movement that tries to connect with sectors outside of youth: the poor, immigrants, working class… with the slogan ‘this is not a crisis, it’s a sting’. So the PAH is very important because it’s the movement that connects with sectors of the population outside of youth: workers, immigrants, the elderly… For example, here in Plaza Catalunya in 2011 the only major poster rallying people who weren’t youth was that of the PAH.</p></br><p>And the fourth movement – the most ‘authentic’ 15M one – was that of the « Youth without future ». People who organised mainly in Madrid, typical middle-class university sector with post-grad studies, who suddenly realised that they wouldn’t find jobs, that it wasn’t true that their diplomas would open doors for them, they were in a precarious situation.</p></br><p>So those were the four major currents that converged in the basis of the 15M. But what made it ‘click’ was not just those 4 trends, but the fact that huge numbers of other people recognised the moment and converged on the plazas and overwhelmed the movements that started it. The most surprising thing about the moment was that those 4 movements – that were not all that important – were rapidly overwhelmed by success of the movement they started and new people who spontaneously joined. That was what really created the phenomenon, because if it had been just those 4 movements, if it had been like ‘Nuit debout’ in Paris where people occupied the plaza but without the sensation that people had steamrollered the leaders. So, when the plazas are evacuated, the idea becomes ‘Let’s go to the neighbourhoods’. So all of a sudden, in the neighbourhoods of Barcelona and Madrid, assemblies were organised where there was a mixture of the old neighbourhood associations that were no longer very active and whose members were older (my generation) and new people who brought new issues like ecology, energy, bicycle transport, cooperatives, water and a thousand different things and who created new spaces of articulation where people who had never thought that they would meet in the neighbourhoods began to converge.</p></br><p>I think this explains the re-emergence of municipalism that followed: people begin to see the city as a place where diverse social changes can be articulated on a territorial basis: many mobilisations are taking place in isolation, in a parallel manner and don’t have a common meeting-point. Water as a common good, energy transition, sustainable transport, public health, public space, infant education… All of a sudden there was something that brought people together which was to discuss the city, the city we want – David Harvey mentions in an article that the modern-day factory is the city. That is, we no longer have factories, the city is now the space where conflicts appear and where daily life becomes politicised: issues like care, food, schooling, transport, energy costs – and this creates a new space for articulating these issues that hadn’t been previously envisaged.</p></br><p>So I think this is the connection : 15-M as a moment of overwhelming, the end of a cycle of mobilisation – remember that there had been a petition of a million and a half signatures to change the mortgage legislation, that Ada Colau presented in the national Congress, where she accused the PP deputies of being assassins because of what they were doing – but that mobilisation had no effect in the law. A PP deputy declared ‘If these people want to change things, then they should get elected’. So people started thinking ‘OK, if that’s the way it is, then let’s get ourselves elected’. This is the initial change of cycle in 2014. So the 4 movements were present in the meetings of Guanyem and BComun, as well as some progressive intellectuals and people from other issue areas like water, transport, energy etc. That was the initial nucleus here in Barcelona – in Madrid it was different. There the Podemos generation had a different logic. Here, from the beginning, we wanted to create a movement from the bottom up and to avoid a logic of coalition of political parties, this was very clear from the outset. We didn’t want to reconstruct the left on the basis of an agreement amongst parties. We wanted to build a citizen movement that could impose its own conditions on the parties. In the case of Podemos it was different: it was a logic of a strike from above – they wanted to create a strong close-knit group with a lot of ideas in a very short period and as a result an electoral war machine that can assault the heavens and take power. Here, on the other hand, we foresaw a longer process of construction of a movement where we would start with the municipalities and after that, we’ll see.</p></br><p>So Guanyem was created in June 2014, 11 months prior to the municipal elections, with a minimal program in 4 points:</p></br><ol></br><li>we said, we want to take back the city, it’s is being taken away from the citizens, people come here to talk about a ‘business-friendly global city’ and they are taking it away from the citizens, we have lost the capacity to control it, as the first point;</li></br><li>there is a social emergency where many problems don’t get a response;</li></br><li>we want people to be able to have decision-making capacity in what happens in the city, so co-production of policy, more intense citizen participation in municipal decisions;</li></br><li>moralisation of politics. Here the main points are non-repetition of mandates, limits on salaries of elected officials, anti-corruption and transparency measures, etc.</li></br></ol></br><p>So we presented this in June 2014 and we decided that we would give ourselves until September to collect 30,000 signatures in support of the manifesto and if we succeeded, we would present candidates in the municipal elections. In one month we managed to get the 30,000 signatures! Besides getting the signatures on internet and in person, we held a lot of meetings in the neighbourhoods to present the manifesto – we held about 30 or 40 meetings like that, some of them small, some more massive, where we went to the neighbourhoods and we said « We thought of this, what do you think? We thought of these priorities, etc’. » So, in September of 2014 we decided to go ahead; once we decided that we would present a slate, we began to discuss with the parties – but with the strength of all that support of 30,000 people backing us at the grassroots, so our negotiating strength with respect to the parties was very different. In Dec 2014 we agreed with the parties to create Barcelona en Comun – we wanted to call it Guanyem but someone else had already registered the name, so there was a lot of discussion about a new name, there were various proposals: Revolucion democratica, primaria democratica, the term Comu – it seemed interesting because it connected with the Commons movement, the idea of the public which is not restricted to the institutional and that was key. It was also important that in the previous municipal elections in 2011 only 52% of people had voted, in the poorer neighbourhoods a higher number of people abstained and that it was in the wealthier neighbourhoods where a larger proportion of people had voted. So we wanted to raise participation by 10% in the poor neighbourhoods more affected by the crisis and we thought that would allow us to win. And that was what happened. In 2015, 63% voted, but in the poor areas 40% more people voted. In the rich areas, the same people voted as before.</p></br><p>So it was not impossible to think we could win. And from the beginning the idea was to win. We did not build this machine in order to participate, we built it in order to win. We didn’t want to be the opposition, we wanted to govern. And as a result, it was close, because we won 11 of 41 seats, but got the most votes so we head the municipal council, the space existed. From the moment Guanyem was created in June 2014, other similar movements began to be created all over Spain – in Galicia, in Andalucia, in Valencia, Zaragoza, Madrid… One of the advantages we have in Barcelona is that we have Ada Colau, which is a huge advantage, because a key thing is to have an uncontested leader who can articulate all the segments of the movement – ecologists, health workers, education professionals…. If you don’t have that it’s very difficult, and also the sole presence of Ada Colau explains many things. In Madrid they found Manuela Carmena, who is great as an anti-franquista symbol, with her judicial expertise, very popular but who didn’t have that tradition of articulating movements, and as a result now they are having a lot more problems of political coordination than here.</p></br><h3>A New Political Subject for a New Political Era</h3></br><p><b>AA —</b> So now Catalunya en comu defines itself as a new political space on the left for the whole of Catalonia. But in recent Catalan history that’s nothing really new: there have been numerous political coalitions on the left, such as the PSUC<sup id="cite_ref-2" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-2">[2]</a></sup> in 1936 followed by many others. So what is different about this initiative?</p></br><p><b>JS —</b> If we open up our perspective and look at things more globally, I think that what justifies the idea that this is a new political space is the fact that the moment is new, we’re in a new phase so it’s very important to understand that if this new political moment reproduces the models and the conceptual paradigms of the old left and of the Fordism of the end of the 20th century, we won’t have moved ahead at all. The crisis of social democracy is also a crisis of a way of understanding social transformation with codes that no longer exist. As a result the measure of success of this new political space is not so much in to what extent it can bring together diverse political forces, but rather its capacity to understand this new scenario we find ourselves in – a scenario where digital transformation is changing everything, where we no longer know what ‘labour’ is, where heterogeneity and social diversity appear as factors not of complexity but of values, where the structure of age no longer functions as it used to – where everything is in transformation, so we can no longer continue to apply ideas – to use a phrase coined by Ulrich Beck – ‘zombie concepts’, living dead, no?, we forge ahead with our backpacks full of 20th-century concepts, applying them to realities that no longer have anything to do with them. It’s easy to see the defects of the old, traditional concepts, but it’s very difficult to construct new ones because we don’t really know what is happening nor where we are headed. The example of the debate in France between Valls and Hamon – at least, I read the summary in Le Monde, where Valls maintained that it would be possible to come back to a situation of full employment and Hamon said that is impossible, that it’s necessary to work towards the universal basic income; in the end, Hamon is closer to the truth than Valls, but Hamon isn’t capable of explaining it in a credible way – and it is very difficult to explain it in a credible way.</p></br><p>Here, we are working at one and the same time on the Commons and the non-institutional public sphere, we are demanding greater presence of the public administration when probably it wouldn’t really be necessary, but since we don’t have a clear idea of how to construct this new thing, we are still acting sort of like slaves of the old. So that’s where I think the concept of the Commons, of the cooperative, the collaborative, new ideas regarding the digital economy, are more difficult to structure, because we’re also conscious that capitalism is no longer only industrial or financial but now it’s digital capitalism, and it controls all the networks of data transmission and at the same time the data themselves, probably the wealth of the future. So, sure we can do really interesting things in Barcelona, out of Barcelona en Comun, but we have GAFAM (Google, Apple, Facebook, Amazon and Microsoft), and GAFAM has its own logics and that complicates things. So we have to create a new political subject – and it’s obvious that we need something new – but what isn’t so obvious is what are the concepts we need to create this new subject. So if you look at the documents published by Un Pais en Comu<sup id="cite_ref-3" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-3">[3]</a></sup> that’s what you’ll see: a bit of different language, a different way of using concepts, but at the same time a trace of the heritage of the traditional left. The journal ‘Nous Horitzons’ has just published a new issue on ‘Politics in Common’<sup id="cite_ref-4" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-4">[4]</a></sup> which brings together a lot of these elements. The impression that some of us had in the assembly the other day in Vall d’Hebron (the inaugural assembly of the movement) was that the old ways were still weighing us down, that there was a difficulty to generate an innovative dynamic.</p></br><p><b>NT —</b> That was clear in the composition of the audience.</p></br><p><b>JS —</b> Yes, well, the Podemos people weren’t there, of course… they didn’t come for various reasons, because probably not everybody was in agreement with Albano-Dante<sup id="cite_ref-5" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-5">[5]</a></sup> but they saw there was a lot of disagreement and so they preferred not to come, and that’s a type of public that, as well as filling the hall, also changes the type of dynamic – so it was more the traditional-style organisations that were there (Iniciativa or EUIA<sup id="cite_ref-6" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-6">[6]</a></sup>), there was more of the old than the new probably. Perhaps that’s inevitable, but what we have to do now is to see if we can change that dynamic.</p></br><p><b>AA —</b> When one reads the ‘Ideario politico’ (the political project of Un Pais en Comu) it’s a sort of lesson in political economy, political philosophy as well, but also a vast programme, and the left has never put forward this type of Commons-inspired programme before, be it in Catalunya or in Spain or probably internationally. How do you see its contribution in the context of the Commons ecosystem? There have been experiences of the Commons without the Commons label, as in Latin America …</p></br><p><b>JS —</b> Yes, in Catalunya the anarcho-sindicalist movement…</p></br><p><b>AA —</b> Of course, but more recently, the idea of ‘Buen Vivir’ …</p></br><p><b>JS —</b> Yes, but when you go to Latin America and you talk about that, it all revolves around the State. But here, we try not to be state-centric. We are trying to avoid the idea that the only possible transformation needs to depend on the State.</p></br><p><b>AA —</b> But in the ‘Ideario’ a lot of discussion is devoted to public services as well, this implies that the State has to exist. And in the Commons vocabulary there is the concept of the ‘partner-state’, but it doesn’t appear in the Ideario…</p></br><p><b>JS —</b> Yes, there’s a margin there: the resilience of the new politics depends more on the capacity to create ‘muscled’ collective spaces – public, collective, common – than on the occupation of the institutions. But without the occupation of the institutions, it’s very difficult to construct those spaces. The example that comes to mind for me is from Copenhagen: there it was the cooperatives of the workers’ unions that built the big housing coops that exist now; also, the municipal government when the left was in power built a lot of public housing; then when a right-wing government came to power, it privatised all the public housing but it couldn’t privatise the cooperatives. So in the end, things that are strictly state-based are more vulnerable than when you build collective strength. So if we are able to benefit from these spaces in order to build ‘collective muscle’, using our presence in the institutions, this will end up being more resilient, more stable over time than if we put all our eggs in the State basket. So the Barcelona city government has civic social centres that are municipal property, but what is important is to succeed in ensuring that these centres are controlled by the community, that each community make them its own despite the fact that the property is officially that of the municipality, but they must be managed through a process of community management. So you need to build in the community a process of appropriation of institutions that ends up being stronger than if it were all in the hands of the State.</p></br><p>Now we are discussing citizen heritage, how the city government can use its property – houses, buildings – and it can cede them for a certain period in order to construct collective spaces. For example, 8 building sites that belong to the municipality have been put up for auction on 100-year leases for community organisations to build housing cooperatives. This doesn’t take property away from the public sphere and at the same time it generates collective strength. But a certain sector of the political left here, the CUP, criticises this as privatisation of public space. They think Barcelona en Comun should build public housing instead, state-owned housing. That’s a big difference. And people are aware of that, but at the same time there are doubts about whether this makes sense, whether there is sufficient strength within the community so that this can work. Or, for example, the most common criticism is that “you have an idea of the public, the collective, the Commons, that implies capacities in the community that are only present in the middle classes that have the knowledge, the organisational capacity… so it’s a very elitist vision of the collective because the popular sectors, without the backing of the State, won’t be able to do this. » Well, we’re going to try to combine things so it can work, but we don’t want to keep converting the public into the ‘state’.</p></br><p>Nancy Fraser wrote an article on the triple movement – looking at Polanyi’s work on the ‘double movement’ in the Great Transformation, that is the movement towards mercantilisation, and the opposite movement it stimulated towards protection. Polanyi talks about the confrontation of these 2 movements in the early 20th century, and the State – in its soviet form or in its fascist form – as a protectionist response of society which demands protection when faced with the uncertainty, the fragility the double movement engenders. Nancy Fraser says that all that is true, but we’re no longer in the 20th century, we’re in the 21st century where factors like individual emancipation, diversity, feminism are all very important – so we shouldn’t be in favour of a protectionist movement that continues to be patriarchal and hierarchical. We need a movement for protection that generates autonomy – and there resides what I think is one of the keys of the Commons movement. The idea of being able to get protection – so, a capacity of reaction against the dynamics of the market attacks – without losing the strength of diversity, of personal emancipation, of feminism, the non-hierarchical, the non-patriarchal, the idea that somebody decide for me what I need to do and how I will be protected. Let me self-protect myself too, let me be a protagonist too of this protection. And this is contradictory with the state-centric tradition.</p></br><h3>A Commons Economy, Participation and Co-production of Policy</h3></br><p><b>AA —</b> The first theme of the ‘Ideario’ is the economy – you are an economist, amongst other things – how do you see this proposal in terms of the Commons? For example, there is a lot of discussion now about ‘open cooperativism’, etc. What you were saying about the cooperative movement here, that it is very strong but not sufficient…</p></br><p><b>JS —</b> In some aspects no. For example, the city wanted to open a new contract for communications (telephone, internet) – now there are the big companies Telefonica, Movistar, Vodafone, Orange, etc: there’s a cooperative called ‘Som Connexion’ (We are connection)- or ‘Som Energia’ (We are energy) that’s a lot bigger – it has 40,000 members – but these cooperatives, it would be fantastic if the city were to give them the contract for energy or for communication, but they aren’t capable of managing that at the moment. So if they take it, we’d all have big problems: faulty connections, lack of electrical power – because they’re growing for sure but they don’t yet have the ‘muscle’, the capacity they need to take this on.</p></br><p>So we have to continue investing in this, it’s not going to take care of itself. On the other hand, in other areas, like home services for the elderly, we do have very strong cooperatives, Abacus for example is a cooperative for book distribution that has 800 000 members, so that is a coop that’s very powerful, and there are others. But in general, the more powerful the coop, the less politicised it is – they tend to transform themselves into big service companies. But now they are understanding that perhaps it would be in their interest to have a different vision; there has been a very politicised movement in the grassroots level coops that is contradictory with the entrepreneurial trend in the big coops. So we’re in this process right now: yes, there are very big, very strong coops and there are also smaller, more political ones but they don’t have sufficient muscle yet.</p></br><p><b>AA —</b> When we look at issues of participation, co-production of policy and such, it is also a question of culture, a culture of co-production that doesn’t exist. In the neighbourhoods, yes there is a trend to revamping participation, but when we talk to people in the local-level committees they say ‘Sure, people come to the meetings, but because they want a tree planted here…’ and they don’t have that vision of co-creation. So first there has to be a sort of cultural revolution ?</p></br><p><b>JS —</b> There are places where there has been a stronger community tradition that could well converge with this. Some neighbourhoods like Roquetes for example, Barceloneta or Sants, have very strong associational traditions. If you go to Roquetes to the meeting of the community plan, everybody is there: the people from the primary medical services centre, the doctors, the schools are there, the local police, the social workers – and they hold meetings every 2 weeks and they know everything that goes on in the area, and they transfer cases amongst themselves: “we detected this case, how do we deal with it?” etc. The community fabric in those neighbourhoods functions really well. So what can you add to that fabric so that it can go a bit further? On the other hand, in other neighbourhoods like Ciutat Meridiana, in 5 years 50% of the population has changed, so it’s very difficult to create community where the level of expulsion or change is so high. In Sants, in Ca Batlló, there was a very interesting experience where people want to create a cooperative neighbourhood – it’s a bit polemical – they want to create a public school without using public funds, instead using money from the participants themselves, because the coop tradition in Sants is very anarchist, libertarian – so they promote the idea of a public school, open to all, but not using public funds. And it would have its own educational philosophy, that wouldn’t have to submit to standard educational discipline. And groups have appeared in different neighbourhoods dedicated to shared child-raising where there are no pre-schools for children between 0 and 3 years, or people prefer not to take the kids to public pre-schools because they find them too rigid, so they prefer generating relationships amongst parents. So what should the role of the city government be with respect to such initiatives? Should it facilitate or not? There’s a debate about how to position the municipality with respect to these initiatives that are interesting but then when, inside Barcelona en Comú or Catalunya en Comú, the person who is in charge of these issues comes with a more traditional union perspective and says “This is crazy, what we need to do is to create public schools with teachers who are professional civil servants. These experiments are fine for gentrified zones, but in reality…’” And they are partly right. So we’re in that sort of situation, which is a bit ambivalent. We’re conscious that we need to go beyond a state-centric approach, but at the same time we need to be very conscious that if we don’t reinforce the institutional role, the social fragilities are very acute.</p></br><h3>The Commons and Issues of Sovereignty, Interdependence and the « Right to Decide »</h3></br><p><b>AA —</b> Another high-profile issue is that of sovereignty. The way it’s presented in the Ideario is criticised both by those who want a unified Spain and by those who want Catalan independence. Sovereignty is simply another word for independence in the view of many people. But the way it’s presented in the Ideario is more complex and comprehensive, linked to autonomy at every level …</p></br><p><b>JS —</b> Exactly: it’s plural, in lower case and plural: sovereignties. The idea is a bit like what I said earlier about the city, that we want to take back the city. We want to recover the collective capacity to decide over what affects us. So it’s fine to talk about the sovereignty of Catalonia, but we also need to talk about digital sovereignty, water sovereignty, energy sovereignty, housing sovereignty – sovereignty in the sense of the capacity to decide over that which affects us. So we don’t have to wait until we have sovereignty over Catalonia in order to grapple with all this. And this has obvious effects: for example, something we are trying to develop here: a transit card that would be valid on all forms of public transit – like the “Oyster” in London, and many other cities have them – an electronic card that you can use for the train, the metro, the bus: the first thing the Barcelona city government did on this was to ask the question “Who will own the data? “. That’s sovereignty. The entity that controls the data on who moves and how in metropolitan Barcelona has an incredible stock of information with a clear commercial value. So will it belong to the company that incorporates the technology? or will the data belong to the municipality and the municipality will do with it what it needs? At the moment, they are installing digital electricity metres and digital water metres: but to whom do the data belong? because these are public concessions, concessions to enterprises in order that they provide a public service – so who owns the data?</p></br><p>This is a central issue. And it is raised in many other aspects, like food sovereignty. So, we want to ensure that in the future Barcelona be less dependent on the exterior for its food needs, as far as possible. So you need to work to obtain local foodstuffs, control over the products that enter – and that implies food sovereignty, it implies discussing all this. So, without saying that the sovereignty of Catalonia isn’t important, we need to discuss the other sovereignties. Because, suppose we attain the sovereignty of Catalonia as an independent state, but we are still highly dependent in all the other areas. We need to confront this. I don’t think it’s a way of avoiding the issue, it’s a way of making it more complex, of understanding that today the Westphalian concept of State sovereignty no longer makes much sense. I think we all agree on that. We are very interdependent, so how do we choose our interdependencies? That would be real sovereignty, not to be independent because that’s impossible, but rather how to better choose your interdependencies so that they have a more public content.</p></br><p><b>AA —</b> Talking of interdependence, there is the issue as well of internationalism. Barcelona en Comú puts a lot of emphasis on that, saying ‘There is no municipalism without internationalism’ etc. From the very outset of her mandate, Ada Colau in 2015 in her inaugural speech as mayor said that ‘we will work to build a movement of cities of the Mediterranean’, and as time goes on the approach is becoming clearer, for example with the participation of Colau and the vice-mayor Gerardo Pisarello in the major international city conferences. What do you see as the importance of this internationalism within the Commons ecosystem?</p></br><p><b>JS —</b> There are 2 key aspects for me. First, cities are clearly the most global political space and zone of social convergence that exists. Apparently when we talk about cities we’re talking about something local, but cities are actually very globalised. Benjamin Barber wrote a book about ‘Why Mayors should govern the world’. And he set out an example I think is very good: if the mayor of Montreal meets with Ada and the mayor of Nairobi and the mayor of Santiago de Chile and the mayor of say Hong-Kong, after 5 minutes together they’ll all be talking about the same things. Because the problems of cities are very similar from one place to another despite their different sizes. Questions of energy, transport, water, services, food… If we try to imagine that same meeting between Heads of State, the complexity of the political systems, cultural traditions, constitutional models and all will mean that the challenge of coming to a common understanding will be much more complex. That doesn’t mean that cities are the actors that will resolve climate change, but certainly the fact that Oslo, Copenhagen, Amsterdam, Barcelona and Paris agree that in 2025 there will no longer be cars circulating that use diesel will have more impact than a meeting of Heads of State. With AirBnB Barcelona is in constant confrontation, the city has fined them 600 000 euros, but Barcelona on its own can’t combat AirBnB. But New York, Paris, London, Amsterdam and Barcelona have come to an agreement to negotiate jointly with AirBnb: those 5 cities together can negotiate with them. But it isn’t the problem for States, it’s much more a problem for cities than for States. And AirBnB uses digital change to enter spaces where there is a lack of precision – it’s what happens too with Uber, Deliveroo and other platforms of so-called ‘collaborative economy’, which is really extractive economy, but which use the reglamentary voids. The people who work for Uber or Deliveroo aren’t employees, they are independent entrepreneurs but they work in 19th century conditions. Tackling this problem from the level of the city can produce new solutions.</p></br><p>I think when we decided in 2014-2015 to attempt to work at the municipal level in Barcelona, we were aware that Barcelona isn’t just any city: Barcelona has an international presence and we wanted to use Barcelona’s international character to exert an influence on urban issues worldwide. Ada Colau participated in the Habitat conference in Quito in October 2016, before that in the meeting of local authorities in Bogota, she is now co-president of the World Union of Municipalities. So there’s an investment that didn’t start just with us but that started in the period when Maragall<sup id="cite_ref-7" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-7">[7]</a></sup> was mayor, a very high investment by Barcelona in participating in this international sphere of cities. This reinforces Barcelona in its confrontations with the State and with private enterprise as well. It plays an important role. There is an international commission within Barcelona en Comú, they are constantly working with other world cities – they have been in France, they have a strong link with Grenoble and will be going to a meeting of French cities in September to talk about potential collaboration, they often go to Italy, they’ve gone to Belgrade, to Poland. In June they’re organising a meeting of Fearless Cities, with the participation of many mayors from major cities in Europe and around the world.<br /></br>So there is a very clear vision of the global aspect. So the global dimension is very present, and at the level of Spain as well. The problem there is that there is political interference, for example in Madrid, which is very important as a city, but within the municipal group “Ahora Madrid” they’re very internally divided, so sometimes you speak to one and the others don’t like it. We have really good relations with Galicia: A Coruña and Santiago de Compostela, also with Valencia, but Valencia also has its own dynamic. Zaragoza. Each city has its own dynamic, so sometimes it’s complicated to establish on-going relations.</p></br><p><b>AA —</b> What about Cadiz?</p></br><p><b>JS —</b> Of course, Cadiz is also part of this trend, but the group there is part of the Podemos anti-capitalist faction, so there are nuances.</p></br><p><b>NT —</b> You mentioned 2 points regarding internationalism…</p></br><p><b>JS —</b> Yes, first there was the general global perspective on cities and the second is Barcelona’s own concrete interest. So the first is more global, that is, any city in the world today has many more possibilities if it looks at its strategic global role and if it wants to strengthen its position, it has to work on the global level. In the case of Barcelona specifically, there is also a will that’s partly traditional, because it was begun by Maragall, you have to remember that here in Barcelona there are 10 districts, and during the war of the Balkans, Maragall created District 11, which was Sarajevo: city technicians went to Sarajevo to work with them, and still today there are municipal technicians who travel regularly to Gaza to work there, or with La Havana – in other words there’s a clearly established internationalist stance in the municipality. Also, the headquarters of the World Union of Local Governments is in Barcelona. The international headquarters of Educating Cities is in Barcelona, so there has constantly been a will to be present on the international scene since Maragall, and now this is continuing but with a new orientation as well. Perhaps there used to be the idea of exporting the Barcelona model, branding Barcelona, but that is no longer the case.<br /></br>There’s very intense organisation globally, probably if Ada accepted all the invitations she receives, she’d be travelling all the time.</p></br><p><b>AA —</b> Coming back to the issue of sovereignty vs independence and “the right to decide”, how does this play out?</p></br><p><b>JS —</b> The issue of independence is internally very complex with different positions. I think there is a general agreement on 3 things, ie:</p></br><ol></br><li>Catalonia has its own demos and therefore is a political subject which must be recognised,</li></br><li>it has to be able to decide how to articulate itself with the other political subjects in Spain and in Europe, it has to have the right, the capacity to decide;</li></br><li>this requires the construction of a State of its own.</li></br></ol></br><p>It is on the fourth point that we are not in agreement: whether that State should be independent or whether it should be in some way linked, allied, confederated with the rest of the Iberian Peninsula or with Europe. These 3 initial points are sufficiently important and they are the basis for the fact that Catalunya en Comú or Barcelona en Comú is part of the broad sovereigntist space in Catalonia. What it isn’t part of is the independentist space in Catalonia. Despite the fact that I would say some 30-40% of the members are pro-independence, but the rest not. And that is an issue which divides us. But what we are trying to do is to work out this debate on the basis of our own criteria, not on those of other movements. The criteria of the others are ‘you are independentist or you are not independentist’. Our own criteria are: yes, we are sovereigntists, we discuss sovereignties and we’ll see. Since we agree on what is the most important (that is – an autonomous political subject, the right to decide, an autonomous State), let’s discuss how we can articulate. We have fraternal relations with 4 million people in the rest of Spain who agree with us on the first 3 criteria. So the key question probably would be: Does Catalonia want to separate from the rest of Spain or from this Spain? The standard response would be “We have never known any other. We’ve always seen the same Spain, so there is no other Spain”. So the debate we can have is over “Yes, another Spain is possible”. Sort of like the debate right now over whether to leave Europe: do we want to leave Europe of leave this Europe? But is another Europe possible or not?</p></br><h3>The Challenges of Scale</h3></br><p><b>NT —</b> I am struck by the fact that every time we refer to the initiative of Catalunya en Comú, you respond by giving the example of what’s happening in Barcelona: do you see Barcelona as the model for Un Pais en Comú?</p></br><p><b>JS —</b> No, it’s not that it’s the model, there is even some reticence within Barcelona en Comú that this new political initiative may have negative consequences for Barcelona en Comú. The Barcelona in Comú experiment has worked really well: within BeC political parties continue to exist (Podemos, Iniciativa, EUIA, Guanyem) and all agree that it’s necessary to create this subject, because it’s clear – there’s a phrase by a former mayor of Vitoria in the Basque country who said “Where my capacities end, my responsibilities begin” – that is, clearly, cities are developing roles that are more and more important, but their capacities continue to be very limited and especially their resources are very limited – so there’s an imbalance between capacities and responsibilities. Between what cities could potentially do and what they really can do. Refuge-cities – a thousand things. So within Barcelona en Comú there is an understanding of the interest of creating Catalunya en Comú in order to have influence in other levels of government. And to present candidates in elections in Spain with En Comú Podem because to be represented in Madrid is also important. But of course, sometimes this expansion can make us lose the most original aspect, that is the emphasis on municipalism, in the capacity to create these spaces – so there’s a certain tension. And obviously, when you go outside Barcelona in Catalonia, the local and territorial realities are very different, you find… you no longer control what kind of people are joining and so you can end up with surprises – good and bad ones – so there are some doubts, some growing pains. You have to grow, but how will that affect what we have so far? our ways of working and all that… I always refer to Barcelona en Comú because we have existed for longer, we have a sort of ‘tradition’ in the way we work, and on the contrary, the other day we held the founding assembly of Catalunya en Comú and – where are we headed? how long will we be able to maintain the freshness, avoid falling into the traditional vices of political parties? Xavi (Domenech) is a very good candidate, he has what I call a Guanyem DNA, but it’s not evident that we can pull this through. That’s the doubt.</p></br><p><b>NT —</b> How do you assess the results of the founding assembly of Catalunya en Comú? Are you happy with what came out of it?</p></br><p><b>JS —</b> Yes, I’m satisfied, although I don’t think the results were optimal, but we are squeezed by a political calendar that we don’t control. It’s very probable that there will be elections this year in Catalonia, so if that happens… what would have been preferable? To reproduce the Barcelona en Comú model, take more time and work more from the bottom up, hold meetings throughout the territory – we did hold about 70 or 80, but a lot more would have been better – do things more slowly and look around, build links with local movements, the same ones as in Barcelona but on the level of Catalonia – energy, water, etc: reconstruct the same process. But sure, they’re going to call elections or a referendum in 2 days. What is clear is that we can’t do the same thing as with ‘Catalunya si que es pot’<sup id="cite_ref-8" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-8">[8]</a></sup>, which was a coalition but it didn’t work. So all this has meant that the process – despite the fact that I think it has been carried out well, is not optimal: within the realm of the possible, I think it was done with great dignity.</p></br><p><b>NT —</b> And with respect to the deliberative process that was used to arrive at the final document?</p></br><p><b>JS —</b> Basically the same thing: it could have been done better, with deeper debates in each area, it was done very quickly, a lot of issues in a short period of time. The task was very complex, and I think the result is worthy. We tried to avoid standardised jargon and parameters, to make it a bit different. So now we’ll see – yesterday the Executive met for the first time, and on May 13 will be the first meeting of the coordinating group of 120 people<sup id="cite_ref-9" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-9">[9]</a></sup>. So we’ll have to see how this all is gotten underway. I am not convinced that it will all be functional in time for the Catalan elections, for me the key date is May 2019 which are the next municipal elections. Then we’ll see if this has really jelled and if we can have a significant presence throughout the territory. This territorial vision is very important in order to avoid a top-down construction. The key thing in Catalonia is to do it with dignity and not to become entrapped in this dual logic of independence or not, to be capable of bringing together a social force that is in that position.</p></br><div class="" style="font-size: .8em;"></br><p>NOTES</p></br><ol class="references"></br><li id="cite_note-1"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><a href="#cite_ref-1">↑</a></span> <span class="reference-text">Autonomous elections are those held in the 17 Autonomous Communities of Spain created by the 1978 Constitution. Catalunya is one of them.</span></li></br><li id="cite_note-2"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><a href="#cite_ref-2">↑</a></span> <span class="reference-text">The Unified Socialist Party of Catalonia or PSUC: Founded in 1936, it allied the main parties of the Catalan left around the Communist Party. It was dissolved in 1987.</span></li></br><li id="cite_note-3"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><a href="#cite_ref-3">↑</a></span> <span class="reference-text">« A country in common ». The process, carried out in a transparent and well-documented manner, began with a negotiation with certain left-wing parties and movements, and encouraged discussion and new proposals at popular assemblies throughout the region and in online discussion open to the public. More than 3,000 people participated in 70 assemblies and more than 1,700 proposals and amendments were made online with the webpage registering nearly 130,000 hits. The Assembly discussed and voted on the various amendments and agreed on a transitional structure composed of a coordinating body of 120 members and an executive committee of 33 members, each with a one-year mandate to propose an ethical code, statutes, an organizational structure and political options in the unfolding conjuncture. </span></li></br><li id="cite_note-4"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><a href="#cite_ref-4">↑</a></span> <span class="reference-text">« La Politica de Comù » in Nous horitzons (New Horizons) No. 215, 2017. Originally titled Horitzons, the magazine was founded in 1960 in clandestinity and published in Catalan abroad by intellectuals linked to the PSUC. It has been published in Catalonia since 1972. It recently opened its pages to other progressive political tendencies. </span></li></br><li id="cite_note-5"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><a href="#cite_ref-5">↑</a></span> <span class="reference-text">Albano Dante Fachin, member of the Catalan parliament, is the head of Podem (the Catalan wing of the Podemos party). He opposed the participation of his party in the constituent assembly of Un Pais en Comù thus creating a crisis in the ranks of Podemos at both the Catalan and national levels. Party leader Pablo Iglesias did not disown him, but delegated his national second-in-command Pablo Echenique to represent him in the assembly. </span></li></br><li id="cite_note-6"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><a href="#cite_ref-6">↑</a></span> <span class="reference-text">Coalitions of the Catalan left since the transition period of the 1970s have been numerous and complex for the uninitiated. « Iniciativa for Catalonia Verts » dates from 1995 and was composed of the Green party with Iniciativa for Catalonia, itself a 1987 coalition of the left parties around the PSUC and the former Catalan Communist Party. EUIA (United and Alternative Left) is another coalition in 1998 which includes the first two and all the small parties of the radical left. EUIA is the Catalan branch of Izquierda Unida (United Left) the new name of the Spanish Communist Party. </span></li></br><li id="cite_note-7"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><a href="#cite_ref-7">↑</a></span> <span class="reference-text">Pasqual Maragall, member and later president of the Catalan Socialist Party, became mayor of Barcelona in 1982 with the support of the elected members of the Unified Socialist Party of Catalonia (PSUC). He remained in this position for almost 15 years without ever having a majority in the municipal council. He then became President of the Catalan government in 2003.</span></li></br><li id="cite_note-8"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><a href="#cite_ref-8">↑</a></span> <span class="reference-text">Catalunya Sí que es Pot (CSQP, « Yes Catalonia Is Possible ») is a left-wing coalition created in view of the Catalan elections in the autumn of 2015. Barcelona en Comù, itself a municipal coalition, was elected in May 2015 but decided not to run in the autonomous elections. </span></li></br><li id="cite_note-9"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><a href="#cite_ref-9">↑</a></span> <span class="reference-text">The election result was no surprise: ‘A country in common’ founder Xavier Domenech will preside the Executive Committee and Ada Colau, the current mayor of Barcelona, is president of the coordinating body. The membership, via an internet vote, chose on May 20 a new name preferring « Catalunya en Comù » to « En Comú podem », thus distinguishing itself from the 2015 Catalan coalition with Podemos, also called « En comu podem » and signalling a reinforcement of the « Barcelona en Comù » wing with respect to the supporters of Podemos in the new entity. The rejection of the earlier name ‘Un Pais en Comu’ may also denote a desire to distance itself from a pro-independence stance.</span></li></br></ol></br></div>i> </ol> </div>)
  • Chargement/Site  + (<p><em>Les voies maritimes<<p><em>Les voies maritimes</em>, a beautiful idea of video about a project of protected sea area. </p></br><p><iframe loading="lazy" frameborder="0" width="400" height="225" src="//www.dailymotion.com/embed/video/xu8azp" allowfullscreen></iframe><br /></br>By <a href="http://www.aires-marines.fr/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Aires-marines-protegees</a></i></p></br><p>Three photographers have traveled for months Normand Breton Gulf stretching from the island of Brehat to Cape of La Hague and which is the subject of a proposed marine park. Rodolphe Marics, Denis Bourges and Xavier Desmier propose an X-ray of the marine space in three different and complementary points of view: aerial photos, hiking and underwater.</p></br><p><em>Les voies maritimes</em> was born of a partnership between the Agency for Marine Protected Areas and the association Les champs photographiques.</p>maritimes</em> was born of a partnership between the Agency for Marine Protected Areas and the association Les champs photographiques.</p>)
  • Chargement/Site  + (<p><iframe loading="lazy" src="//<p><iframe loading="lazy" src="//www.youtube.com/embed/a0J2gj80EVI?rel=0" width="400" height="225" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe></p></br><p>« Sans Lendemain », est un film d’animation sur l’exploitation des énergies fossiles et des ressources naturelles et leurs conséquences sur la vie humaine sur la planète. Il est réalisé par Dermot O’ Connor et produit par Incubate Pictures. en 35 minutes, il aborde de façon très intelligible toute une série de problématiques liées à la croissance de notre système économique et à notre façon de consommer.</p></br><p>Réalisation : Dermot O’ Connor (35 minutes, 2012).<a href="http://www.idleworm.com">http://www.idleworm.com</a><br /></br><a href="http://www.incubatepictures.com">http://www.incubatepictures.com</a> – <a href="http://www.angryanimator.com">http://www.angryanimator.com</a></p></br><p>Information et documentation sur le site <a href="http://sansLendemain.mpOC.be">http://sansLendemain.mpOC.be</a>.</p></br><p>Titre original étasunien : There’s no tomorrow.<br /></br><a href="https://www.youtube.com/redirect?q=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.youtube.com%2Fwatch%3Fv%3DVOMWzjrRiBg&redir_token=PRF4kw9bwKfWe7SJ5S33XwpWSiZ8MTQwMTM2NzY0MEAxNDAxMjgxMjQw">https://www.youtube.com</a></p></br><p>Version française 2013 due à l’initiative du groupe de Liège du mpOC, Mouvement politique des objecteurs de croissance (le mpOC n’est pas un parti politique).</p></br><p>Avec le soutien de :<br /></br>Amis de la Terre Belgique, ASPO.be (section belge de l’Association for the Study of Peak Oil and Gas), GRAPPE (Groupe de Réflexion et d’Action Pour une Politique Ecologique), IEW (Inter-Environnement Wallonie), Imagine demain le monde, mpOC.</p></br><p>Traduction : Francis Leboutte.<br /></br>Voix : Caroline Lamarche.<br /></br>Mixage voix : Margarida Guia.<br /></br>Sous-titres en néerlandais, allemand, anglais, français, espagnol et italien.</p>aduction : Francis Leboutte.<br /> Voix : Caroline Lamarche.<br /> Mixage voix : Margarida Guia.<br /> Sous-titres en néerlandais, allemand, anglais, français, espagnol et italien.</p>)
  • Chargement/Site  + (<p><iframe loading="lazy" title="<p><iframe loading="lazy" title="Claiming the Commons - Food for All on Haultain Boulevard" width="880" height="660" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/25F_KbTz39o?feature=oembed" frameborder="0" allow="accelerometer; autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture" allowfullscreen></iframe></p></br><p>Espace urbain – Théories & Pratiques (Co-production) de SchoolofCommoning</p></br><p>Peak Moment 185: Rainey Hopewell’s crazy idea has ended up feeding a neighborhood and creating community. She and Margot Johnston planted vegetables in the parking strip in front of their house. They offer them free for the taking ? to anyone, anytime ? with messages chalked on the sidewalk noting when particular vegies are ready to pick. Neighboring children and adults are joining in to work on the garden, harvesting fun along with food, and even handing fresh-picked vegies to passers-by.</p></br><p>Mise en ligne le 20 nov. 2010</p></br><p>Licence YouTube standard</p></br><p>X CanadaX FoodX GardenX JardinX nourritureX Permaculture</p>lt;p>Licence YouTube standard</p> <p>X CanadaX FoodX GardenX JardinX nourritureX Permaculture</p>)