Rechercher par propriété

Cette page fournit une simple interface de navigation pour trouver des entités décrites par une propriété et une valeur nommée. D’autres interfaces de recherche disponibles comprennent la page recherche de propriété, et le constructeur de requêtes « ask ».

Liste de résultats

Définir les communs - Camila Moreno + (Une définition des communs proposée par Ca … Une définition des communs proposée par Camila Moreno (Friends of the Earth) Brésil, tirée d'un entretien réalisé par AMBROSI Alain, lors de la Conférence Internationale sur l'économie et les communs qui se déroulait à Berlin du 22 au 24 mai 2013.Cette capsule est une contribution au projet "Definir les communs".tribution au projet "Definir les communs".)
Définir les communs - Pat Conaty + (Une définition des communs proposée par Pa … Une définition des communs proposée par Pat Conaty, United Kingdom, tirée d'un entretien réalisé par AMBROSI Alain, lors de la Conférence Internationale sur l'économie et les communs qui se déroulait à Berlin du 22 au 24 mai 2013.Cette capsule est une contribution au projet "Definir les communs"ntribution au projet "Definir les communs")
Définir les communs - Valérie Peugeot, France + (Une définition des communs proposée par Pe … Une définition des communs proposée par Peugeot, France, tirée d'un entretien réalisé par AMBROSI Alain, lors de la Conférence Internationale sur l'économie et les communs qui se déroulait à Berlin du 22 au 24 mai 2013.Cette capsule est une contribution au projet "Definir les communs""Les biens communs ce sont tout d'abord une ressource qui doit et peut être partagée et qui va donc entretenir un autre rapport à la propriété – qui n'est ni la propriété publique, ni la propriété privée, ni la propriété collective, qui est autre chose. Qui est une manière de penser des droits d'usages, des droits de gestion, des droits d'organisation. Ça c'est la première chose – et cette ressource peut être matérielle, immatérielle: peu importe. Deuxième chose ce sont des règles de gouvernance qui vont permettre justement d'organiser cette gestion, cette distribution de droits, qui vont permettre de protéger la ressource: ça c'est un point très important. Ça veut dire que c'est pas une espèce de non-droit; c'est pas comme j'ai entendu quelqu'un le dire hier quelque chose qui appartient à tout le monde: non, c'est pas du tout ça. Et puis la troisième chose c'est ce qu'on appelle en anglais le commoning, le faire ensemble, c'est-à-dire l'idée qu'on est dans une construction sociale – et une construction politique aussi – donc c'est une manière de faire de la citoyenneté autour de cette ressource en créant de la règle, en créant de l'organisation, et en promouvant à travers ça une autre manière de faire société – il y a aussi l'idée quand même de transformation sociale derrière les communs, en tous cas aujourd'hui!"ère les communs, en tous cas aujourd'hui!")
Définir les communs - Mayo Fuster + (Une définition des communs proposée par Ma … Une définition des communs proposée par Mayo Fuster, Espagne / USA, tirée d'un entretien réalisé par AMBROSI Alain, lors de la Conférence Internationale sur l'économie et les communs qui se déroulait à Berlin du 22 au 24 mai 2013.Cette capsule est une contribution au projet "Definir les communs".tribution au projet "Definir les communs".)
Définition des communs selon Friederike Habermann + (Une définition des communs proposée par Fr … Une définition des communs proposée par Friederike Habermann, Germany, tirée d'un entretien réalisé par AMBROSI Alain, lors de la Conférence Internationale sur l'économie et les communs qui se déroulait à Berlin du 22 au 24 mai 2013.Cette capsule est une contribution au projet "Definir les communs"."Maybe just let me mention the principles I see in what I would call “ecomony”: it is first that it is not ownership that matters but it is possession – so this is not only exactly what is using but possession it means that it is needed or used by somebody – you have this with commons as land (this is how we live in my project) but you have this with things that you can give away when they are not in your possession anymore, or you can share infrastructures for example. So this is one principle. The next principle is "share what you can": so again what you don't need you can give but you can also share your knowledge, your skills. And this goesin to the next principle which is contributing in a set of shared logic. That is that you act by intrinsic motivation and not by extrinsic rewards. And this is how commons-based and commons-producing economies come together."ommons-producing economies come together.")
Le Commons Strategies Group à Berlin + (Une entrevue avec Michel Bauwens, HELFRICH Silke et David Bollier réalisée par AMBROSI Alain, lors de la conférence internationale Economics and the Commons qui s'est déroulée à Berlin du 22 au 24 Mai 2013.)
Friederike Habermann sur l'« Ecommony » + (Une interview avec Friederike Habermann réalisée par AMBROSI Alain lors de la conference Economics and the Commons à Berlin le 25 mai 2013.)
Georges Por sur les communs de l'éducation + (Une interview avec Georges Por réalisée par AMBROSI Alain lors de la conference Economics and the Commons à Berlin le 23 mai 2013.)
11 Notice sur "Culture and the commons" dossier de la revue Eurozine + (Une notice sur ''Culture and the commons'', dossier de la revue Eurozine. Eurozine – «Focal Point», Eurozine et European Cultural Foundation, 2016 (Articles rédigés entre 2014 et 2016). http://www.eurozine.com/focal-points/ culture-and-the-commons/)
09 Notice sur "Le droit à l'épreuve de la résurgence des commons" de Serge Gurwirth et Isabelle Stengers + (Une notice sur l'article « Le droit à l'épreuve de la résurgence des commons » de Serge Gurwirth et Isabelle Stengers, paru dans ''La Revue juridique de l’Environnement'', 2016/2, volume 41, Lavoisier, p. 306-343.)
Entrevues International Commons Conference Berlin 2010 + (Une récolte de fichiers audio contenant les interventions des participants à l'International Commons Conference, organisée à Berlin en 2010. Les fichiers ont comme objet des définitions sur les biens communs et des réflexions sur les commons.)
Entrevues International Commons Conference Berlin 2013 + (Une récolte de fichiers audio produits pendant l'International Commons Conference organisé à Berlin en 2013, qui a eu comme objet la dimension économique des commons, la culture des communs et la politique des communs.)
Activist Funds For the Commons + (Une trentaine de militants ont participé à … Une trentaine de militants ont participé à l'élaboration d'une vision et d'idées pour lancer ce qui deviendra Fundaction (un fond géré par les activistes européens) lors d'une réunion qui a eu lieu à Séville en décembre 2016. À la suite de cette rencontre, début de 2018, chacun d'entre eux a reçu cinq invitations à envoyer à d'autres militants de toute l'Europe afin d'augmenter le nombre de membres pour une phase de prototypage. Après l'évaluation du prototype, le fonds a été lancé vers la mi-2018.ype, le fonds a été lancé vers la mi-2018.)
Revisiter l'engagement citoyen avec les communs urbains + (Vidéo de l'atelier organisé par la GEF (Gr … Vidéo de l'atelier organisé par la GEF (Green European Fondation) en partenariat avec la FEP (Fondation pour lEcologie Politique) organisé dans le cadre de la journée de convergence du festival LE TEMPS DES COMMUNS en Ile-de-France et du projet de la Green European Foundation RECLAIM THE COMMONS (http://gef.eu/projects/reclaim-the-commons/). Centre de Recherche Interdisciplinaire (CRI), 10 Rue Charles V 75004 Paris.Participants à l'atelier : FESTA Daniela, juriste et géographe sociale, auteur de Fare spazio. Pratiche del comune e diritto alla città (Kosmos 10), Milano/Udine: Mimesis, mai 2015; LABOREY Claire, réalisatrice du documentaire "Mainmise sur les villes"(Arte, 2015); LARGETEAU Quitterie, biologiste, fondatrice de Biohacking Safari.Animation: Silvia Marcon, directrice de la Fondation de l'Ecologie Politique.e de la Fondation de l'Ecologie Politique.)
Mouvement des communs, Prélude + (Vidéo réalisée pour la conférence Economics Commons Conference Berlin 2013 Sous-titrage: Anglais, français, espagnol)
Public works + (We are a none for profit organisation with … We are a none for profit organisation with the prime interest in finding methods of constructing urban or knowledge commons. Public works is a not-for-profit critical design practice, set up in 2004, that works within the terrain of architecture, art and design activism to bring about positive social and environmental change and support urban democracy. Together with out extended interdisciplinary network, we re-work spatial, social and economic opportunities towards citizen driven development with the intention to improve civic life. We forge long-term relationships with our clients and collaborators to build trust and enable co-authorship in city making. Our projects, research and teaching methods act as catalysts for this.Our outputs include discursive events, campaigns, urban strategies, participatory art and architecture across all scales. Its aesthetic and scale are determined by the external collaborators involved and project locality, which makes every public works project unique.Currently all of our projects are experimenting with and examining methods with which we can claim land from the private sector into common ownership. We work both with local authorities and policies to negotiate on behalf or sometimes with community groups in their engagement in self governance and development of their neighbourhoods.e and development of their neighbourhoods.)
Great Lakes Commons Charter Declaration + (http://greatlakescommons.org La charte de … http://greatlakescommons.orgLa charte de Great Lakes Commons vise à incarner une philosophie de gouvernance commune pour les Grands Lacs. Elle définit 3 objectifs : :partagez et développez les principes pour prendre soin des Eaux. :encouragez les gens de la région à participer aux décisions pour une gestion des eaux selon ces principes. :préparez les fondations d’une approche commune pour la protection et la gouvernance des eauxCette charte existe en 5 langues : Spanish Commons Charter, Mphawk Commons Charter, French Commons Charter, Anishinaabemowin Commons Charter, English Commons Charter. Commons Charter, English Commons Charter.)
Série de podcasts sur la ressource en eau « Entre Rhône et Saône » + (5ème (et dernier) épisode : « Ressource en … 5ème (et dernier) épisode : « Ressource en eau : les effets du changement climatique » (2)avec Clémence Aubert (responsable du pilotage stratégique CNR), Nicolas Chantepy ( directeur adjoint de l’Agence Rhône Méditerranée Corse ) et Charlène Descollonges (ingénieure hydrologue).4ème épisode : « Ressource en eau : les effets du changement climatique » (1)avec Laurent Roy (directeur de l’Agence de l’Eau Rhône Méditerranée Corse), Matthieu Hervé (directeur du SAGYRC) et Coralie Scribe (La Jardinière Partageuse).3ème épisode : « Tout savoir sur le cycle de l’eau »avec Laurie Caillouet (association Eau’Dyssée), Maude Garcia (association l’Araire), Christophe Drozd et Anne Perrissin (Eau publique du Grand Lyon)2ème épisode : « Les gardiens de l’eau »avec le Collectif des péniches de Lyon, Odysseus 3.1, Randossage et HISA (Human Initiatives to Save Animals)1er épisode : « Milieux aquatiques et biodiversité : le retour des castors et des poissons »avec Des Espèces Parmi’Lyon (DEPL)sons » avec Des Espèces Parmi’Lyon (DEPL))
Tactical Chartering Manifesto + ( :This document is a overencompassing guid … :This document is a overencompassing guide that helps to create a commons charter written with the objective to assist in the self-governance of an urban commons. :Ce document est une tentative de guide pour aider à la création de chartes des communs urbains.la création de chartes des communs urbains. )
Chargement/Site 2 + (<blockquote> Interview de P … <blockquote> Interview de Philippe Minard sur l’ouvrage de l’historien britannique E. P. Thompson: Whigs and Hunters : The Origin of the Black Act, traduit et publié en français en 2014.</blockquote><iframe loading="lazy" frameborder="0" width="400" height="225" src="http://www.dailymotion.com/embed/video/x1b1xbe?logo=0" allowfullscreen></iframe> <a href="http://www.dailymotion.com/video/x1b1xbe_philippe-minard-boite-a-idees_news" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Philippe Minard. Boîte à Idées</a> par <a href="http://www.dailymotion.com/Mediapart" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Mediapart</a>A propos de la Guerre des Forêts, de Edward P. ThompsonL’ouvrage, paru à Londres en 1975, est une enquête vivante d’histoire sociale : au début du XVIIIe siècle, un conflit oppose, d’un côté, les propriétaires et administrateurs de la forêt – celle de Windsor notamment – et, de l’autre, ses usagers. Au point qu’une loi promulguée en 1723 punit de mort certains des usages coutumiers : ce « Black Act », ainsi nommé parce que les braconniers se couvraient le visage de suie, est particulièrement impitoyable : si un vol de cerf est un crime capital, l’abattage de jeunes arbres ou la mutilation du bétail peuvent conduire aussi la potence. Les habitants des forêts opposent, à cette répression « sanguinaire », le droit coutumier des usages collectifs (droits de pâturage, d’extraction de tourbe, d’abattage et de ramassage du bois…).Ainsi, outre la mise en place d’une évidente « politique de classes », ce que Thompson, grande figure intellectuelle inspirée par le marxisme et pionnier de « l’histoire par le bas », nous oblige à penser, c’est un monde dans lequel survivaient, avant que le XVIIIe siècle ne les arase au profit d’une conception exclusive, des modes et des degrés de propriété fort différents : « Ce qui était en jeu, écrit-il, (…) c’était des définitions concurrentes du droit de la propriété : pour le propriétaire terrien, l’enclosure ; pour le petit paysan, les droits collectifs ; pour les autorités de la forêt, les “chasses gardées” des cerfs ; pour les habitants des forêts, le droit de prélever de la tourbe ».Selon Philippe Minard, c’est l’un des aspects les plus frappants de cet ouvrage : « Thompson nous aide à penser la diversité des régimes d’accès possibles, tout ce qui existe entre la propriété individuelle et l’absence totale de propriété. » Resurgi dans les années 1970, à la faveur de l’écologie (quand il a fallu déterminer à qui appartenaient les forêts, les océans ou encore l’atmosphère, en passe d’être durablement souillés), ce questionnement s’est poursuivi avec le développement d’Internet. Depuis la fin des années 1990, des activistes se battent contre tout ce qui entrave la circulation et l’appropriation collective des connaissances, en faisant explicitement référence aux pratiques des droits collectifs et des commons. Il se déroule sur le Net, selon eux, ce que Thompson décrivait dans les forêts anglaises : « Un conflit entre les utilisateurs et les exploiteurs. »Extrait de : A l’usage de tous. « La Guerre des forêts », d’Edward P. Thompson dans LE MONDE DES LIVRES | 23.01.2014 | Julie Clarini ;/p> Extrait de : A l’usage de tous. « La Guerre des forêts », d’Edward P. Thompson dans LE MONDE DES LIVRES | 23.01.2014 | Julie Clarini )
Chargement/Site + (<blockquote>6 months after … <blockquote>6 months after the World Social Forum, our Documentation / Card Play tool on the commons is ready to circulate, to animate conversations and to help you to move the commons close to you!</blockquote><img decoding="async" loading="lazy" class="aligncenter size-medium wp-image-4621" src="https://www.remixthecommons.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/03/IMG_0071-1024x768-300x225.jpg" alt="IMG_0071-1024x768" width="800" height="600" />C@rds in Common is a game where 2 to 5 players collaborate to build a resilient civil society that defends the commons against the forces of monopolization. Apart from the pleasure of playing, C@rds in common was conceived as a means of documenting the presence of the commons at the Commons Space, an ephemeral encounter at the World Social Forum in Montreal in August 2016. The cards that composed the game were designed by volunteers who shared their vision and experience of the commons and the game mecanism designed by Mathieu Rhéaume and his team. This experience suggests that it would be possible to use the same approach and these methodological tools to document the commons in other local contexts, alike your neighborhood, or thematics as the commons of knowledge for example. We look forward to such experiments!To learn more about the game, have a look at the <a href="http://cartesencommun.cc">website</a>.The game is released on demand by The Game Crafter in the US for $ 22.99 each plus shipping and customs via: <a href="https://www.thegamecrafter.com/games/c-rds-in-common">https://www.thegamecrafter.com</a>To reduce shipping and customs for Europeans, we are launching a bulk order and hopefully this will bring the cost of each game delivered to Europe to around US $ 30/35.If you wish to participate in this first bulk order, fill in <a href="https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfVa7DsY3rbjkxPoui-KzHqpPtmhhV1_KBstEMebKWVceaPnQ/viewform?c=0&w=1">the form</a> before March 18th at 20:00 GMT.You will also have to pay an advance corresponding only to the price of the game(s) ordered. The remainder to be paid (port and customs) will be asked when the order is completed, when we will know the costs of postage and customs.Then, be patient! The group order will be initiated on 19 March and will arrive in Paris during the month of April. As soon as they arrive in Paris, the games will be mailed to their recipients.>Then, be patient! The group order will be initiated on 19 March and will arrive in Paris during the month of April. As soon as they arrive in Paris, the games will be mailed to their recipients.)
Chargement/Site + (<blockquote>E … <blockquote>Entrevue avec Joan Subirats(1) par Alain Ambrosi Mai 2018 </blockquote><blockquote>Joan Subirats est commissaire à la culture de la ville de Barcelone, dirigée par le groupe Barcelona en comu. Il est également professeur de sciences politiques à l’Universitat autonoma de Barcelona et fondateur de l’Institut sur la gouvernance et les politiques publiques (IGOP). Dans cette interview en anglais, il présente les enjeux de la politique culturelle pour la municipalité de Barcelone actuellement dirigée par Barcelona en Comù.</blockquote><figure style="width: 800px" class="wp-caption alignleft"><img decoding="async" loading="lazy" class="size-full" src="https://s1.qwant.com/thumbr/0x380/b/4/cf4cf4f48af794bc54dc5384e88975c9e7cd020dbccf80dc35882a989230be/joan%20subirats.jpg?u=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.fepsu.es%2Fimage%2Fjoan%2520subirats.jpg&q=0&b=1&p=0&a=1" alt="Joan Subirats (UAB) Conferencia FEPSU 2016" width="800" height="400" /><figcaption class="wp-caption-text">Joan Subirats (UAB) Conferencia FEPSU 2016</figcaption></figure>AA<ul>: In your recent article in La Vanguardia(2), you set out a framework for a cultural policy, you refer to putting into practice the key community values that should underpin that policy… Maybe we could start there?</ul>JS: For me, whereas in the 20th century the defining conflict was between freedom and equality – and this marked the tension between right and left throughout the 20th century because in a way this is the frame in which capitalism and the need for social protection evolved together with the commodification of life while at the same time the market called for freedom – ie: no rules, no submission. But the need for protection demanded equality. But in the 21st century there is rejection of the notion of protection linked to statism: Nancy Fraser published an article(3) in the New Left Review, it is a re-reading of Polanyi and she claims that this double movement between commodification and protection is still valid, but that the State-based protection typical of the 20th century, where equality is guaranteed by the State, clashes since the end of the 20th century with the growing importance of heterogeneity, diversity and personal autonomy. Therefore, if in order to obtain equality, we have to be dependent on what the State does, this is going to be a contradiction…. So we could translate those values that informed the definition of policies in the 20th century, in 21st century terms they would be the idea of freedom (or personal autonomy, the idea of empowerment, not subjection, non-dependence) and at the same time equality, but no longer simply equality of opportunities but also equality of condition because we have to compensate for what is not the same (equal) in society. If you say « equal opportunities », that everyone has access to cultural facilities, to libraries, you are disregarding the fact that the starting conditions of people are not the same, this is the great contribution of Amartya Sen, no? You have to compensate for unequal starting situations because otherwise you depoliticize inequality and consider that inequality is the result of people’s lack of effort to get out of poverty. So equality yes, but the approach is different. And we must incorporate the idea of diversity as a key element in the recognition of people and groups on the basis of their specific dignity. That seems easy to say, but in reality it is complicated, especially if you relate it to culture, because culture has to do with all these things: it has to do with the construction of your personality, it has to do with equal access to culture just as cultural rights and culture have to do with the recognition of different forms of knowledge and culture – canonical culture, high culture, popular culture, everyday culture, neighbourhood culture … So for me, a cultural policy should be framed within the triple focus of personal autonomy, equality and diversity. And this is contradictory, in part, with the cultural policies developed in the past, where there is usually confusion between equality and homogeneity. In other words, the left has tended to consider that equality meant the same thing for everyone and that is wrong, isn’t it?, because you are confusing equality with homogeneity. The opposite of equality is inequality, the opposite of homogeneity is diversity. So you have to work with equality and diversity as values that are not antagonistic, but can be complementary. And this is a challenge for public institutions because they do not like heterogeneity, they find it complicated because it is simpler to treat everyone the same, as the administrative law manual used to prescribe `indifferent efficiency’: it is a way of understanding inequality as indifference, right?AA<ul>: In your article you also talk about the opposition between investing in infrastructures versus creating spaces and environments that are attractive to creators and you put an emphasis on the generation of spaces. What is being done, what has been done, what could be done about this?</ul>JS : In Barcelona we want to ensure that the city’s cultural policies do not imply producing culture itself, but rather to try to influence the values in the production processes that already exist, in the facilities, in the cultural and artistic infrastructures: the role of the city council, of the municipality, is not so much to produce culture as to contribute to the production of culture. Which is different, helping to produce culture…. Obviously, the city council will give priority to those initiatives that coincide with the values, with the normative approach that we promote. There are some exceptions, for example, the Grec festival in Barcelona(4) in July, or the Mercé(5), which is the Festa Mayor, where the city council does in fact subsidize the production of culture, so some productions are subsidised but generally what we have is a policy of aid to creators. What is being done is that 11 creative factories (fablabs) have been built, these are factories with collectives that manage them chosen through public tenders. There are now 3 factories of circus and visual arts, 2 factories of dance creation, one factory of more global creation housed at Fabra & Coats, 3 theatre factories and 2 visual arts and technology sites. So there are 11 factories of different sorts and there are plans to create others, for example in the field of feminist culture where we are in discussion with a very well consolidated group : normally all these creative factories have their management entrusted to collectives that already become highly consolidated in the process of creation and that need a space to ensure their continuity. Often the city council will cede municipal spaces to these collectives, sometimes through public competitions where the creators are asked to present their project for directing a factory. This is one aspect. Another aspect is what is called living culture, which is a programme for the promotion of cultural activities that arise from the community or from collectives in the form of cooperatives and this is a process of aid to collectives that are already functioning, or occasionally to highlight cultural activities and cultural dynamics that have existed for a long time but have not been dignified, that have not been valued, for example the Catalan rumba of the Gypsies, which is a very important movement in Barcelona that emerged from the gypsy community of El Raval, where there were some very famous artists like Peret. There we invested in creating a group to work on the historical memory of the rumba, looking for the roots of this movement, where it came from and why. Then some signposts were set up in streets where this took place, such as La Cera in El Raval, where there are two murals that symbolise the history of the Catalan rumba and the gypsy community in this area so that this type of thing is publicly visible. That is the key issue for culture: a recognition that there are many different cultures.Then there is the area of civic centres: approximately 15% of the civic centres in the city are managed by civic entities as citizen heritage, and those civic centres also have cultural activities that they decide on, and the city council, the municipality helps them develop the ideas put forward by the entities that manage those centres.So, if we put all those things together, we could talk about a culture of the urban commons. It is still early stages, this is still more of a concept than a reality, but the underlying idea is that in the end the density and the autonomous cultural-social fabric will be strong enough to be resilient to political changes. In other words, that you have helped to build cultural practices and communities that are strong and autonomous enough that they are not dependent on the political conjuncture. This would be ideal. A bit like the example I often cite about the housing cooperatives in Copenhagen, that there was 50% public housing in Copenhagen, and a right-wing government privatised 17% of that public housing, but it couldn’t touch the 33% of housing that was in the hands of co-operatives. Collective social capital has been more resilient than state assets: the latter is more vulnerable to changes in political majorities.AA<ul>: You also speak of situated culture which I think is very important: setting it in time and space. Now Facebook has announced it is coming to Barcelona so the Barcelona brand is going to be a brand that includes Facebook and its allies. But your conception of a situated culture is more about a culture where social innovation, participation, popular creativity in the community are very important…</ul>JS : Yes, it seems contradictory. In fact what you’re asking is the extent to which it makes sense to talk about situated culture in an increasingly globalized environment which is more and more dependent on global platforms. I believe that tension exists and conflict exists, this is undeniable, the city is a zone of conflict, therefore, the first thing we have to accept is that the city is a battleground between political alternatives with different cultural models. It is very difficult for a city council to set out univocal views of a cultural reality that is intrinsically plural. Talking about situated culture is an attempt to highlight the significance of the distinguishing factors that Barcelona possesses in its cultural production. This does not mean that this situated culture should be a strictly localist culture – a situated culture does not mean a culture that cuts off global links – it is a culture that relates to the global on the basis of its own specificity. What is most reprehensible from my point of view are cultural dynamics that have a global logic but that can just as well be here or anywhere else. And it’s true that the platforms generate this. An example: the other day the former minister of culture of Brazil, Lluca Ferreira, was here and talked about a program of living culture they developed, and they posted a photograph of some indigenous people where the man wore something that covered his pubic parts but the woman’s breasts were naked. So Facebook took the photograph off the site, and when the Minister called Facebook Brazil to say ‘what is going on?’, they told him that they didn’t have any duty towards the Brazilian government, that the only control over them was from a judge in San Francisco and that, therefore, if the judge in San Francisco forced them to put the photograph back, they would put it back, otherwise they wouldn’t have to listen to any minister from Brazil or anywhere else. In the end, there was a public movement of protest, and they put the photo back. The same thing happened here a few days ago, a group from a municipal theatre creation factory put up a poster with a man’s ass advertising a play by Virginia Wolff and Facebook took their entire account off the net – not just the photograph, they totally removed them from Facebook. And here too Facebook said that they are independent and that only the judge from San Francisco and so on. I believe that this is the opposite of situated culture because it is a global cultural logic, but at the same time it allows itself to be censored in Saudi Arabia, in China, that is to say it has different codes in each place. So to speak of situated culture means to speak of social transformation, of the relationship between culture and social transformation situated in the context in which you are working. But at the same time to have the will to dialogue with similar processes that exist in any other part of the world and that is the strength of a situated culture. And those processes of mutuality, of hybridization, that can happen when you have a Pakistani community here, you have a Filipino community, you have a Chinese community, you have a Gypsy community, you have an Italian community, you have an Argentinean community: they can be treated as typical folkloric elements in a theme park, or you can try to generate hybridization processes. Now at the Festival Grec this year there will be poetry in Urdu from the Pakistanis, there will be a Filipino theatre coming and a Filipino film fest at the Filmoteca – and this means mixing, situating, the cultural debate in the space where it is happening and trying to steep it in issues of cultural diversity. What I understand is that we need to strive for a local that is increasingly global, that this dialogue between the local and the global is very important.AA<ul>: Returning to social innovation and popular creativity, social innovation is also a concept taken up pretty much everywhere: how is it understood here? Taking into account that in the world of the commons, Catalonia, and especially Barcelona, is very well known for its fablabs, which are also situated in this new era. How then do you understand social innovation and how do you see the relationship between education and social innovation?</ul>JS : What I am trying to convey is that the traditional education system is doing little to prepare people and to enhance inclusive logics in our changing and transforming society, so in very broad lines I would say that if health and education were the basic redistributive policies of the 20th century, in the 21st century we must incorporate culture as a basic redistributive policy. Because before, the job market had very specific demands for the education sector: it knew very well what types of job profiles it needed because there was a very Taylorist logic to the world of work – what is the profile of a baker, of a plumber, of a miller? How many years you have to study for this kind of work. There is now a great deal of uncertainty about the future of the labour market, about how people will be able to work in the future and the key words that appear are innovation, creativity, entrepreneurship, flexibility, ability to understand a diverse world, teamwork , being open to new ideas: this has little to do with traditional educational profiles, but it has much to do with culture, with things that allow you to acquire that backpack of basic tools that will help you navigate in a much more uncertain environment. And for me, to find the right connection between culture and education is very important because it allows the educational system to constantly transform itself by taking advantage of the creative potential of an environment that is much more accessible now than before because of new technologies, and therefore to make the transition from a deductive system where there is a teacher who knows and tells people what they need to know – to an inductive system: how do we explore what we need to know in order to be able to act. And that more inductive, more experimental logic has to do with creativity whereas the traditional education system didn’t postulate creativity, it postulated your ability to learn what someone else had decided you needed to study. It’s art, it is culture that allows you to play in that field much more easily … Translated from Spanish by Nancy Thede.1 Joan Subirats is Commissioner for culture in the city government of Barcelona led by the group Barcelona en comu. He is also professor of political science at the Universitat autonoma de Barcelona and founder of the Institute on Governance and Public Policy.2 « Salvara la cultura a las ciudades? », La Vanguardia (Barcelona), Culturals supplement, 12 May 2018, pp. 20-21. https://www.lavanguardia.com/cultura/20180511/443518454074/cultura-ciudadesbarcelona-crisis.html3 Nancy Fraser, « A Triple Movement », New Left Review 81, May-June 2013. Published in Spanish in Jean-Louis Laville and José Luis Coraggio (Eds.), La izquierda del siglo XXI. Ideas y diálogo Norte-Sur para un proyecto necesario Icaria, Madrid 2018.4 Festival Grec, an annual multidisciplinary festival in Barcelona, now in its 42nd year. It is named for the Greek Theatre built for the 1929 Universal Exhibition in Barcelona: http://lameva.barcelona.cat/grec/en/.5 Barcelona’s annual ‘Festival of Festivals’ begins on Sept 24, day of Our Lady of Mercy, a city holiday in Barcelona. It especially highlights catalan and barcelonian cultural traditions and in recent years has especially featured neighbourhood cultural activities like street theatre. See: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/La_Mercè.nnual ‘Festival of Festivals’ begins on Sept 24, day of Our Lady of Mercy, a city holiday in Barcelona. It especially highlights catalan and barcelonian cultural traditions and in recent years has especially featured neighbourhood cultural activities like street theatre. See: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/La_Mercè.)
Chargement/Site + (<blockquote>A CommonsCamp w … <blockquote>A CommonsCamp will take place at Grenoble (France) August 22 to 26, during the <a href="https://ue2018.org/">Summer University of the French social movements</a>.</blockquote><figure style="width: 275px" class="wp-caption aligncenter"><img decoding="async" loading="lazy" class="size-full" src="https://wiki.remixthecommons.org/images/thumb/Flyer_CommonsCamp_VF.1-1.jpg/723px-Flyer_CommonsCamp_VF.1-1.jpg" alt="CommonsCamp programme" width="275" height="390" /><figcaption class="wp-caption-text">CommonsCamp programme</figcaption></figure>An open and self-organized gathering, this event is structured into 3 modules: COMMONS, MUNICIPALISM and RIGHTS TO THE CITY and MAPS and SYNERGY meetings, both dedicated to making digital tools for the commoners. The CommonsCamp will end with a workshop dedicated to identify possible follow-ups or next steps.Two exhibitions will be held during the event : « Les communs » (Commons) and « Les voies de la démocratie » (Ways of democracy).This CommonsCamp will be focussing on actionable knowledge and skills in the field of urban commons. It intends to stimulate the emergence and the realisation of concrete projects and collaboration between the commoners.For more information, have a look at the program: <a href="https://hackmd.lescommuns.org/s/ryZjgnXZm#">FR</a> or <a href="https://hackmd.lescommuns.org/s/SyLhb9ff7"> EN</a>, to the <a href="https://hackmd.lescommuns.org/s/By5srebX7#">list of contributors/participants</a>.All the information (program, preparation, contributors, actions, budget already online) is accessible <a href="https://frama.link/commonscamp2018-sommaire">here</a>.There will be interpreting in FR and EN during the plenary meetings. For the other activities, the organisers and facilitator will make sure that everybody will be able to participate (ex. : through whispering interpreting).Documentation (note taking, photos, audio/video) will be a collective endeavour, everybody being invited to contribute to our collective pool of knowledge. A group of volunteers will assist the harvest and publishing of the content on the web, on a daily basis.You can already start to contribute by sending messages to this list, by editing a pad or by sending requests or materials to Mélanie Pinet <pinet.melanie75@gmail.com> or Frédéric Sultan : fredericsultan@gmail.com.y basis. You can already start to contribute by sending messages to this list, by editing a pad or by sending requests or materials to Mélanie Pinet <pinet.melanie75@gmail.com> or Frédéric Sultan : fredericsultan@gmail.com.)
Chargement/Site 2 + (<blockquote>A must read ! & … <blockquote>A must read !</blockquote>PM Press has published the last book of Peter Linebaugh: <a href=" http://ift.tt/O62hZa ">Stop, Thief: The Commons, Enclosures, and Resistance</a>. with chapters on Karl Marx, the Luddites, William Morris, Thomas Paine, indigenous peoples, is scheduled for March 1, but it is already available in ibook also … author of Magna Carta which can be found in the introduction of<a href="http://ift.tt/AmSWqc"> Libres Savoirs </a>.Note that 2015 will be the 800th anniversary of the signing of the Magna Carta in Britain. It is a date to commemorate in 2015, while the same year will take place the COP 21 climate negotiations, the MDGs and probably, at the same time will happen the end of the negotiation of the transatlantic agreement (TAFTA). and probably, at the same time will happen the end of the negotiation of the transatlantic agreement (TAFTA). )
Chargement/Site + (<blockquote>A must read ! & … <blockquote>A must read !</blockquote>PM Press has published the last book of Peter Linebaugh: <a href=" http://ift.tt/O62hZa ">Stop, Thief: The Commons, Enclosures, and Resistance</a>. with chapters on Karl Marx, the Luddites, William Morris, Thomas Paine, indigenous peoples, is scheduled for March 1, but it is already available in ibook also … author of Magna Carta which can be found in the introduction of<a href="http://ift.tt/AmSWqc"> Libres Savoirs </a>.Note that 2015 will be the 800th anniversary of the signing of the Magna Carta in Britain. It is a date to commemorate in 2015, while the same year will take place the COP 21 climate negotiations, the MDGs and probably, at the same time will happen the end of the negotiation of the transatlantic agreement (TAFTA). and probably, at the same time will happen the end of the negotiation of the transatlantic agreement (TAFTA). )
Chargement/Site + (<blockquote>A workshop < … <blockquote>A workshop <a href="http://mappingthecommons.net/">mapping the commons</a> will take place at Rio (Brazil) from 18 to 26 of october 2013, coordinated by <a href="http://hackitectura.net/">Pablo de Soto</a> with the collaboration of <a href="http://www.bernardogutierrez.es/">Bernardo Gutiérrez</a> and the support of MediaLab (Madrid).</blockquote><iframe loading="lazy" width="400" height="225" src="//www.youtube.com/embed/Nrtbi9gbuWw?rel=0" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen></iframe>Mapping the commons was developed by Pablo Soto. This initiative aims to produce with inhabitants, activists in the place, living maps, consisting of short video documentaries and vidéoposts. The proposed approach takes the form of an intense multi-day workshop with communication students and activists to find the Commons, define and make them visible in the territory by producing media that form the map.Pablo Soto initiated this approach around urban commons of <a href="http://mappingthecommons.net/map-of-istanbul-commons/">istanbul</a> and <a href = "http://mappingthecommons.net/map-of-athens-commons/"> Athens </ a>. See the work done about <a href="http://mappingthecommons.net/taksim-square/"> Taksim Square </a>, whose privatization was one of the starting points of protest in Turkey this year. The mapping is a strategic tool. To research of the urban commons is a process of mapping the space, that Pablo Soto understand « as proposed by Deleuze and Guattari, and used many artists and activists during the last decade, as a <a href="http://cartografiaciudadana.net/athenscommons/auto.php"> performance</a> which can be thinking, artistic work, or social change ».On 20 March 2013, a wikisprint was performed in Barcelona using the same principles and methodology . Under the title » Global P2P » , it was to map Common practices and P2P in Latin America and southern Europe. See in English <a href=" http://codigoabiertocc.wordpress.com/2013/08/07/globalp2p-the-wind-that-shook-the-net/"> # GlobalP2P , the wind that shook the net </a>.Rio next step Mapping the commons is one of the cities that comes from living like the rest of Brazil, an intense social and political mobilization against international festivities that tend to <a href= "http:// scinfolex.wordpress.com/?s=Olympic"> privatize public space </a>. Many consider these mobilizations, their claims and modes of organization fall within the paradigm of Commons. See analysis on the subject of Bernardo Gutierrez in <a href="http://blogs.20minutos.es/codigo-abierto/2013/05/23/globalp2p-el-viento-que-desordeno-las-redes/">el viento that desordeno las redes</a> and Alexandre Mendes in <a href ="http://uninomade.net/tenda/a-atualidade-de-uma-democracia-das-mobilizacoes-e-do-comum/"> A atualidade uma das democracia mobilizacoes do comum e</a>.To go further , we recommand to read the article <a href="http://www.academia.edu/2637017/Mapping_the_Commons_Workshop"> Mapping the Commons Workshop: Athens and Istanbul </a> , Pablo De Soto, Daphne Dragona , Aslihan Şenel , Demitri Delinikolas José Pérez de Lamalt;p>To go further , we recommand to read the article <a href="http://www.academia.edu/2637017/Mapping_the_Commons_Workshop"> Mapping the Commons Workshop: Athens and Istanbul </a> , Pablo De Soto, Daphne Dragona , Aslihan Şenel , Demitri Delinikolas José Pérez de Lama)
Chargement/Site 2 + (<blockquote>A workshop < … <blockquote>A workshop <a href="http://mappingthecommons.net/">mapping the commons</a> will take place at Rio (Brazil) from 18 to 26 of october 2013, coordinated by <a href="http://hackitectura.net/">Pablo de Soto</a> with the collaboration of <a href="http://www.bernardogutierrez.es/">Bernardo Gutiérrez</a> and the support of MediaLab (Madrid).</blockquote><iframe loading="lazy" width="400" height="225" src="//www.youtube.com/embed/Nrtbi9gbuWw?rel=0" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen></iframe>Mapping the commons was developed by Pablo Soto. This initiative aims to produce with inhabitants, activists in the place, living maps, consisting of short video documentaries and vidéoposts. The proposed approach takes the form of an intense multi-day workshop with communication students and activists to find the Commons, define and make them visible in the territory by producing media that form the map.Pablo Soto initiated this approach around urban commons of <a href="http://mappingthecommons.net/map-of-istanbul-commons/">istanbul</a> and <a href = "http://mappingthecommons.net/map-of-athens-commons/"> Athens </ a>. See the work done about <a href="http://mappingthecommons.net/taksim-square/"> Taksim Square </a>, whose privatization was one of the starting points of protest in Turkey this year. The mapping is a strategic tool. To research of the urban commons is a process of mapping the space, that Pablo Soto understand « as proposed by Deleuze and Guattari, and used many artists and activists during the last decade, as a <a href="http://cartografiaciudadana.net/athenscommons/auto.php"> performance</a> which can be thinking, artistic work, or social change ».On 20 March 2013, a wikisprint was performed in Barcelona using the same principles and methodology . Under the title » Global P2P » , it was to map Common practices and P2P in Latin America and southern Europe. See in English <a href=" http://codigoabiertocc.wordpress.com/2013/08/07/globalp2p-the-wind-that-shook-the-net/"> # GlobalP2P , the wind that shook the net </a>.Rio next step Mapping the commons is one of the cities that comes from living like the rest of Brazil, an intense social and political mobilization against international festivities that tend to <a href= "http:// scinfolex.wordpress.com/?s=Olympic"> privatize public space </a>. Many consider these mobilizations, their claims and modes of organization fall within the paradigm of Commons. See analysis on the subject of Bernardo Gutierrez in <a href="http://blogs.20minutos.es/codigo-abierto/2013/05/23/globalp2p-el-viento-que-desordeno-las-redes/">el viento that desordeno las redes</a> and Alexandre Mendes in <a href ="http://uninomade.net/tenda/a-atualidade-de-uma-democracia-das-mobilizacoes-e-do-comum/"> A atualidade uma das democracia mobilizacoes do comum e</a>.To go further , we recommand to read the article <a href="http://www.academia.edu/2637017/Mapping_the_Commons_Workshop"> Mapping the Commons Workshop: Athens and Istanbul </a> , Pablo De Soto, Daphne Dragona , Aslihan Şenel , Demitri Delinikolas José Pérez de Lamalt;p>To go further , we recommand to read the article <a href="http://www.academia.edu/2637017/Mapping_the_Commons_Workshop"> Mapping the Commons Workshop: Athens and Istanbul </a> , Pablo De Soto, Daphne Dragona , Aslihan Şenel , Demitri Delinikolas José Pérez de Lama)
Chargement/Site + (<blockquote>Ce post est la … <blockquote>Ce post est la traduction de la présentation par David Bollier sur son <a href="http://bollier.org/blog/promise-%E2%80%9Copen-co-operativism%E2%80%9D">blog, </a>du rapport d’un atelier international de deux jours, sur le thème « Vers un Coopérativisme Ouvert, » qui s’est tenue en Août 2014 en Allemagne.</blockquote>Est-il possible d’imaginer une nouvelle sorte de synthèse ou de synergie entre le mouvcement émergent des communs et de la production entre pairs (P2P production) d’une part, et les éléments novateurs du mouvement de l’économie de coopération et de solidarité qui se développent de l’autre?C’est la question qui animait un atelier de deux jours, « Vers un Coopérativisme Ouvert, » qui s’est tenue en Août 2014 et qui fait l’objet d’un nouveau rapport rédigé par l’expert du coopérativisme en Grande bretagne, Pat Conaty et moi-même. (Pat est membre de la New Economics Foundation et un associé de recherche des coopératives Royaume-Uni, et a assisté à l’atelier.)L’atelier a été organisé parce que le mouvement des communs et de la production par les pairs partage une grande partie de leurs valeurs et de leurs approches avec les coopératives …. mais diffèrent aussi de manière profonde sur certains points. Les deux partagent la conviction profonde que la coopération sociale est une force économique et sociale constructive. Pourtant, ils tirent de leurs histoires, cultures, identités et aspirations, singulières des visions de l’avenir qui ne sont pas identiques. Il est très prometteur que ces deux mouvements cheminent plus étroitement ensemble, mais il ne faut pas ignorer les obstacles importants qui pourraient être rencontrés sur ce chemin.L’atelier a exploré ce sujet, comme capturé par le sous-titre du rapport: «Une nouvelle économie sociale fondée sur les plates-formes ouvertes, des modèles coopératifs et les communs», organisée par le Commons Strategies Group à Berlin en Allemagne, le 27 Août et 28 2014. l’atelier a été soutenu par la Fondation Heinrich Böll, et la Fondation Charles Léopold Mayer.Vous trouverez ci-dessous, l’introduction du rapport suivi par la table des matières. Vous pouvez télécharger une version PDF du rapport complet (28 pages) ici [http://bollier.org/open-co-operativism-report]. Le rapport complet est distribué sous licence Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike (BY-SA) licence 3.0, alors ne hésitez pas à le diffuser.<h1>Extrait de l’introduction</h1>Pour les personnes qui participent aux communs, à la production par les pairs ou aux coopératives, l’économie émergente présente un paradoxe frustrant du fait de l’énorme décalage entre culture coopérative d’une part et les formes d’organisation qui peuvent soutenir et faire avancer le grand bien-être de la société, d’autre part.Les nouvelles formes de production par les pairs génèrent de nouvelles de ressources en communs, de la connaissance, du code et du design et des secteurs de production et de gouvernance socio-économico-techniques entièrement nouveaux. Ce mouvement tentaculaire, éclectique, basé sur le logiciel libre, la connaissance ouverte, la conception ouverte et production ouverte repose sur la collaboration et du partage, et aspire à devenir un secteur auto-suffisant et autonome des communs.Malheureusement, parce que ces formats économiques sont généralement intégrées dans les économies capitalistes – dépendantes d’une conception fermée de la propriété intellectuelle, du modèle de financement du capital risque, de structures d’entreprises à but lucratif, et ainsi de suite – les nouveaux «modèles ouverts» sont généralement subordonnées aux marchés hyper-concurrentiel et rattrapés par la dynamique capitaliste. La revendication du potentiel libérateur de «l’économie de partage, et de la production par les pairs sur les plates-formes ouvertes pourrait se limiter à remplacer les formes plus classiques du capitalisme propriétaire par une forme hybride d’entreprise/communs qui captent divers communs pour finalement servir les intérêts du capital.Pendant ce temps, le mouvement coopératif, dans de nombreuses parties du monde, fait face à ses propres défis, en rapport avec les technologies et l’économie politique contemporaines. Certaines grandes coopératives ont acquis une envergure mondiale, et agissent sur le marché avec les cultures organisationnelles et styles de gestion correspondant. Elles ne sont pas totalement à l’abri de menaces de privatisation. Leurs gestionnaires et dirigeant fonctionnent sans véritablement impliquer les membres de la coopérative qui, souvent, ne participent plus activement ou ne partagent plus la culture coopérative. De même, pour les petites coopératives, beaucoup ont été repoussées aux marges à la fois du marché et de la société par les grandes forces dominantes. Ainsi, sans solutions créatives, ces acteurs sont incapables de soutenir la concurrence sur les grands marchés, concentrés ou adopter les technologies de réseautage qui pourraient améliorer leurs capacités coopératives.Pour ces raisons et d’autres, le mouvement coopératif, en dépit de son illustre histoire et des impressionnants modèles organisationnels et financiers, n’inspire plus l’imaginaire social populaire à l’image de l’élan des années 1890, 1920 ou 1970. Le pouvoir du capital mondial et des marchés, les technologies numériques et la culture consumériste ont fonctionnés de manière perverse pour freiner les ambitions de certaines composantes du mouvement coopératif. Cependant, ces dernières années ont vu un renouvellement de la confiance dans le secteur coopératif international. Les Nations Unies ont déclaré 2012 «Année internationale des coopératives», et dans la même année, l’Alliance coopérative internationale rajeunie, a adopté un plan ambitieux pour une «décennie de coopération » destiné à établir un leadership d’un modèle coopératif et écologique qui repose sur l’association plus étroite des parties-prenantes de l’entreprise. L’idée de l’open coopérativisme rencontre une attention croissante, comme on le voit dans le livre de Robin Murray, Coopération à l’ère de Google (Co-operation in the Age of Google), un thème qui fait écho au premier principe cardinal du mouvement coopératif, de l’adhésion « ouverte et inclusive».Ces évolutions sont les bienvenues, car un affaiblissement des coopératives diminuerait le bien-être général de la société. Le grand public a de moins en moins d’alternatives face aux grandes sociétés prédatrices dont les comportements anti-sociaux sont souvent sanctionnés par les législateurs et les bureaucraties d’État. Bien que l ‘«économie sociale» gagne du terrain dans de nombreuses régions du monde et certains secteurs d’activité, ces avantages sont souvent tués dans l’oeuf ou maintenus dans des limites strictes. Le duopole marché / Etat, qui divise la responsabilité de la production et de la gouvernance, tout en poussant un agenda de croissance économique implacable et des politiques néolibérales, continue d’être largement incontrôlé.Tout cela nous amène donc à la question: Est-il possible d’imaginer une nouvelle synthèse ou synergie entre le mouvement des communs produits entre pairs naissant d’une part, et les éléments toujours plus novateurs des mouvements de l’économie de la coopération et de la solidarité de l’autre? Les deux partagent la conviction profonde que la coopération sociale puise être une force économique et sociale constructive. Pourtant, ils tirent de leurs histoires, cultures, identités et aspirations, singulières des visions de l’avenir qui ne sont pas identiques. Il est très prometteur que ces deux mouvements cheminent plus étroitement ensemble, mais il ne faut pas ignorer les obstacles importants qui pourraient être rencontrés sur ce chemin.<h1>Explorer les possibilités d’un Open Coopérativisme</h1>Cet atelier a exploré la question suivante : Comment la coopération sociale dans la vie contemporaine peut-elle être structurée de façon à mieux servir les intérêts des coopérateurs / commoners et la société en général, dans une économie de techno/politique qui favorise actuellement l’appropriation de la plus-value par le capital privé ?Les commoners ont tendance à aborder cette question à travers une perspective et une vision historique différentes de celle du mouvement coopératif. Cela résulte par exemple, du fait que les commoners ont tendance à occuper un espace à l’extérieur des marchés, alors que les coopératives sont généralement elles-mêmes des entités du marché. Les commoners ont tendance à avoir peu de ressources institutionnelles ou sources de revenus, mais plutôt à compter sur de puissants réseaux de collaboration basés sur des plates-formes ouvertes.En revanche, les coopératives constituent aujourd’hui une partie importante de l’économie moderne. Il y a plus d’un milliard de coopérateurs dans 2,6 coopératives à travers le monde, et ils génèrent un revenu annuel estimé à 2,98 milliards de Dollar. A l’échelle des états, cette économie serait le cinquième plus grande économie dans le monde, après l’Allemagne. Pourtant, l’impact transformateur de ce pouvoir économique est plus faible que ce que sa taille suggère. Là où il y a une présence de coopérative forte, comme dans le secteur de la banque locale en Allemagne, le logement en Suède ou l’agriculture en Inde, les coopératives peuvent changer les effets du marché. Mais là où elles sont un minoritaires, en dehors de cas singuliers de coopératives particulièrement innovantes, de nombreuses coopératives se sont tout simplement adaptées aux pratiques et à l’éthique de l’économie capitaliste et à la politique de concurrence, plutôt que d lutter pour réinventer le modèles du « commonwealth coopératif» de notre temps. Leur influence sur la vie politique nationale n’est plus ce qu’elle a put être de par le passé, ni comme vecteur d’une vision progressiste et novatrice, ni comme axe d’amélioration du sort des citoyens ordinaires. Il y a plusieurs raisons à cela : l’échelle des anciennes entreprises coopératives, la distance entre les gestionnaires et les membres bénéficiaires, les termes passéistes de la législation existante sur les coopératives, et les affinités culturelles entre les «nouvelles coopératives» et le mouvement de l’économie sociale et solidaire.Le but de cet atelier était d’explorer les possibilités d’efforts convergence entre les commoners et les coopérateurs, en particulier dans le rencontre du savoir-faire institutionnel et financier des coopératives avec la puissance explosive des technologies numériques et des réseaux ouverts. Pouvons-nous trouver de nouvelles façons de marier les éthiques participatives novatrices de la production par les pairs, à l’expérience historique et la sagesse du mouvement coopératif ? Quelles fructueuses convergences entre ces deux formes de coopération sociale pourrions-nous identifier et de cultiver? Quelles sont les possibilités pour la réalisation de nouvelles formes «d’accumulation de coopération », dans lequel les contributions des individus aux communs seraient couplés avec des services à valeur ajoutée qui génèrent des revenus et des moyens en nature pour les coopérateurs/commoners ?Un projet de l’open coopératisme aborderait deux importantes questions non résolues : 1) le problème des moyens de subsistance d’une économie des communs numériques (comment l’économie peut-elle se renouveler et initier une logique sociale et économique différente, si tout le monde travaille sans rémunération); et 2) le défi des coopératives et de l’économie solidaire est de savoir tirer parti de l’énorme potentiel des nouvelles technologies de l’information et de la communication, tout en évitant la subordination à la logique et à la discipline du capital.«L’accumulation coopérative» pourrait occuper un espace entre les communs, qui ont peu ou pas d’engagements sur les marchés, et les entreprises capitalistes, qui cherchent à extraire des bénéfices privés et accumuler du capital. Cette forme intermédiaire, ouverte de coopérativisme, pourrait constituer un nouveau secteur dans lequel les commoners pourraient gérer leurs ressources en communs, les allouer de façon équitable et durable, et gagner leur vie en tant que membres de coopératives – plus ou moins à l’extérieur des marchés capitalistes classiques. Ce que nous envisageons ici, est la création et la gouvernance de nouveaux types de marchés non capitalistes ou post-capitaliste qui réintègrent en leur sein les communautés sociales et les structures de responsabilisation.La clé, bien sûr, est de savoir comment conceptualiser et mettre en œuvre cette convergence. Comme nous le verrons ci-dessous [dans le rapport], un certain nombre d’idées prometteuses ont été proposées, comme les entrepreneurs coopératifs co-producteurs de communs ; les coalitions d’entrepreneurs éthiques qui utiliseraient des licences de droit d’auteur pour créer des zones de production protégée du capital et les marchés traditionnels; et de nouveaux modèles de production locale distribuée reliés à des réseaux de connaissance partagée à l’échelle mondiale. D’autres idées intrigantes mais encore peu développées, telles que le rôle potentiel que la gouvernance coopérative pourrait jouer dans la production par les pairs basée sur les communs et, inversement, la façon dont l’auto-gouvernance largement expérimentée dans les secteurs numériques, pourraient être appliquée dans la coopérative et l’économie sociale et solidarité. Etant donné que ce rapport est le résultat d’un dialogue au sein de l’atelier, de nombreux points de vue différents sont représentés, de nombreuses idées suggérées sont incomplètes . Ce n’est donc pas un plan clair pour savoir comment aller de l’avant. Notre espoir, cependant, est que ce rapport stimulera utilement la recherche, le débat, l’innovation et une nouvelle convergence des mouvements.Traduction : Frédéric Sultan)
Chargement/Site 2 + (<blockquote>Comment traduir … <blockquote>Comment traduire les communs en processus de transformation systématique de la société ? L’équateur lance une initiative qui vise à faire se rencontrer les hackers et les communautés indigènes autour du partage de la connaissance.</blockquote>Traduction de l’<a href="http://floksociety.org/2013/09/18/michel-bauwens-arriba-al-ecuador/">article original : Michel Bauwens arriba al Ecuador</a>.FLOK Society souhaite la bienvenue à Michel Bauwens en Equateur. Michel Bauwens, l’un des fondateurs de la Fondation P2P, est arrivé à Quito le 17 septembre pour participer au projet de réinvention fondamentale de l’Equateur. Bauwens dirigera une équipe de recherche qui se propose de déclencher un processus participatif mondial avec une mise en œuvre immédiate en Equateur. Le processus vise à retourner aux racines de l’économie équatorienne, pour déclencher une transition vers une société de la connaissance libre et ouverte.Au cours du premier semestre de 2014, Michel Bauwens participera à la mise en place d’un réseau mondial de chercheurs sur la transition. La Fondation P2P est un réseau mondial de chercheurs qui documente le passage à des pratiques ouvertes, participatives et basées sur les communs dans tous les domaines de l’activité humaine, et plus particulièrement dans celui de la connaissance et du code ouvert, et le passage à la coopération en matière de conception ouverte, de production ouverte, de science ouverte, de gouvernement ouvert, d’agriculture ouverte et production ouverte qui ont un fort potentiel d’amélioration des processus agricoles et industriels durables.L’Equateur est le premier pays à s’engager dans la création d’une société basée sur la connaissance ouverte comme biens communs. Afin de réaliser la transition vers un « bien savoir », ou une société de «bonne connaissance» <a href="http://plan2009.senplades.gob.ec/web/en" rel="nofollow">http://plan2009.senplades.gob.ec/web/en</a>, qui est une extension de la stratégie officielle pour une société basée sur le « buen vivir ». L’Institut d’études avancées (IAEN sigle espagnol ) à Quito, Équateur, dirigé par le recteur Carlos Prieto, a lancé un processus stratégique, appelé Project Society FLOK, qui vise à organiser une conférence internationale en Mars 2014 et produire 10 documents stratégiques proposant des politiques de transition vers une société de la bonne connaissance, qui sera présenté aux citoyens équatoriens à travers des processus participatifs intensifs, semblables à ceux qui ont eu lieu lors de la rédaction de la nouvelle Constitution et les plans nationaux ambitieux, qui fixent les orientations de la politique du gouvernement.Alors que le Buen Vivir vise à remplacer l’accumulation aveugle de la croissance économique par une forme de croissance qui profite directement au bien-être du peuple équatorien. Buen Saber vise à créer des communs de la connaissance ouvert qui faciliteront une telle transition. FLOK signifie « Free Libre and Open Knowledge ». Pour établir ces nouvelles orientations et documents, IAEN s’est mis en lien avec le mouvement international hacker et logiciels libres, mais aussi avec ses extensions à travers les nombreuses initiatives pairs à pairs qui ont pour objectif de constituer un corps de connaissance pour la production physique dans l’agriculture et l’industrie.La base de connaissances de la Fondation P2P met également l’accent sur la documentation des nouvelles politiques et des cadres juridiques mis en place par les villes ouvertes au partage, telles que Séoul, San Francisco, et Naples, et les régions telles que Bordeaux, Open Commons Region de Linz, en Autriche, au Soudan du Sud, le Cabineto Digital de Rio del Sur, et plus encore. La base de données de 22.000 initiatives sur les communs à travers le monde a été vu près de 25 millions de fois et attire 25.000 chercheurs, activistes, utilisateurs et des lecteurs chaque jour. Michel Bauwens est également l’auteur d’une synthése de l’économie collaborative, l’expert externe pour l’Académie pontificale des sciences sociales, un membre du Forum Hangwang à Chengdu qui étudie la viabilité industrielle, et s’est engagé dans un projet de recherche de l’Université Leuphana sur la démocratie liquide numérique. En tant que membre fondateur et partenaire du Commons Strategies Group, il a co-organisé deux réunions mondiales sur les biens communs, la dernière en mai 2013 à Berlin a été dédiée au domaine émergent de l’Économie basée sur les communs.En Mars 2013, la Fondation P2P a organisé un « wikisprint hispanique mondiale» , avec l’aide de l’activiste ispano-brésilien Bernardo Gutierrez, au cours de laquelle plus de 500 participants individuels et collectifs, dans plus de 60 villes et 23 pays, ont cartographié les initiatives P2P, de partage et de biens communs dans leur région et les zones d’activités , permettant l’interconnexion d’un réseau de militants et d’universitaires latino-américains.IAEN estime que la collaboration entre les communautés hacktivistes, la Société FLOK et les réseaux mondiaux et hispaniques actifs dans la construction des biens communs ouverts sera essentielle pour créer une synergie avec les acteurs locaux de la société équatorienne, et aidera à atteindre le but que le pays s’est donné.Traduction de l’article <a href="http://floksociety.org/en/2013/09/18/michel-bauwens-arriba-al-ecuador/">Michel Bauwens arrives in Ecuador</a> par F. Sultan)
Chargement/Site + (<blockquote>From the 15th-1 … <blockquote>From the 15th-17th of November 2016 a European Commons Assembly will take place in Brussels. The commoners will convene, discuss, showcase, and reclaim Europe. On the afternoon of the 16th, around 150 will partcipate in a meeting in the European Parliament, organized in cooperation with the EP intergroup on Common Goods and Public Services (Led by Marisa Matias, Dario Tamburrano, Ernesto Urtasun, Sergio Cofferati). A variety of other events (and local assemblies) will take place outside Parliament, both in Brussels and across Europe.</blockquote><H1>Networking, unity and policy around the commons paradigm </H1>On September 26, a group of nonprofits, foundations, and other civil society organizations jointly publish a “Call for a European Commons Assembly” (https://europeancommonsassembly.eu/#section1). The collectively drafted document, which continues to garner signatures from groups and individuals around Europe, serves as a declaration of purpose for a distributed network of “commoners.” <img decoding="async" loading="lazy" src="https://www.remixthecommons.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/09/ECA-300x212.jpg" alt="eca" width="900" height="636" class="aligncenter size-medium wp-image-4561" /> Author: TILL GENTZSCHThe Assembly seeks to unite citizens in trans-local and trans-european solidarity to overcome Europe’s current challenges and reinvigorate the political process for the 21st century. The commons can be understood as a bridging paradigm that stresses cooperation in management of resources, knowledge, tools, and spaces as diverse as water, Wikipedia, a crowdfund, or a community garden. Their Call describes commoning as:<ul>…the network-based cooperation and localized bottom-up initiatives already sustained by millions of people around Europe and the world. These initiatives create self-managed systems that satisfy important needs, and often work outside of dominant markets and traditional state programmes while pioneering new hybrid structures.</ul> The Assembly emerged in May from a diverse, gender balanced pilot community of 28 activists from 15 European countries, working in different domains of the commons. New people are joining the Assembly every week, and ECA is inclusive and open for others to join, so that a broad and resilient European movement can coalesce. It seeks to visibilize acts of commoning by citizens for citizens, while promoting interaction with policy and institutions at both the national and European levels. <H1>Part of a broader movement</H1> The rapid embrace of commons as an alternative holistic, sustainable and social worldview is in part an expression of unease with the unjust current economic system and democratic deficiencies. The commons movement has exploded in recent years, following the award of the Nobel Prize in Economics to Elinor Ostrom in 2009 for her work on managing common resources. It has also seen overlap with other movements, such as the Social and Solidarity and Sharing Economy movements, peer to peer production, and Degrowth.Michel Bauwens, part of the ECA who is also a prominent figure in the peer-to-peer movement, explains: All over the world, a new social movement is emerging, which is challenging the ‘extractive’ premises of the mainstream political economy and which is co-constructing the seed forms of a sustainable and solidary society. Commoners are also getting a voice, for example through the Assemblies of the Commons that are emerging in French cities and elsewhere. The time is ripe for a shoutout to the political world, through a European Assembly of the Commons.The Call includes an open invitation to Brussels from November 15 to 17, 2016 for three days of activities and shared reflection on how to protect and promote the commons. It will include an official session in the European Parliament, hosted by the Intergroup on Common Goods and Public Services, on November 16 (limited capacity). You can read and sign the full text of the Call, also available in French, Spanish, and soon other European languages, on the <a href="http://europeancommonsassembly.eu">ECA website</a>. There is an <a href="http://europeancommonsassembly.eu/sign-call/">option to sign</a> as an individual or an organization.For more information, visit <a href="http://europeancommonsassembly.eu/">http://europeancommonsassembly.eu/ </a> or follow @CommonsAssembly on Twitter for regular updates.Media Contact: Nicole Leonard contact@europeancommonsassembly.eu Keywords: Commons, European, Citizens, Parliament, Participatory Democracy, Civil Society/ </a> or follow @CommonsAssembly on Twitter for regular updates. Media Contact: Nicole Leonard contact@europeancommonsassembly.eu Keywords: Commons, European, Citizens, Parliament, Participatory Democracy, Civil Society)
Chargement/Site 2 + (<blockquote>How commons cou … <blockquote>How commons could be the base of a transition of the society? The equator is launching an initiative to bring together hackers and indigenous communities around the sharing of knowledge.</blockquote>Original article published <a href="http://floksociety.org/en/2013/09/18/michel-bauwens-arriba-al-ecuador/">here</a>The FLOK Society welcomes Michel Bauwens to Ecuador. Bauwens, a founder of the P2P Foundation, flew into Quito on Sept. 17 to begin collaborating towards a fundamental reimagination of Ecuador.Bauwens will lead a research team that is proposing to unleash a participatory, global process with an immediate implementation in Ecuador. The process will remake the roots of Ecuador’s economy, setting off a transition into a society of free and open knowledge.In the first semester of 2014, Bauwens will assist in setting up a global network of transition researchers. The P2P Foundation is a global network of researchers that is documenting the shift towards open, participatory and commons-oriented practices in every domain of human activity, but especially also the shift from collaboration on open knowledge and code, towards cooperation in open design, open hardware, open science, open government, and the shift towards open agricultural and open machining practices that have great potential for increasing the productivity and sustainability of farming and industrial processes.Ecuador is the first country in the world which is committing itself to the creation of a open commons knowlege based society. In order to achieve the transition to a ‘buen saber’, or ‘good knowledge’ society, which is an extension of the official strategy towards a ‘buen vivir’-based society, the Advanced Studies Institute (IAEN by its ]Spanish initials) in Quito, Ecuador, led by the rector Carlos Prieto, has initiated a strategic process, called the FLOK Society Project, which aims to organize a major international conference in March 2014, and will produce 10 strategic documents proposing transition policies towards the good knowledge society, which will be presented to the Ecuadorian citizens through intensive participatory processes, similar to those that took place for the establishment of the new Constitution and the ambitious National Plans, which set the guidelines for government policy.While Buen Vivir aims to replace mindless accumulative economic growth to a form of growth that directly benefits the wellbeing of the Ecuadorian people, Buen Saber aims to create the open knowledge commons which will facilitate such a transition. FLOK stands for ‘Free Libre and Open Knowledge. In order to establish these transition policies and documents, IAEN has connected itself with the global hacker and free software movement, but also with its extension in the many peer to peer initiatives that directly aim to create a body of knowledge for physical production in agriculture and industry.The P2P Foundation knowledge base has also focused on documenting new policy and legal frameworks being set up by sharing cities such as Seoul, San Francisco, and Naples ; and regions such as Bordeaux, Open Commons Region Linz in Austria, South Sudan, the Cabineto Digital of Rio del Sur, and more. It’s database of 22,000 global commons initiatives has been viewed nearly 25 million times and attracts 25,000 researchers, activists, users and readers on a daily basis. Michel Bauwens is also the author of a Synthetic Overview of the Collaborative Economy, an external expert for the Pontifical Academy of Social Sciences, a member of the Hangwang Forum in Chengdu that works on industrial sustainability, and engaged in a research project for Leuphana University on digital liquid democracy. As a founding member and partner of the Commons Strategies Group, he co-organized two global meetings on the commons, the last one in May 2013 in Berlin was dedicated to the emerging field of Commons-oriented Economics.In March, the P2P Foundation organized a ‘global hispanic wikisprint’, with the help of Spanish-Brazilian activist Bernardo Gutierrez, in which more than registered 500 individuals and collectives, in more than 60 cities and 23 countries, mapped the open, p2p, sharing and commons initiatives in their region and areas of activities, resulting in a Latin American network of connected activists and scholars.IAEN believes that the connection between the hacktivism communities, the FLOK Society, and the global and hispanic networks active in constructing open commons will be vital to create a synergy with the local actors of Ecuadorian society, and will help us accomplish the mayor goal we have set for ourselves as a country.g open commons will be vital to create a synergy with the local actors of Ecuadorian society, and will help us accomplish the mayor goal we have set for ourselves as a country.)
Chargement/Site + (<blockquote>How commons cou … <blockquote>How commons could be the base of a transition of the society? The equator is launching an initiative to bring together hackers and indigenous communities around the sharing of knowledge.</blockquote>Original article published <a href="http://floksociety.org/en/2013/09/18/michel-bauwens-arriba-al-ecuador/">here</a>The FLOK Society welcomes Michel Bauwens to Ecuador. Bauwens, a founder of the P2P Foundation, flew into Quito on Sept. 17 to begin collaborating towards a fundamental reimagination of Ecuador.Bauwens will lead a research team that is proposing to unleash a participatory, global process with an immediate implementation in Ecuador. The process will remake the roots of Ecuador’s economy, setting off a transition into a society of free and open knowledge.In the first semester of 2014, Bauwens will assist in setting up a global network of transition researchers. The P2P Foundation is a global network of researchers that is documenting the shift towards open, participatory and commons-oriented practices in every domain of human activity, but especially also the shift from collaboration on open knowledge and code, towards cooperation in open design, open hardware, open science, open government, and the shift towards open agricultural and open machining practices that have great potential for increasing the productivity and sustainability of farming and industrial processes.Ecuador is the first country in the world which is committing itself to the creation of a open commons knowlege based society. In order to achieve the transition to a ‘buen saber’, or ‘good knowledge’ society, which is an extension of the official strategy towards a ‘buen vivir’-based society, the Advanced Studies Institute (IAEN by its ]Spanish initials) in Quito, Ecuador, led by the rector Carlos Prieto, has initiated a strategic process, called the FLOK Society Project, which aims to organize a major international conference in March 2014, and will produce 10 strategic documents proposing transition policies towards the good knowledge society, which will be presented to the Ecuadorian citizens through intensive participatory processes, similar to those that took place for the establishment of the new Constitution and the ambitious National Plans, which set the guidelines for government policy.While Buen Vivir aims to replace mindless accumulative economic growth to a form of growth that directly benefits the wellbeing of the Ecuadorian people, Buen Saber aims to create the open knowledge commons which will facilitate such a transition. FLOK stands for ‘Free Libre and Open Knowledge. In order to establish these transition policies and documents, IAEN has connected itself with the global hacker and free software movement, but also with its extension in the many peer to peer initiatives that directly aim to create a body of knowledge for physical production in agriculture and industry.The P2P Foundation knowledge base has also focused on documenting new policy and legal frameworks being set up by sharing cities such as Seoul, San Francisco, and Naples ; and regions such as Bordeaux, Open Commons Region Linz in Austria, South Sudan, the Cabineto Digital of Rio del Sur, and more. It’s database of 22,000 global commons initiatives has been viewed nearly 25 million times and attracts 25,000 researchers, activists, users and readers on a daily basis. Michel Bauwens is also the author of a Synthetic Overview of the Collaborative Economy, an external expert for the Pontifical Academy of Social Sciences, a member of the Hangwang Forum in Chengdu that works on industrial sustainability, and engaged in a research project for Leuphana University on digital liquid democracy. As a founding member and partner of the Commons Strategies Group, he co-organized two global meetings on the commons, the last one in May 2013 in Berlin was dedicated to the emerging field of Commons-oriented Economics.In March, the P2P Foundation organized a ‘global hispanic wikisprint’, with the help of Spanish-Brazilian activist Bernardo Gutierrez, in which more than registered 500 individuals and collectives, in more than 60 cities and 23 countries, mapped the open, p2p, sharing and commons initiatives in their region and areas of activities, resulting in a Latin American network of connected activists and scholars.IAEN believes that the connection between the hacktivism communities, the FLOK Society, and the global and hispanic networks active in constructing open commons will be vital to create a synergy with the local actors of Ecuadorian society, and will help us accomplish the mayor goal we have set for ourselves as a country.g open commons will be vital to create a synergy with the local actors of Ecuadorian society, and will help us accomplish the mayor goal we have set for ourselves as a country.)
Chargement/Site + (<blockquote>Interview Joan … <blockquote>Interview Joan Subirats(1) by Alain Ambrosi May 2018</blockquote><figure style="width: 700px" class="wp-caption alignleft"><img decoding="async" loading="lazy" class="size-full" src="https://s1.qwant.com/thumbr/0x380/b/4/cf4cf4f48af794bc54dc5384e88975c9e7cd020dbccf80dc35882a989230be/joan%20subirats.jpg?u=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.fepsu.es%2Fimage%2Fjoan%2520subirats.jpg&q=0&b=1&p=0&a=1" alt="Joan Subirats (UAB) Conferencia FEPSU 2016" width="700" height="400" /><figcaption class="wp-caption-text">Joan Subirats (UAB) Conferencia FEPSU 2016</figcaption></figure>AA<ul>: In your recent article in La Vanguardia(2), you set out a framework for a cultural policy, you refer to putting into practice the key community values that should underpin that policy… Maybe we could start there?</ul>JS: For me, whereas in the 20th century the defining conflict was between freedom and equality – and this marked the tension between right and left throughout the 20th century because in a way this is the frame in which capitalism and the need for social protection evolved together with the commodification of life while at the same time the market called for freedom – ie: no rules, no submission. But the need for protection demanded equality. But in the 21st century there is rejection of the notion of protection linked to statism: Nancy Fraser published an article(3) in the New Left Review, it is a re-reading of Polanyi and she claims that this double movement between commodification and protection is still valid, but that the State-based protection typical of the 20th century, where equality is guaranteed by the State, clashes since the end of the 20th century with the growing importance of heterogeneity, diversity and personal autonomy. Therefore, if in order to obtain equality, we have to be dependent on what the State does, this is going to be a contradiction…. So we could translate those values that informed the definition of policies in the 20th century, in 21st century terms they would be the idea of freedom (or personal autonomy, the idea of empowerment, not subjection, non-dependence) and at the same time equality, but no longer simply equality of opportunities but also equality of condition because we have to compensate for what is not the same (equal) in society. If you say « equal opportunities », that everyone has access to cultural facilities, to libraries, you are disregarding the fact that the starting conditions of people are not the same, this is the great contribution of Amartya Sen, no? You have to compensate for unequal starting situations because otherwise you depoliticize inequality and consider that inequality is the result of people’s lack of effort to get out of poverty. So equality yes, but the approach is different. And we must incorporate the idea of diversity as a key element in the recognition of people and groups on the basis of their specific dignity. That seems easy to say, but in reality it is complicated, especially if you relate it to culture, because culture has to do with all these things: it has to do with the construction of your personality, it has to do with equal access to culture just as cultural rights and culture have to do with the recognition of different forms of knowledge and culture – canonical culture, high culture, popular culture, everyday culture, neighbourhood culture … So for me, a cultural policy should be framed within the triple focus of personal autonomy, equality and diversity. And this is contradictory, in part, with the cultural policies developed in the past, where there is usually confusion between equality and homogeneity. In other words, the left has tended to consider that equality meant the same thing for everyone and that is wrong, isn’t it?, because you are confusing equality with homogeneity. The opposite of equality is inequality, the opposite of homogeneity is diversity. So you have to work with equality and diversity as values that are not antagonistic, but can be complementary. And this is a challenge for public institutions because they do not like heterogeneity, they find it complicated because it is simpler to treat everyone the same, as the administrative law manual used to prescribe `indifferent efficiency’: it is a way of understanding inequality as indifference, right?AA<ul>: In your article you also talk about the opposition between investing in infrastructures versus creating spaces and environments that are attractive to creators and you put an emphasis on the generation of spaces. What is being done, what has been done, what could be done about this?</ul>JS : In Barcelona we want to ensure that the city’s cultural policies do not imply producing culture itself, but rather to try to influence the values in the production processes that already exist, in the facilities, in the cultural and artistic infrastructures: the role of the city council, of the municipality, is not so much to produce culture as to contribute to the production of culture. Which is different, helping to produce culture…. Obviously, the city council will give priority to those initiatives that coincide with the values, with the normative approach that we promote. There are some exceptions, for example, the Grec festival in Barcelona(4) in July, or the Mercé(5), which is the Festa Mayor, where the city council does in fact subsidize the production of culture, so some productions are subsidised but generally what we have is a policy of aid to creators. What is being done is that 11 creative factories (fablabs) have been built, these are factories with collectives that manage them chosen through public tenders. There are now 3 factories of circus and visual arts, 2 factories of dance creation, one factory of more global creation housed at Fabra & Coats, 3 theatre factories and 2 visual arts and technology sites. So there are 11 factories of different sorts and there are plans to create others, for example in the field of feminist culture where we are in discussion with a very well consolidated group : normally all these creative factories have their management entrusted to collectives that already become highly consolidated in the process of creation and that need a space to ensure their continuity. Often the city council will cede municipal spaces to these collectives, sometimes through public competitions where the creators are asked to present their project for directing a factory. This is one aspect. Another aspect is what is called living culture, which is a programme for the promotion of cultural activities that arise from the community or from collectives in the form of cooperatives and this is a process of aid to collectives that are already functioning, or occasionally to highlight cultural activities and cultural dynamics that have existed for a long time but have not been dignified, that have not been valued, for example the Catalan rumba of the Gypsies, which is a very important movement in Barcelona that emerged from the gypsy community of El Raval, where there were some very famous artists like Peret. There we invested in creating a group to work on the historical memory of the rumba, looking for the roots of this movement, where it came from and why. Then some signposts were set up in streets where this took place, such as La Cera in El Raval, where there are two murals that symbolise the history of the Catalan rumba and the gypsy community in this area so that this type of thing is publicly visible. That is the key issue for culture: a recognition that there are many different cultures.Then there is the area of civic centres: approximately 15% of the civic centres in the city are managed by civic entities as citizen heritage, and those civic centres also have cultural activities that they decide on, and the city council, the municipality helps them develop the ideas put forward by the entities that manage those centres.So, if we put all those things together, we could talk about a culture of the urban commons. It is still early stages, this is still more of a concept than a reality, but the underlying idea is that in the end the density and the autonomous cultural-social fabric will be strong enough to be resilient to political changes. In other words, that you have helped to build cultural practices and communities that are strong and autonomous enough that they are not dependent on the political conjuncture. This would be ideal. A bit like the example I often cite about the housing cooperatives in Copenhagen, that there was 50% public housing in Copenhagen, and a right-wing government privatised 17% of that public housing, but it couldn’t touch the 33% of housing that was in the hands of co-operatives. Collective social capital has been more resilient than state assets: the latter is more vulnerable to changes in political majorities.AA<ul>: You also speak of situated culture which I think is very important: setting it in time and space. Now Facebook has announced it is coming to Barcelona so the Barcelona brand is going to be a brand that includes Facebook and its allies. But your conception of a situated culture is more about a culture where social innovation, participation, popular creativity in the community are very important…</ul>JS : Yes, it seems contradictory. In fact what you’re asking is the extent to which it makes sense to talk about situated culture in an increasingly globalized environment which is more and more dependent on global platforms. I believe that tension exists and conflict exists, this is undeniable, the city is a zone of conflict, therefore, the first thing we have to accept is that the city is a battleground between political alternatives with different cultural models. It is very difficult for a city council to set out univocal views of a cultural reality that is intrinsically plural. Talking about situated culture is an attempt to highlight the significance of the distinguishing factors that Barcelona possesses in its cultural production. This does not mean that this situated culture should be a strictly localist culture – a situated culture does not mean a culture that cuts off global links – it is a culture that relates to the global on the basis of its own specificity. What is most reprehensible from my point of view are cultural dynamics that have a global logic but that can just as well be here or anywhere else. And it’s true that the platforms generate this. An example: the other day the former minister of culture of Brazil, Lluca Ferreira, was here and talked about a program of living culture they developed, and they posted a photograph of some indigenous people where the man wore something that covered his pubic parts but the woman’s breasts were naked. So Facebook took the photograph off the site, and when the Minister called Facebook Brazil to say ‘what is going on?’, they told him that they didn’t have any duty towards the Brazilian government, that the only control over them was from a judge in San Francisco and that, therefore, if the judge in San Francisco forced them to put the photograph back, they would put it back, otherwise they wouldn’t have to listen to any minister from Brazil or anywhere else. In the end, there was a public movement of protest, and they put the photo back. The same thing happened here a few days ago, a group from a municipal theatre creation factory put up a poster with a man’s ass advertising a play by Virginia Wolff and Facebook took their entire account off the net – not just the photograph, they totally removed them from Facebook. And here too Facebook said that they are independent and that only the judge from San Francisco and so on. I believe that this is the opposite of situated culture because it is a global cultural logic, but at the same time it allows itself to be censored in Saudi Arabia, in China, that is to say it has different codes in each place. So to speak of situated culture means to speak of social transformation, of the relationship between culture and social transformation situated in the context in which you are working. But at the same time to have the will to dialogue with similar processes that exist in any other part of the world and that is the strength of a situated culture. And those processes of mutuality, of hybridization, that can happen when you have a Pakistani community here, you have a Filipino community, you have a Chinese community, you have a Gypsy community, you have an Italian community, you have an Argentinean community: they can be treated as typical folkloric elements in a theme park, or you can try to generate hybridization processes. Now at the Festival Grec this year there will be poetry in Urdu from the Pakistanis, there will be a Filipino theatre coming and a Filipino film fest at the Filmoteca – and this means mixing, situating, the cultural debate in the space where it is happening and trying to steep it in issues of cultural diversity. What I understand is that we need to strive for a local that is increasingly global, that this dialogue between the local and the global is very important.AA<ul>: Returning to social innovation and popular creativity, social innovation is also a concept taken up pretty much everywhere: how is it understood here? Taking into account that in the world of the commons, Catalonia, and especially Barcelona, is very well known for its fablabs, which are also situated in this new era. How then do you understand social innovation and how do you see the relationship between education and social innovation?</ul>JS : What I am trying to convey is that the traditional education system is doing little to prepare people and to enhance inclusive logics in our changing and transforming society, so in very broad lines I would say that if health and education were the basic redistributive policies of the 20th century, in the 21st century we must incorporate culture as a basic redistributive policy. Because before, the job market had very specific demands for the education sector: it knew very well what types of job profiles it needed because there was a very Taylorist logic to the world of work – what is the profile of a baker, of a plumber, of a miller? How many years you have to study for this kind of work. There is now a great deal of uncertainty about the future of the labour market, about how people will be able to work in the future and the key words that appear are innovation, creativity, entrepreneurship, flexibility, ability to understand a diverse world, teamwork , being open to new ideas: this has little to do with traditional educational profiles, but it has much to do with culture, with things that allow you to acquire that backpack of basic tools that will help you navigate in a much more uncertain environment. And for me, to find the right connection between culture and education is very important because it allows the educational system to constantly transform itself by taking advantage of the creative potential of an environment that is much more accessible now than before because of new technologies, and therefore to make the transition from a deductive system where there is a teacher who knows and tells people what they need to know – to an inductive system: how do we explore what we need to know in order to be able to act. And that more inductive, more experimental logic has to do with creativity whereas the traditional education system didn’t postulate creativity, it postulated your ability to learn what someone else had decided you needed to study. It’s art, it is culture that allows you to play in that field much more easily … Translated from Spanish by Nancy Thede.1 Joan Subirats is Commissioner for culture in the city government of Barcelona led by the group Barcelona en comu. He is also professor of political science at the Universitat autonoma de Barcelona and founder of the Institute on Governance and Public Policy.2 « Salvara la cultura a las ciudades? », La Vanguardia (Barcelona), Culturals supplement, 12 May 2018, pp. 20-21. https://www.lavanguardia.com/cultura/20180511/443518454074/cultura-ciudadesbarcelona-crisis.html3 Nancy Fraser, « A Triple Movement », New Left Review 81, May-June 2013. Published in Spanish in Jean-Louis Laville and José Luis Coraggio (Eds.), La izquierda del siglo XXI. Ideas y diálogo Norte-Sur para un proyecto necesario Icaria, Madrid 2018.4 Festival Grec, an annual multidisciplinary festival in Barcelona, now in its 42nd year. It is named for the Greek Theatre built for the 1929 Universal Exhibition in Barcelona: http://lameva.barcelona.cat/grec/en/.5 Barcelona’s annual ‘Festival of Festivals’ begins on Sept 24, day of Our Lady of Mercy, a city holiday in Barcelona. It especially highlights catalan and barcelonian cultural traditions and in recent years has especially featured neighbourhood cultural activities like street theatre. See: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/La_Mercè.vals’ begins on Sept 24, day of Our Lady of Mercy, a city holiday in Barcelona. It especially highlights catalan and barcelonian cultural traditions and in recent years has especially featured neighbourhood cultural activities like street theatre. See: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/La_Mercè.)
Chargement/Site + (<blockquote>Italiano sotto& … <blockquote>Italiano sotto</blockquote>International Festival of the Commons, Chieri, Italia, Sunday July 12, from 12:00 to 18:00. Room : Sala conferenze della bibliotecaReclaim, protect and create commons in our neighborhoods and in our cities, urban commons, effective and contributes to the daily production of human and social rights.In practice, these struggles take many forms. All are facing the need for the creation and use of original legal instruments to manage shared resources in common, to meet a specific need within a community. Each of these legal creations is unique. It corresponds to a specific context, vision, and culture. It provides information on the inventiveness and creative imagination of commoners and on their relationship with the State at the local, national or even international scale.Knowledge of these legal experiences enriches those of other commoners. Analysis of the practices that have produced or inspired them, is a potential factor of development and multiplication of the commons. As part of the Festival of commons of Chieri, we offer a workshop to develop collaboratively a tool for the analysis of the legal instruments, statutes, charters and regulations for the commons. This tool, the Atlas of charters of the urban commons, will be used to know the nature, understand the operation, effects and the conditions of development, of legal instruments in favor of the commons. This will be an operational and critical resource for exchanges and collaborations between commoners engaged in collective claim of urban commons within various initiatives, from different cultural contexts and rights local and national.The workshop will be organized in two separate times at which you can participate independently:From 12:00 to 15:00: • The first workshop will take the stock and share all the approaches and experiences working with legal instruments for urban commons in order to facilitate cooperation between activists, initiatives and organizations already involved;From 15:00 to 18:00: • The second time will be based on practice by analysing legal instruments, statutes, deliberation, regulations and charters of urban commons with a first matrix that will be used for the Atlas of charters of urban commons. The objective will be to achieve a first iteration with this matrix in order to improve it. It will also develop one or more possible use of this tool for identified needs.Both workshops will be led by: Alain Ambrosi, Irene Favero, Daniela Festa, Frédéric SultanRegistration recommended to help the organization of the workshop : <a href=" http://doodle.com/9myczsrttbb7mvu8">http://doodle.com/9myczsrttbb7mvu8</a>Contact : <a href="mailto:ambrosia@web.net">Alain Ambrosi</a> <a href="mailto:irenefavero@reseauculture21.fr">Irene Favero</a> <a href="mailto:festadaniela@gmail.com">Daniela Festa</a> <a href="mailto:fredericsultan@gmail.com">Frédéric Sultan </a><blockquote>ITALIANO</blockquote><h2>WORKSHOP: Creazione di un Atlante degli statuti dei Commons Urbani</h2>Festival Internazionale dei Beni Comuni, Domenica 12 luglio dalle 12:00 alle 18:00. Sala conferenze della bibliotecaRivendicare, proteggere e creare commons nei nostri quartieri e nelle le nostre città contribuisce all’attuazione effettiva e quotidiana di diritti fondamentali e di diritti sociali.Nella pratica, le lotte per i beni comuni urbani possono assumere forme eterogenee. Tutte si trovano confrontate, tuttavia, alla necessità di usare o creare regole e strumenti giuridici che permettano di governare risorse condivise per rispondere a esigenze specifiche di un comunità. Tali strumenti hanno caratteri propri. Corrispondono a determinati contesti e visioni e sono espressioni di determinate culture. Forniscono informazioni sull’inventività e l’immaginazione creativa dei commoners e la relazione che questi hanno con lo Stato a livello locale, nazionale, internazionale.La conoscenza di queste esperienze giuridiche può arricchire gli altri commoners. L’analisi delle pratiche che le hanno prodotte o ispirate è un potenziale fattore di sviluppo e moltiplicazione dei commons. Nel contesto del Festival dei beni comune di Chieri, proponiamo un workshop per elaborare collettivamente uno strumento di analisi di statuti, dichiarazioni e regolamenti che si sono prodotti a partire dai beni comuni. Questo strumento, “Atlante degli statuti dei commons urbani”, servirà a comprenderne la natura, analizzarne il funzionamento e gli effetti e individuare le condizioni e le premesse per lo sviluppo di strumenti giuridici che possano favorire i commons. Sarà una risorsa critica e operativa per gli scambi e la cooperazione tra i collettivi di commoners impegnati nella rivendicazione dei diversi beni comuni urbani situati in diversi contesti culturali e giuridici.Il workshop sarà organizzato in due momenti diversi ai quali è possibile partecipare in modo indipendente:Delle 12:00 alle 15:00: – Il primo workshop si propone di individuare e condividere le pratiche e le esperienze ascrivibili alle rivendicazioni di urban commons per facilitare la cooperazione tra attivisti, esperienze e realtà presenti;Delle 15:00 alle 18:00: – Il seconda workshop consentirà di sperimentare l’analisi dei diversi strumenti giuridici elaborati: statuti, regolamenti, delibere, linee guida a partire da una prima griglia di lettura che servirà da matrice per L’Atlante degli statuti dei commons urbani.L’obiettivo è quello di realizzare una prima sperimentazione della griglia d’analisi per correggerla e migliorarla e di proporre uno o più scenari di utilizzo dello strumento corrispondente alle necessità emerse durante l’insieme dei lavori.Entrambi i laboratori saranno condotti da: Alain Ambrosi, Irene Favero, Daniela Festa, Frédéric SultanRegistrazione raccomanda di facilitare lo svolgimento del workshop : <a href=" http://doodle.com/9myczsrttbb7mvu8">http://doodle.com/9myczsrttbb7mvu8</a>Contact : <a href="mailto:ambrosia@web.net">Alain Ambrosi</a> <a href="mailto:irenefavero@reseauculture21.fr">Irene Favero</a> <a href="mailto:festadaniela@gmail.com">Daniela Festa</a> <a href="mailto:fredericsultan@gmail.com">Frédéric Sultan </a> Daniela Festa, Frédéric Sultan Registrazione raccomanda di facilitare lo svolgimento del workshop : <a href=" http://doodle.com/9myczsrttbb7mvu8">http://doodle.com/9myczsrttbb7mvu8</a> Contact : <a href="mailto:ambrosia@web.net">Alain Ambrosi</a> <a href="mailto:irenefavero@reseauculture21.fr">Irene Favero</a> <a href="mailto:festadaniela@gmail.com">Daniela Festa</a> <a href="mailto:fredericsultan@gmail.com">Frédéric Sultan </a>)
Chargement/Site + (<blockquote>L’Assemblée Eur … <blockquote>L’Assemblée Européenne des Communs (ECA) est un <a href="http://europeancommonsassembly.eu">réseau de personnes engagées dans les communs</a> sur le terrain en Europe. Ce réseau s’est donné rendez-vous au Medialab Prado, Madrid du 25 au 27 octobre prochain. Cette rencontre se déroule en parallèle du Festival Transeuropa, lui-même une vaste réunion autour des alternatives politiques, sociales et environnementales. L’appel à participer est ouvert jusqu’au 4 août. [voir ici le <a href="https://goo.gl/forms/9vID21eSIojQsffk1">formulaire d’inscription</a>] </blockquote><a data-flickr-embed="true" data-footer="true" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/medialab-prado/28100107155/" title="18.05.16 Taller"><img decoding="async" loading="lazy" src="https://farm8.staticflickr.com/7379/28100107155_1659853c90_c.jpg" width="800" height="500" alt="18.05.16 Taller"></a><script async src="//embedr.flickr.com/assets/client-code.js" charset="utf-8"></script>L’Assemblée Européenne des Communs (ECA) a été lancée en novembre 2016 lors du <a href="https://europeancommonsassembly.eu/process/">premier événement public</a> sur les communs qui s’est déroulé au Parlement Européen et au centre social Zinneke à Bruxelles, en Belgique. Cette réunion a rassemblé plus de 150 commoners européens pour faire valoir la nécessité de politiques publiques pour les communs en Europe et développer les réseaux pour inscrire cette démarche dans la durée. La rencontre de Madrid se structure autour d’ateliers thématiques sur les communs urbains, d’une rencontre avec les acteurs politiques de madrilènes et d’autres villes espagnoles, et de temps de délibération sur le futur de ECA à l’horizon 2018/2019. Les ateliers thématiques, au coeur du processus de cette rencontre, permettront, à partir des échanges avec les initiatives madrilènes et espagnoles, d’expérimenter et de proto-typer les outils utiles au développement des communs urbains en Europe. Les premiers participants inscrits ont proposés de travailler sur dans thèmes tels que : Espace public, Migrations et réfugiés, Participation citoyenne à la politique urbaine, Culture, Aliments, Logement, Santé, Devise et financement pour les communs, Lois et mécanismes juridiques pour protéger les communs, Technologie pour la citoyenneté. Vous pouvez également proposer un thème qui ne figure pas déjà dans cette liste. Un processus d’agglutination permettra de définir la liste définitive des ateliers dans la limite de 8 atleirs. Pour cela remplissez le formulaire et proposez l’organisation d’un atelier spécifique et / ou de participer à l’un des ateliers déjà identifié qui vous intéresse.Chaque atelier sera l’occasion de collaborations entre une ou plusieurs initiatives communautaires locales espagnoles et d’autres venant d’ailleurs en Europe engagées sur le thème de l’atelier. Ces ateliers seront conçus pour permettre le partage et l’exploration des connaissances et des stratégies fruits de ces expériences. À cette fin, l’équipe de coordination de ECA à Madrid organisera plusieurs vidéoconférences pour relier les différentes initiatives et co-concevoir les contenus de l’atelier avant la rencontre avec les participants. La méthodologie de facilitation sera aussi conçue pour inclure les participants dans la démarche structuration de la documentation des travaux collectifs afin de ressortir de la rencontre avec une boite à outils partagée sur les communs urbains. Coté logistique, lorsque vous remplissez le formulaire, vous pouvez indiquer si vous avez besoin de faire couvrir vos frais de déplacement et / ou d’hébergement par l’organisation (dans le cas où il n’est pas possible de couvrir ces dépenses d’une autre manière). Pour plus d’informations, contactez nicole.leonard [at] sciencespo.fr ou bien retrouvez plus d’informations sur le<a href="https://europeancommonsassembly.eu/"> site Web de ECA</a>.assembly.eu/"> site Web de ECA</a>.)
Chargement/Site + (<blockquote>To encourage re … <blockquote>To encourage reflection on the integration of commons knowledge in the visions and perspectives of the actors involved in the transition, we propose a seminar around the FLOK Society project with Michel Bauwens on 22 and 23 September 2014 near Paris.</blockquote>The project FLOK Society (Free, Libre, Open Knowledge) is the first attempt to make practical proposals on the scale of a country for a transition to a society based on free and open knowledge. It aims to create the conditions for a simultaneous transformation of civil society, market and government based on the paradigm of commons knowledge.The FLOK Society project has been developed in Ecuador at the request of governmental institutions. It was directed by Michel Bauwens, leading P2P Foundation, which mobilized around him a large team of researchers and activists in Ecuador, Latin America and worldwide. The work put into perspective the four major mobilizing and producing common knowledge sectors: education and culture, science, industry, agriculture and services, citizenship and participation (ref: <a href="http://tinyurl.com/obd9jdh">http://tinyurl.com/obd9jdh</a>), for brushing an analysis of the effects of changes in the market, the state and civil society, and propose cross-sectoral guidelines and public policies to social knowledge economy which contributes to the emergence of a social, economical and environmental transition. These proposals are the specific recommendations to the Ecuadorian local context of a more general matrix.Regardless of how they are (or not) included in the public policies by the government or civil society initiatives in Ecuador, the work done within the FLOK Society project provides a corpus of proposals and methodology that deserve be tested in other contexts than Ecuador. This seminar invites to identify and deepen FLOK Society project proposals and put them into perspective with the existing research, experiments and initiatives in the French and European context.In this context, the actors of the transition are involved in an history and an agenda of struggles, demonstrations and experiments. This seminar aims to help integrate the paradigm of commons knowledge, in a useful and effective perspective, in their political visions by the actors of the transition, such as social movements, trade unionism, and the Social Economy Solidarity.How reflection on the place of commons knowledge will it inspire? What agendas build or join? In which territories and scale should we mobilize commons knowledge for social, cultural, economic and political change towards a conscious, fairer and more inclusive society in respect of the limits of the planet?The seminar is structured around three phases corresponding to the three axes objects transformation: the market, the public authorities and civil society. For each of these times, it is to analyze the contributions of commons knowledge in the debates and social and political struggles in progress, to the extent possibilities, develop proposals, clear lines of force and improve the convergence of the sectoral and territorial strategies. These three areas of work will be preceded by a presentation of the project and FLOK Society and followed by a time of assessment of the seminar.This seminary will take place at Villarceaux, OEcocentre de la Bergerie with the support of Fondation Charles Léopold Mayer – FPHMore information : <a href="mailto:fredericsultan@gmail.com">Frédéric Sultan</a> with the support of Fondation Charles Léopold Mayer – FPH More information : <a href="mailto:fredericsultan@gmail.com">Frédéric Sultan</a>)
Chargement/Site + (<blockquote>Un CommonsCamp … <blockquote>Un CommonsCamp aura lieu à Grenoble (France) du 22 au 26 août, lors de l’<a href="https://ue2018.org/">Université d’été des mouvements sociaux français</a>.</blockquote><figure style="width: 275px" class="wp-caption aligncenter"><img decoding="async" loading="lazy" class="size-full" src="https://wiki.remixthecommons.org/images/thumb/Flyer_CommonsCamp_VF.1-1.jpg/723px-Flyer_CommonsCamp_VF.1-1.jpg" alt="CommonsCamp programme" width="275" height="390" /><figcaption class="wp-caption-text">CommonsCamp programme</figcaption></figure>Rassemblement ouvert et auto-organisé, cet événement est structuré en 3 modules: COMMUNS, MUNICIPALISME et DROITS À LA VILLE et CARTOGRAPHIE et SYNERGY, deux réunions dédiés à la fabrication d’outils numériques pour les commoners. Le CommonsCamp se terminera par un atelier destiné à identifier les suites possibles ou les prochaines étapes. Deux expositions seront organisées lors de l’événement: « <a href="https://wiki.remixthecommons.org/index.php?title=Expo_sur_les_communs">Les communs</a> » et « <a href="https://www.facebook.com/events/1651602484889455/">Les voies de la démocratie</a>« .Ce CommonsCamp se concentrera sur le partage des connaissances et des compétences pratiques déployées dans le domaine des communs urbains. Il vise à stimuler l’émergence et la réalisation de projets concrets et de collaborations futures entre les commoners.Pour plus d’informations, jetez un oeil au programme: en <a href="https://hackmd.lescommuns.org/s/ryZjgnXZm#">ANGLAIS</a> ou bien en <a href="https://hackmd.lescommuns.org/s/SyLhb9ff7">FRANÇAIS</a>, à la liste des <a href="https://hackmd.lescommuns.org/s/By5srebX7#">contributeurs / participants</a>.Toutes les informations (programme, préparation, contributeurs, actions, budget sont accessibles <a href="https://frama.link/commonscamp2018-sommaire">en ligne</a>.Le CommonsCAmp bénéficie d’une interprétation en FR et EN lors des réunions plénières. Pour les autres activités, les organisateurs et le facilitateur feront en sorte que tout le monde soit en mesure de participer (ex: interprétation en chuchotant).La documentation (prise de notes, photos, audio / vidéo) sera un effort collectif, chacun étant invité à contribuer à notre récolte collective de connaissances. Un groupe de bénévoles assistera quotidiennement à la récolte et à la publication du contenu sur le Web.Vous pouvez déjà commencer à contribuer en envoyant des messages à cette liste, en éditant un pad ou en envoyant des demandes ou du matériel à Mélanie Pinet <pinet.melanie75@gmail.com> ou FrédéricSultan: fredericsultan@gmail.com.Bel été à tous !buer en envoyant des messages à cette liste, en éditant un pad ou en envoyant des demandes ou du matériel à Mélanie Pinet <pinet.melanie75@gmail.com> ou FrédéricSultan: fredericsultan@gmail.com. Bel été à tous !)
Chargement/Site + (<blockquote>Une session de … <blockquote>Une session de <a href="http://mappingthecommons.net/">mapping the commons</a> se déroulera à Rio du 18 to 26 october 2013 coordonnée par <a href="http://hackitectura.net/">Pablo de Soto</a> en collaboration avec <a href="http://www.bernardogutierrez.es/">Bernardo Gutiérrez</a> et le soutien de MediaLab (Madrid).</blockquote><iframe loading="lazy" width="400" height="225" src="//www.youtube.com/embed/Nrtbi9gbuWw?rel=0" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen></iframe>Mapping the commons est un projet développé par Pablo de Soto. Cette initiative vise à produire avec les habitants, les activistes dans le territoire, des cartographies vivantes, composées de courtes vidéos documentaires et de vidéoposts. La démarche proposée prend la forme d’un intense atelier de plusieurs jours avec des étudiants en communication et des activistes pour rechercher les communs, les définir et rendre visible sur le territoire en produisant les médias qui constitueront la carte.Pablo de Soto a initié cette approche autour des biens communs urbains d’<a href="http://mappingthecommons.net/map-of-istanbul-commons/">istambul</a> et <a href="http://mappingthecommons.net/map-of-athens-commons/">Athènes</a>, On peut voir en particulier qu’un travail avait été conduit sur <a href="http://mappingthecommons.net/taksim-square/">Taksim Square</a>, dont la privatisation a été l’un des points de départ de la contestation en Turquie cette année. La cartographie est un outil stratégique. Mais la recherche des biens communs est un processus de cartographie de l’espace urbains qui doit se comprendre, bien sur « ainsi que le proposent Deleuze et Guattari, et l’ont utilisé de nombreux artistes et activistes durant la dernière décade, comme une <a href="http://cartografiaciudadana.net/athenscommons/auto.php">performance</a> qui peut devenir réflexion, travail artistique, ou action de transformation sociale » (Pablo Soto).Le 20 mars 2013 un wikisprint a été réalisé à Barcelone utilisant les mêmes principes et méthodologie. Sous le titre de « Global P2P », il s’agissait de cartographier les pratiques de Communs et de P2P en Amérique latine et en Europe du sud. Voir en anglais <a href=" http://codigoabiertocc.wordpress.com/2013/08/07/globalp2p-the-wind-that-shook-the-net/">#GlobalP2P, the wind that shook the net</a>. Rio, prochaine étape de Mapping the commons, est l’une des villes qui vient de vivre, comme le reste du Brésil, des mobilisations sociales et politiques intenses contre des festivités internationales à venir qui tendent à <a href="http://scinfolex.wordpress.com/?s=olympique">privatiser l’espace public</a>. Beaucoup considèrent que ces mobilisations, leurs revendications et leurs modes d’organisation relèvent du paradigme des Communs. Voir les analyses sur le sujet de Bernardo Guttierez dans <a href="http://codigoabiertocc.wordpress.com/2013/05/23/globalp2p-el-viento-que-desordeno-las-redes/">globalp2p el viento que desordeno las redes</a> et d’Alexandre Mendes dans <a href="http://uninomade.net/tenda/a-atualidade-de-uma-democracia-das-mobilizacoes-e-do-comum/"> A atualidade de uma democracia das mobilizacoes e do comum/</a>Pour aller plus loin, lire l’article <a href="http://www.academia.edu/2637017/Mapping_the_Commons_Workshop">Mapping the Commons Workshop: Athens and Istanbul</a>, Pablo De Soto, Daphne Dragona, Aslıhan Şenel, Demitri Delinikolas, José Pérez de Lama"http://www.academia.edu/2637017/Mapping_the_Commons_Workshop">Mapping the Commons Workshop: Athens and Istanbul</a>, Pablo De Soto, Daphne Dragona, Aslıhan Şenel, Demitri Delinikolas, José Pérez de Lama)
Chargement/Site 2 + (<blockquote>Une session de … <blockquote>Une session de <a href="http://mappingthecommons.net/">mapping the commons</a> se déroulera à Rio du 18 to 26 october 2013 coordonnée par <a href="http://hackitectura.net/">Pablo de Soto</a> en collaboration avec <a href="http://www.bernardogutierrez.es/">Bernardo Gutiérrez</a> et le soutien de MediaLab (Madrid).</blockquote><iframe loading="lazy" width="400" height="225" src="//www.youtube.com/embed/Nrtbi9gbuWw?rel=0" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen></iframe>Mapping the commons est un projet développé par Pablo de Soto. Cette initiative vise à produire avec les habitants, les activistes dans le territoire, des cartographies vivantes, composées de courtes vidéos documentaires et de vidéoposts. La démarche proposée prend la forme d’un intense atelier de plusieurs jours avec des étudiants en communication et des activistes pour rechercher les communs, les définir et rendre visible sur le territoire en produisant les médias qui constitueront la carte.Pablo de Soto a initié cette approche autour des biens communs urbains d’<a href="http://mappingthecommons.net/map-of-istanbul-commons/">istambul</a> et <a href="http://mappingthecommons.net/map-of-athens-commons/">Athènes</a>, On peut voir en particulier qu’un travail avait été conduit sur <a href="http://mappingthecommons.net/taksim-square/">Taksim Square</a>, dont la privatisation a été l’un des points de départ de la contestation en Turquie cette année. La cartographie est un outil stratégique. Mais la recherche des biens communs est un processus de cartographie de l’espace urbains qui doit se comprendre, bien sur « ainsi que le proposent Deleuze et Guattari, et l’ont utilisé de nombreux artistes et activistes durant la dernière décade, comme une <a href="http://cartografiaciudadana.net/athenscommons/auto.php">performance</a> qui peut devenir réflexion, travail artistique, ou action de transformation sociale » (Pablo Soto).Le 20 mars 2013 un wikisprint a été réalisé à Barcelone utilisant les mêmes principes et méthodologie. Sous le titre de « Global P2P », il s’agissait de cartographier les pratiques de Communs et de P2P en Amérique latine et en Europe du sud. Voir en anglais <a href=" http://codigoabiertocc.wordpress.com/2013/08/07/globalp2p-the-wind-that-shook-the-net/">#GlobalP2P, the wind that shook the net</a>. Rio, prochaine étape de Mapping the commons, est l’une des villes qui vient de vivre, comme le reste du Brésil, des mobilisations sociales et politiques intenses contre des festivités internationales à venir qui tendent à <a href="http://scinfolex.wordpress.com/?s=olympique">privatiser l’espace public</a>. Beaucoup considèrent que ces mobilisations, leurs revendications et leurs modes d’organisation relèvent du paradigme des Communs. Voir les analyses sur le sujet de Bernardo Guttierez dans <a href="http://codigoabiertocc.wordpress.com/2013/05/23/globalp2p-el-viento-que-desordeno-las-redes/">globalp2p el viento que desordeno las redes</a> et d’Alexandre Mendes dans <a href="http://uninomade.net/tenda/a-atualidade-de-uma-democracia-das-mobilizacoes-e-do-comum/"> A atualidade de uma democracia das mobilizacoes e do comum/</a>Pour aller plus loin, lire l’article <a href="http://www.academia.edu/2637017/Mapping_the_Commons_Workshop">Mapping the Commons Workshop: Athens and Istanbul</a>, Pablo De Soto, Daphne Dragona, Aslıhan Şenel, Demitri Delinikolas, José Pérez de Lama"http://www.academia.edu/2637017/Mapping_the_Commons_Workshop">Mapping the Commons Workshop: Athens and Istanbul</a>, Pablo De Soto, Daphne Dragona, Aslıhan Şenel, Demitri Delinikolas, José Pérez de Lama)
Chargement/Site + (<blockquote>italiano sotto& … <blockquote>italiano sotto</blockquote>Festival International des communs, Chieri, Italie, Dimanche, 12 juillet, de 12:00 à 18:00. Salle : Sala conferenze della bibliotecaReconquérir, protéger et créer des communs dans nos quartiers et dans nos villes, les communs urbains, contribue à la réalisation effective et quotidienne de droits fondamentaux et de droits sociaux.En pratique, ces luttes prennent des formes multiples. Toutes sont confrontées à la nécessité de la création et de l’usage d’instruments juridiques originaux qui permettent d’administrer des ressources partagées en communs en vue de répondre à un besoin spécifique au sein d’une communauté. Chacune de ces créations juridiques est singulière. Elle correspond à un contexte, à une vision, à une culture.Elle nous renseigne sur l’inventivité et l’imagination créative des commoners et sur la relation qu’ils entretiennent avec l’État à l’échelle locale, nationale ou même international.La connaissance de ces expériences juridiques permet d’enrichir celles des autres commoners. L’analyse des pratiques qui les ont produites ou inspirées, est un facteur potentiel de développement et de multiplication des communs. Dans le cadre du Festival des communs de Chieri, nous proposons un atelier pour élaborer collaborativement un outil d’analyse des instruments juridiques, des statuts, des chartes et des règlements pour les communs. Cet outil, l’Atlas des chartes des communs urbains, servira à connaître la nature, comprendre le fonctionnement, les effets et les conditions de développement des instruments juridiques favorables aux communs. Ce sera une ressource opérationnelle et critique pour les échanges et les collaborations entre collectifs de commoners engagés dans la revendication de communs urbains, dans des projets de différentes natures, situés dans différents contextes culturels, droits locaux et nationaux.L’atelier sera organisé en deux temps distincts auxquels il est possible de participer indépendamment :De 12:00 à 15:00. – le premier atelier permettra de faire l’inventaire et de partager toutes les démarches et les expériences qui valorisent les instruments juridiques des communs urbains, afin de faciliter la coopération entre les militants, les initiatives et les organisations engagées;De 15:00 à 18:00. – le deuxième temps permettra une mise en pratique de l’analyse d’instruments juridiques, statuts, délibération, règlements et chartes des communs urbains, à partir d’une première grille de lecture qui servira de matrice à l’Atlas des chartes des communs urbains. L’objectif sera de réaliser une première itération de cette grille d’analyse, afin de pouvoir l’améliorer. Il s’agira aussi élaborer un ou plusieurs scénario d’usage de cet outil correspondant à des besoins identifiés.Les deux ateliers seront animés par : Alain Ambrosi, Irene Favero, Daniela Festa, Frédéric SultanInscription recommandées afin de faciliter l’organisation de l’atelier : <a href=" http://doodle.com/9myczsrttbb7mvu8">http://doodle.com/9myczsrttbb7mvu8</a>Contact : <a href="mailto:ambrosia@web.net">Alain Ambrosi</a> <a href="mailto:irenefavero@reseauculture21.fr">Irene Favero</a> <a href="mailto:festadaniela@gmail.com">Daniela Festa</a> <a href="mailto:fredericsultan@gmail.com">Frédéric Sultan </a><blockquote>ITALIANO</blockquote><h2>WORKSHOP: Creazione di un Atlante degli statuti dei Commons Urbani</h2>Festival Internazionale dei Beni Comuni, Domenica 12 luglio dalle 12:00 alle 18:00. Sala conferenze della bibliotecaRivendicare, proteggere e creare commons nei nostri quartieri e nelle le nostre città contribuisce all’attuazione effettiva e quotidiana di diritti fondamentali e di diritti sociali.Nella pratica, le lotte per i beni comuni urbani possono assumere forme eterogenee. Tutte si trovano confrontate, tuttavia, alla necessità di usare o creare regole e strumenti giuridici che permettano di governare risorse condivise per rispondere a esigenze specifiche di un comunità. Tali strumenti hanno caratteri propri. Corrispondono a determinati contesti e visioni e sono espressioni di determinate culture. Forniscono informazioni sull’inventività e l’immaginazione creativa dei commoners e la relazione che questi hanno con lo Stato a livello locale, nazionale, internazionale.La conoscenza di queste esperienze giuridiche può arricchire gli altri commoners. L’analisi delle pratiche che le hanno prodotte o ispirate è un potenziale fattore di sviluppo e moltiplicazione dei commons. Nel contesto del Festival dei beni comune di Chieri, proponiamo un workshop per elaborare collettivamente uno strumento di analisi di statuti, dichiarazioni e regolamenti che si sono prodotti a partire dai beni comuni. Questo strumento, “Atlante degli statuti dei commons urbani”, servirà a comprenderne la natura, analizzarne il funzionamento e gli effetti e individuare le condizioni e le premesse per lo sviluppo di strumenti giuridici che possano favorire i commons. Sarà una risorsa critica e operativa per gli scambi e la cooperazione tra i collettivi di commoners impegnati nella rivendicazione dei diversi beni comuni urbani situati in diversi contesti culturali e giuridici.Il workshop sarà organizzato in due momenti diversi ai quali è possibile partecipare in modo indipendente:Delle 12:00 alle 15:00: – Il primo workshop si propone di individuare e condividere le pratiche e le esperienze ascrivibili alle rivendicazioni di urban commons per facilitare la cooperazione tra attivisti, esperienze e realtà presenti;Dalle 15:00 alle 18:00: – Il seconda workshop consentirà di sperimentare l’analisi dei diversi strumenti giuridici elaborati: statuti, regolamenti, delibere, linee guida a partire da una prima griglia di lettura che servirà da matrice per L’Atlante degli statuti dei commons urbani.L’obiettivo è quello di realizzare una prima sperimentazione della griglia d’analisi per correggerla e migliorarla e di proporre uno o più scenari di utilizzo dello strumento corrispondente alle necessità emerse durante l’insieme dei lavori.Entrambi i laboratori saranno condotti da: Alain Ambrosi, Irene Favero, Daniela Festa, Frédéric SultanRegistrazione raccomanda di facilitare lo svolgimento del workshop : <a href=" http://doodle.com/9myczsrttbb7mvu8">http://doodle.com/9myczsrttbb7mvu8</a>Contact : <a href="mailto:ambrosia@web.net">Alain Ambrosi</a> <a href="mailto:irenefavero@reseauculture21.fr">Irene Favero</a> <a href="mailto:festadaniela@gmail.com">Daniela Festa</a> <a href="mailto:fredericsultan@gmail.com">Frédéric Sultan </a>/doodle.com/9myczsrttbb7mvu8">http://doodle.com/9myczsrttbb7mvu8</a> Contact : <a href="mailto:ambrosia@web.net">Alain Ambrosi</a> <a href="mailto:irenefavero@reseauculture21.fr">Irene Favero</a> <a href="mailto:festadaniela@gmail.com">Daniela Festa</a> <a href="mailto:fredericsultan@gmail.com">Frédéric Sultan </a>)
Chargement/Site + (<h2>Interview with Joan Subirats – B … <h2>Interview with Joan Subirats – Barcelona, April 20, 2017</h2>Alain Ambrosi and Nancy Thede <blockquote>The pro-independence government of Catalonia recently sparked a political crisis in Spain by proposing to call a referendum on independence by the end of 2017 with or without the approval of the central government. In contrast, « Catalonia in common » defines itself as an innovative political space of the Catalan left. Initiated by Barcelona in Comú a little less than a year after its election to city hall, the initiave was launched in October 2016. A short manifesto explained its raison-d’être and presented an « ideario politico » (a political project) of some 100 pages for broad discussion over 5 months which culminated in a constituent assembly last April 8.This new political subject defines itself as « a left-wing Catalan organisation that aims to govern and to transform the economic, political and social structures of the present neo-liberal system. » Its originality in the political panorama of Catalonia and of Spain is its engagement with « a new way of doing politics, a politics of the commons where grassroots people and communities are the protagonists. » In response to those who see its emergence only in the context of the impending referendum, it affirms: « We propose a profound systemic, revolutionary change in our economic, social, environmental and political model. » We interviewed Joan Subirats a few days after the Constituent Assembly of Catalunya en Comú took place. Joan is an academic renowned for his publications and his political engagement. A specialist in public policy and urban issues, he has published widely on the Commons and on the new municipalism. He is one of the artisans of Barcelona in Comú and has just been elected to the coordinating body of the new space named recently « Catalunya en comú ».</blockquote><h3>The Genesis of a New Political Subject</h3>NT — Tell us about the trajectory of the development of this new initiative: a lot of people link it to the 15-M, but I imagine that it was more complex than that and started long before.<img decoding="async" loading="lazy" class="aligncenter size-full wp-image-4740" src="https://www.remixthecommons.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/06/Joan_Subirats_2013_cropped.jpg" alt="Joan_Subirats_2013_(cropped)" width="423" height="526" /> <a href="https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File%3AJoan_Subirats_2013_(cropped).jpg">By Directa (youtube) [CC BY 3.0 (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0)], via Wikimedia Commons</a>JS — At the outset there was Guanyem, which was in fact the beginning of Barcelona en Comú: the first meetings were in February-March 2014. Who was involved? this is quite simultaneous with the decision by Podemos to compete in the European Parliament elections in May 2014. Podemos organises in February 2014; Guanyem begins organising in February- March 2014 to compete in the municipal elections of May 2015.Going farther back, there is a phase of intense social mobilisation against austerity policies between 2011 and 2013. If we look at the statistics of the Ministry of the Interior on the number of demonstrations, it is impressive, there were never as many demonstrations as during that period, but after mid-2013 they start to taper off. There is a feeling that there are limits and that demonstrations can’t obtain the desired changes in a situation where the right-wing Popular Party (PP) holds an absolute majority. So the debate emerges within the social movements as to whether it’s a good idea to attempt to move into the institutions.Podemos chooses the most accessible scenario, that of the European elections, because these elections have a single circonscription, so all of Spain is a single riding, with a very high level of proportionality, so with few votes you get high representation because there are 60-some seats, so with one million votes they obtained 5 seats. And people vote more freely in these elections because apparently the stakes are not very high, so they are elections that are good for testing strategies. In contrast, here in Barcelona, we chose the municipal elections as the central target because here there is a long history of municipalism.So this sets the stage for the period that began in 2014 with Guanyem and Podemos and the European elections and in May 2015 with the municipal elections where in 4 of the 5 major cities – Barcelona, Madrid, Valencia and Zaragoza – alternative coalitions win that are not linked to either of the two major political parties (PP and the Socialist Party – PSOE) that have dominated the national political scene since the return to democracy in 1977. And in the autonomous elections<a href="#cite_note-1">[1]</a>, a new political cycle also begins, in which we still are. If we go farther back, to 2011 – there are a couple of maps that show the correlation between the occupation of plazas in the 15-M with the number of alternative citizen canadidacies at the municipal level.So Podemos and all the alternative citizen coalitions all refer to the 15M as their founding moment. But the 15M is not a movement, it was a moment, an event. You must have heard the joke about the stranger who arrives and wants to talk to the 15M – but there is no 15M, it has no spokespersons and no address. But everyone considers it very important because it transformed the political scene in its wake . But what was there before the 15M?There were basically 4 major trends that converged in the 15-M : First the anti-globalisation movement, the oldest one, very interesting because a large number of the new political leaders have come out of it, with forms of political mobilisation different from the traditional ones.Then there was the « Free Culture Forum » linked to issues regarding internet which was very important here in Barcelona – with Simona Levy and Gala Pin, who is now a municipal councillor – that is important because here digital culture, network culture, was present from the very beginning, something that didn’t occur in other places.The third movement was the PAH (Platform for People Affected by Mortgages) which emerges in 2009 and had precedents with Ada Colau and others who organised « V for vivienda » (like the film « V for vendetta », but in this case vivienda – housing), an attempt to demonstrate that young people were excluded from social emancipation because they didn’t have access to housing. Their slogan was « you’ll never have a house in your whole f’king life ». And the forms of mobilisation were also very new, for example, they occupied IKEA because at that time IKEA’s advertising slogan was « the independent republic of your home », so they occupied it and slept in the beds there. So this was more youthful, alternative, more of a rupture, but then in 2009 with the creation of the PAH they started to try to connect with the immigrant sector and people who were losing their houses because of the mortgage hype, it was very important because it’s the movement that tries to connect with sectors outside of youth: the poor, immigrants, working class… with the slogan ‘this is not a crisis, it’s a sting’. So the PAH is very important because it’s the movement that connects with sectors of the population outside of youth: workers, immigrants, the elderly… For example, here in Plaza Catalunya in 2011 the only major poster rallying people who weren’t youth was that of the PAH.And the fourth movement – the most ‘authentic’ 15M one – was that of the « Youth without future ». People who organised mainly in Madrid, typical middle-class university sector with post-grad studies, who suddenly realised that they wouldn’t find jobs, that it wasn’t true that their diplomas would open doors for them, they were in a precarious situation.So those were the four major currents that converged in the basis of the 15M. But what made it ‘click’ was not just those 4 trends, but the fact that huge numbers of other people recognised the moment and converged on the plazas and overwhelmed the movements that started it. The most surprising thing about the moment was that those 4 movements – that were not all that important – were rapidly overwhelmed by success of the movement they started and new people who spontaneously joined. That was what really created the phenomenon, because if it had been just those 4 movements, if it had been like ‘Nuit debout’ in Paris where people occupied the plaza but without the sensation that people had steamrollered the leaders. So, when the plazas are evacuated, the idea becomes ‘Let’s go to the neighbourhoods’. So all of a sudden, in the neighbourhoods of Barcelona and Madrid, assemblies were organised where there was a mixture of the old neighbourhood associations that were no longer very active and whose members were older (my generation) and new people who brought new issues like ecology, energy, bicycle transport, cooperatives, water and a thousand different things and who created new spaces of articulation where people who had never thought that they would meet in the neighbourhoods began to converge.I think this explains the re-emergence of municipalism that followed: people begin to see the city as a place where diverse social changes can be articulated on a territorial basis: many mobilisations are taking place in isolation, in a parallel manner and don’t have a common meeting-point. Water as a common good, energy transition, sustainable transport, public health, public space, infant education… All of a sudden there was something that brought people together which was to discuss the city, the city we want – David Harvey mentions in an article that the modern-day factory is the city. That is, we no longer have factories, the city is now the space where conflicts appear and where daily life becomes politicised: issues like care, food, schooling, transport, energy costs – and this creates a new space for articulating these issues that hadn’t been previously envisaged.So I think this is the connection : 15-M as a moment of overwhelming, the end of a cycle of mobilisation – remember that there had been a petition of a million and a half signatures to change the mortgage legislation, that Ada Colau presented in the national Congress, where she accused the PP deputies of being assassins because of what they were doing – but that mobilisation had no effect in the law. A PP deputy declared ‘If these people want to change things, then they should get elected’. So people started thinking ‘OK, if that’s the way it is, then let’s get ourselves elected’. This is the initial change of cycle in 2014. So the 4 movements were present in the meetings of Guanyem and BComun, as well as some progressive intellectuals and people from other issue areas like water, transport, energy etc. That was the initial nucleus here in Barcelona – in Madrid it was different. There the Podemos generation had a different logic. Here, from the beginning, we wanted to create a movement from the bottom up and to avoid a logic of coalition of political parties, this was very clear from the outset. We didn’t want to reconstruct the left on the basis of an agreement amongst parties. We wanted to build a citizen movement that could impose its own conditions on the parties. In the case of Podemos it was different: it was a logic of a strike from above – they wanted to create a strong close-knit group with a lot of ideas in a very short period and as a result an electoral war machine that can assault the heavens and take power. Here, on the other hand, we foresaw a longer process of construction of a movement where we would start with the municipalities and after that, we’ll see.So Guanyem was created in June 2014, 11 months prior to the municipal elections, with a minimal program in 4 points:<ol><li>we said, we want to take back the city, it’s is being taken away from the citizens, people come here to talk about a ‘business-friendly global city’ and they are taking it away from the citizens, we have lost the capacity to control it, as the first point;</li><li>there is a social emergency where many problems don’t get a response;</li><li>we want people to be able to have decision-making capacity in what happens in the city, so co-production of policy, more intense citizen participation in municipal decisions;</li><li>moralisation of politics. Here the main points are non-repetition of mandates, limits on salaries of elected officials, anti-corruption and transparency measures, etc.</li></ol>So we presented this in June 2014 and we decided that we would give ourselves until September to collect 30,000 signatures in support of the manifesto and if we succeeded, we would present candidates in the municipal elections. In one month we managed to get the 30,000 signatures! Besides getting the signatures on internet and in person, we held a lot of meetings in the neighbourhoods to present the manifesto – we held about 30 or 40 meetings like that, some of them small, some more massive, where we went to the neighbourhoods and we said « We thought of this, what do you think? We thought of these priorities, etc’. » So, in September of 2014 we decided to go ahead; once we decided that we would present a slate, we began to discuss with the parties – but with the strength of all that support of 30,000 people backing us at the grassroots, so our negotiating strength with respect to the parties was very different. In Dec 2014 we agreed with the parties to create Barcelona en Comun – we wanted to call it Guanyem but someone else had already registered the name, so there was a lot of discussion about a new name, there were various proposals: Revolucion democratica, primaria democratica, the term Comu – it seemed interesting because it connected with the Commons movement, the idea of the public which is not restricted to the institutional and that was key. It was also important that in the previous municipal elections in 2011 only 52% of people had voted, in the poorer neighbourhoods a higher number of people abstained and that it was in the wealthier neighbourhoods where a larger proportion of people had voted. So we wanted to raise participation by 10% in the poor neighbourhoods more affected by the crisis and we thought that would allow us to win. And that was what happened. In 2015, 63% voted, but in the poor areas 40% more people voted. In the rich areas, the same people voted as before.So it was not impossible to think we could win. And from the beginning the idea was to win. We did not build this machine in order to participate, we built it in order to win. We didn’t want to be the opposition, we wanted to govern. And as a result, it was close, because we won 11 of 41 seats, but got the most votes so we head the municipal council, the space existed. From the moment Guanyem was created in June 2014, other similar movements began to be created all over Spain – in Galicia, in Andalucia, in Valencia, Zaragoza, Madrid… One of the advantages we have in Barcelona is that we have Ada Colau, which is a huge advantage, because a key thing is to have an uncontested leader who can articulate all the segments of the movement – ecologists, health workers, education professionals…. If you don’t have that it’s very difficult, and also the sole presence of Ada Colau explains many things. In Madrid they found Manuela Carmena, who is great as an anti-franquista symbol, with her judicial expertise, very popular but who didn’t have that tradition of articulating movements, and as a result now they are having a lot more problems of political coordination than here.<h3>A New Political Subject for a New Political Era</h3>AA — So now Catalunya en comu defines itself as a new political space on the left for the whole of Catalonia. But in recent Catalan history that’s nothing really new: there have been numerous political coalitions on the left, such as the PSUC<a href="#cite_note-2">[2]</a> in 1936 followed by many others. So what is different about this initiative?JS — If we open up our perspective and look at things more globally, I think that what justifies the idea that this is a new political space is the fact that the moment is new, we’re in a new phase so it’s very important to understand that if this new political moment reproduces the models and the conceptual paradigms of the old left and of the Fordism of the end of the 20th century, we won’t have moved ahead at all. The crisis of social democracy is also a crisis of a way of understanding social transformation with codes that no longer exist. As a result the measure of success of this new political space is not so much in to what extent it can bring together diverse political forces, but rather its capacity to understand this new scenario we find ourselves in – a scenario where digital transformation is changing everything, where we no longer know what ‘labour’ is, where heterogeneity and social diversity appear as factors not of complexity but of values, where the structure of age no longer functions as it used to – where everything is in transformation, so we can no longer continue to apply ideas – to use a phrase coined by Ulrich Beck – ‘zombie concepts’, living dead, no?, we forge ahead with our backpacks full of 20th-century concepts, applying them to realities that no longer have anything to do with them. It’s easy to see the defects of the old, traditional concepts, but it’s very difficult to construct new ones because we don’t really know what is happening nor where we are headed. The example of the debate in France between Valls and Hamon – at least, I read the summary in Le Monde, where Valls maintained that it would be possible to come back to a situation of full employment and Hamon said that is impossible, that it’s necessary to work towards the universal basic income; in the end, Hamon is closer to the truth than Valls, but Hamon isn’t capable of explaining it in a credible way – and it is very difficult to explain it in a credible way.Here, we are working at one and the same time on the Commons and the non-institutional public sphere, we are demanding greater presence of the public administration when probably it wouldn’t really be necessary, but since we don’t have a clear idea of how to construct this new thing, we are still acting sort of like slaves of the old. So that’s where I think the concept of the Commons, of the cooperative, the collaborative, new ideas regarding the digital economy, are more difficult to structure, because we’re also conscious that capitalism is no longer only industrial or financial but now it’s digital capitalism, and it controls all the networks of data transmission and at the same time the data themselves, probably the wealth of the future. So, sure we can do really interesting things in Barcelona, out of Barcelona en Comun, but we have GAFAM (Google, Apple, Facebook, Amazon and Microsoft), and GAFAM has its own logics and that complicates things. So we have to create a new political subject – and it’s obvious that we need something new – but what isn’t so obvious is what are the concepts we need to create this new subject. So if you look at the documents published by Un Pais en Comu<a href="#cite_note-3">[3]</a> that’s what you’ll see: a bit of different language, a different way of using concepts, but at the same time a trace of the heritage of the traditional left. The journal ‘Nous Horitzons’ has just published a new issue on ‘Politics in Common’<a href="#cite_note-4">[4]</a> which brings together a lot of these elements. The impression that some of us had in the assembly the other day in Vall d’Hebron (the inaugural assembly of the movement) was that the old ways were still weighing us down, that there was a difficulty to generate an innovative dynamic.NT — That was clear in the composition of the audience.JS — Yes, well, the Podemos people weren’t there, of course… they didn’t come for various reasons, because probably not everybody was in agreement with Albano-Dante<a href="#cite_note-5">[5]</a> but they saw there was a lot of disagreement and so they preferred not to come, and that’s a type of public that, as well as filling the hall, also changes the type of dynamic – so it was more the traditional-style organisations that were there (Iniciativa or EUIA<a href="#cite_note-6">[6]</a>), there was more of the old than the new probably. Perhaps that’s inevitable, but what we have to do now is to see if we can change that dynamic.AA — When one reads the ‘Ideario politico’ (the political project of Un Pais en Comu) it’s a sort of lesson in political economy, political philosophy as well, but also a vast programme, and the left has never put forward this type of Commons-inspired programme before, be it in Catalunya or in Spain or probably internationally. How do you see its contribution in the context of the Commons ecosystem? There have been experiences of the Commons without the Commons label, as in Latin America …JS — Yes, in Catalunya the anarcho-sindicalist movement…AA — Of course, but more recently, the idea of ‘Buen Vivir’ …JS — Yes, but when you go to Latin America and you talk about that, it all revolves around the State. But here, we try not to be state-centric. We are trying to avoid the idea that the only possible transformation needs to depend on the State.AA — But in the ‘Ideario’ a lot of discussion is devoted to public services as well, this implies that the State has to exist. And in the Commons vocabulary there is the concept of the ‘partner-state’, but it doesn’t appear in the Ideario…JS — Yes, there’s a margin there: the resilience of the new politics depends more on the capacity to create ‘muscled’ collective spaces – public, collective, common – than on the occupation of the institutions. But without the occupation of the institutions, it’s very difficult to construct those spaces. The example that comes to mind for me is from Copenhagen: there it was the cooperatives of the workers’ unions that built the big housing coops that exist now; also, the municipal government when the left was in power built a lot of public housing; then when a right-wing government came to power, it privatised all the public housing but it couldn’t privatise the cooperatives. So in the end, things that are strictly state-based are more vulnerable than when you build collective strength. So if we are able to benefit from these spaces in order to build ‘collective muscle’, using our presence in the institutions, this will end up being more resilient, more stable over time than if we put all our eggs in the State basket. So the Barcelona city government has civic social centres that are municipal property, but what is important is to succeed in ensuring that these centres are controlled by the community, that each community make them its own despite the fact that the property is officially that of the municipality, but they must be managed through a process of community management. So you need to build in the community a process of appropriation of institutions that ends up being stronger than if it were all in the hands of the State.Now we are discussing citizen heritage, how the city government can use its property – houses, buildings – and it can cede them for a certain period in order to construct collective spaces. For example, 8 building sites that belong to the municipality have been put up for auction on 100-year leases for community organisations to build housing cooperatives. This doesn’t take property away from the public sphere and at the same time it generates collective strength. But a certain sector of the political left here, the CUP, criticises this as privatisation of public space. They think Barcelona en Comun should build public housing instead, state-owned housing. That’s a big difference. And people are aware of that, but at the same time there are doubts about whether this makes sense, whether there is sufficient strength within the community so that this can work. Or, for example, the most common criticism is that “you have an idea of the public, the collective, the Commons, that implies capacities in the community that are only present in the middle classes that have the knowledge, the organisational capacity… so it’s a very elitist vision of the collective because the popular sectors, without the backing of the State, won’t be able to do this. » Well, we’re going to try to combine things so it can work, but we don’t want to keep converting the public into the ‘state’.Nancy Fraser wrote an article on the triple movement – looking at Polanyi’s work on the ‘double movement’ in the Great Transformation, that is the movement towards mercantilisation, and the opposite movement it stimulated towards protection. Polanyi talks about the confrontation of these 2 movements in the early 20th century, and the State – in its soviet form or in its fascist form – as a protectionist response of society which demands protection when faced with the uncertainty, the fragility the double movement engenders. Nancy Fraser says that all that is true, but we’re no longer in the 20th century, we’re in the 21st century where factors like individual emancipation, diversity, feminism are all very important – so we shouldn’t be in favour of a protectionist movement that continues to be patriarchal and hierarchical. We need a movement for protection that generates autonomy – and there resides what I think is one of the keys of the Commons movement. The idea of being able to get protection – so, a capacity of reaction against the dynamics of the market attacks – without losing the strength of diversity, of personal emancipation, of feminism, the non-hierarchical, the non-patriarchal, the idea that somebody decide for me what I need to do and how I will be protected. Let me self-protect myself too, let me be a protagonist too of this protection. And this is contradictory with the state-centric tradition.<h3>A Commons Economy, Participation and Co-production of Policy</h3>AA — The first theme of the ‘Ideario’ is the economy – you are an economist, amongst other things – how do you see this proposal in terms of the Commons? For example, there is a lot of discussion now about ‘open cooperativism’, etc. What you were saying about the cooperative movement here, that it is very strong but not sufficient…JS — In some aspects no. For example, the city wanted to open a new contract for communications (telephone, internet) – now there are the big companies Telefonica, Movistar, Vodafone, Orange, etc: there’s a cooperative called ‘Som Connexion’ (We are connection)- or ‘Som Energia’ (We are energy) that’s a lot bigger – it has 40,000 members – but these cooperatives, it would be fantastic if the city were to give them the contract for energy or for communication, but they aren’t capable of managing that at the moment. So if they take it, we’d all have big problems: faulty connections, lack of electrical power – because they’re growing for sure but they don’t yet have the ‘muscle’, the capacity they need to take this on.So we have to continue investing in this, it’s not going to take care of itself. On the other hand, in other areas, like home services for the elderly, we do have very strong cooperatives, Abacus for example is a cooperative for book distribution that has 800 000 members, so that is a coop that’s very powerful, and there are others. But in general, the more powerful the coop, the less politicised it is – they tend to transform themselves into big service companies. But now they are understanding that perhaps it would be in their interest to have a different vision; there has been a very politicised movement in the grassroots level coops that is contradictory with the entrepreneurial trend in the big coops. So we’re in this process right now: yes, there are very big, very strong coops and there are also smaller, more political ones but they don’t have sufficient muscle yet.AA — When we look at issues of participation, co-production of policy and such, it is also a question of culture, a culture of co-production that doesn’t exist. In the neighbourhoods, yes there is a trend to revamping participation, but when we talk to people in the local-level committees they say ‘Sure, people come to the meetings, but because they want a tree planted here…’ and they don’t have that vision of co-creation. So first there has to be a sort of cultural revolution ?JS — There are places where there has been a stronger community tradition that could well converge with this. Some neighbourhoods like Roquetes for example, Barceloneta or Sants, have very strong associational traditions. If you go to Roquetes to the meeting of the community plan, everybody is there: the people from the primary medical services centre, the doctors, the schools are there, the local police, the social workers – and they hold meetings every 2 weeks and they know everything that goes on in the area, and they transfer cases amongst themselves: “we detected this case, how do we deal with it?” etc. The community fabric in those neighbourhoods functions really well. So what can you add to that fabric so that it can go a bit further? On the other hand, in other neighbourhoods like Ciutat Meridiana, in 5 years 50% of the population has changed, so it’s very difficult to create community where the level of expulsion or change is so high. In Sants, in Ca Batlló, there was a very interesting experience where people want to create a cooperative neighbourhood – it’s a bit polemical – they want to create a public school without using public funds, instead using money from the participants themselves, because the coop tradition in Sants is very anarchist, libertarian – so they promote the idea of a public school, open to all, but not using public funds. And it would have its own educational philosophy, that wouldn’t have to submit to standard educational discipline. And groups have appeared in different neighbourhoods dedicated to shared child-raising where there are no pre-schools for children between 0 and 3 years, or people prefer not to take the kids to public pre-schools because they find them too rigid, so they prefer generating relationships amongst parents. So what should the role of the city government be with respect to such initiatives? Should it facilitate or not? There’s a debate about how to position the municipality with respect to these initiatives that are interesting but then when, inside Barcelona en Comú or Catalunya en Comú, the person who is in charge of these issues comes with a more traditional union perspective and says “This is crazy, what we need to do is to create public schools with teachers who are professional civil servants. These experiments are fine for gentrified zones, but in reality…’” And they are partly right. So we’re in that sort of situation, which is a bit ambivalent. We’re conscious that we need to go beyond a state-centric approach, but at the same time we need to be very conscious that if we don’t reinforce the institutional role, the social fragilities are very acute.<h3>The Commons and Issues of Sovereignty, Interdependence and the « Right to Decide »</h3>AA — Another high-profile issue is that of sovereignty. The way it’s presented in the Ideario is criticised both by those who want a unified Spain and by those who want Catalan independence. Sovereignty is simply another word for independence in the view of many people. But the way it’s presented in the Ideario is more complex and comprehensive, linked to autonomy at every level …JS — Exactly: it’s plural, in lower case and plural: sovereignties. The idea is a bit like what I said earlier about the city, that we want to take back the city. We want to recover the collective capacity to decide over what affects us. So it’s fine to talk about the sovereignty of Catalonia, but we also need to talk about digital sovereignty, water sovereignty, energy sovereignty, housing sovereignty – sovereignty in the sense of the capacity to decide over that which affects us. So we don’t have to wait until we have sovereignty over Catalonia in order to grapple with all this. And this has obvious effects: for example, something we are trying to develop here: a transit card that would be valid on all forms of public transit – like the “Oyster” in London, and many other cities have them – an electronic card that you can use for the train, the metro, the bus: the first thing the Barcelona city government did on this was to ask the question “Who will own the data? “. That’s sovereignty. The entity that controls the data on who moves and how in metropolitan Barcelona has an incredible stock of information with a clear commercial value. So will it belong to the company that incorporates the technology? or will the data belong to the municipality and the municipality will do with it what it needs? At the moment, they are installing digital electricity metres and digital water metres: but to whom do the data belong? because these are public concessions, concessions to enterprises in order that they provide a public service – so who owns the data?This is a central issue. And it is raised in many other aspects, like food sovereignty. So, we want to ensure that in the future Barcelona be less dependent on the exterior for its food needs, as far as possible. So you need to work to obtain local foodstuffs, control over the products that enter – and that implies food sovereignty, it implies discussing all this. So, without saying that the sovereignty of Catalonia isn’t important, we need to discuss the other sovereignties. Because, suppose we attain the sovereignty of Catalonia as an independent state, but we are still highly dependent in all the other areas. We need to confront this. I don’t think it’s a way of avoiding the issue, it’s a way of making it more complex, of understanding that today the Westphalian concept of State sovereignty no longer makes much sense. I think we all agree on that. We are very interdependent, so how do we choose our interdependencies? That would be real sovereignty, not to be independent because that’s impossible, but rather how to better choose your interdependencies so that they have a more public content.AA — Talking of interdependence, there is the issue as well of internationalism. Barcelona en Comú puts a lot of emphasis on that, saying ‘There is no municipalism without internationalism’ etc. From the very outset of her mandate, Ada Colau in 2015 in her inaugural speech as mayor said that ‘we will work to build a movement of cities of the Mediterranean’, and as time goes on the approach is becoming clearer, for example with the participation of Colau and the vice-mayor Gerardo Pisarello in the major international city conferences. What do you see as the importance of this internationalism within the Commons ecosystem?JS — There are 2 key aspects for me. First, cities are clearly the most global political space and zone of social convergence that exists. Apparently when we talk about cities we’re talking about something local, but cities are actually very globalised. Benjamin Barber wrote a book about ‘Why Mayors should govern the world’. And he set out an example I think is very good: if the mayor of Montreal meets with Ada and the mayor of Nairobi and the mayor of Santiago de Chile and the mayor of say Hong-Kong, after 5 minutes together they’ll all be talking about the same things. Because the problems of cities are very similar from one place to another despite their different sizes. Questions of energy, transport, water, services, food… If we try to imagine that same meeting between Heads of State, the complexity of the political systems, cultural traditions, constitutional models and all will mean that the challenge of coming to a common understanding will be much more complex. That doesn’t mean that cities are the actors that will resolve climate change, but certainly the fact that Oslo, Copenhagen, Amsterdam, Barcelona and Paris agree that in 2025 there will no longer be cars circulating that use diesel will have more impact than a meeting of Heads of State. With AirBnB Barcelona is in constant confrontation, the city has fined them 600 000 euros, but Barcelona on its own can’t combat AirBnB. But New York, Paris, London, Amsterdam and Barcelona have come to an agreement to negotiate jointly with AirBnb: those 5 cities together can negotiate with them. But it isn’t the problem for States, it’s much more a problem for cities than for States. And AirBnB uses digital change to enter spaces where there is a lack of precision – it’s what happens too with Uber, Deliveroo and other platforms of so-called ‘collaborative economy’, which is really extractive economy, but which use the reglamentary voids. The people who work for Uber or Deliveroo aren’t employees, they are independent entrepreneurs but they work in 19th century conditions. Tackling this problem from the level of the city can produce new solutions.I think when we decided in 2014-2015 to attempt to work at the municipal level in Barcelona, we were aware that Barcelona isn’t just any city: Barcelona has an international presence and we wanted to use Barcelona’s international character to exert an influence on urban issues worldwide. Ada Colau participated in the Habitat conference in Quito in October 2016, before that in the meeting of local authorities in Bogota, she is now co-president of the World Union of Municipalities. So there’s an investment that didn’t start just with us but that started in the period when Maragall<a href="#cite_note-7">[7]</a> was mayor, a very high investment by Barcelona in participating in this international sphere of cities. This reinforces Barcelona in its confrontations with the State and with private enterprise as well. It plays an important role. There is an international commission within Barcelona en Comú, they are constantly working with other world cities – they have been in France, they have a strong link with Grenoble and will be going to a meeting of French cities in September to talk about potential collaboration, they often go to Italy, they’ve gone to Belgrade, to Poland. In June they’re organising a meeting of Fearless Cities, with the participation of many mayors from major cities in Europe and around the world. So there is a very clear vision of the global aspect. So the global dimension is very present, and at the level of Spain as well. The problem there is that there is political interference, for example in Madrid, which is very important as a city, but within the municipal group “Ahora Madrid” they’re very internally divided, so sometimes you speak to one and the others don’t like it. We have really good relations with Galicia: A Coruña and Santiago de Compostela, also with Valencia, but Valencia also has its own dynamic. Zaragoza. Each city has its own dynamic, so sometimes it’s complicated to establish on-going relations.AA — What about Cadiz?JS — Of course, Cadiz is also part of this trend, but the group there is part of the Podemos anti-capitalist faction, so there are nuances.NT — You mentioned 2 points regarding internationalism…JS — Yes, first there was the general global perspective on cities and the second is Barcelona’s own concrete interest. So the first is more global, that is, any city in the world today has many more possibilities if it looks at its strategic global role and if it wants to strengthen its position, it has to work on the global level. In the case of Barcelona specifically, there is also a will that’s partly traditional, because it was begun by Maragall, you have to remember that here in Barcelona there are 10 districts, and during the war of the Balkans, Maragall created District 11, which was Sarajevo: city technicians went to Sarajevo to work with them, and still today there are municipal technicians who travel regularly to Gaza to work there, or with La Havana – in other words there’s a clearly established internationalist stance in the municipality. Also, the headquarters of the World Union of Local Governments is in Barcelona. The international headquarters of Educating Cities is in Barcelona, so there has constantly been a will to be present on the international scene since Maragall, and now this is continuing but with a new orientation as well. Perhaps there used to be the idea of exporting the Barcelona model, branding Barcelona, but that is no longer the case. There’s very intense organisation globally, probably if Ada accepted all the invitations she receives, she’d be travelling all the time.AA — Coming back to the issue of sovereignty vs independence and “the right to decide”, how does this play out?JS — The issue of independence is internally very complex with different positions. I think there is a general agreement on 3 things, ie:<ol><li>Catalonia has its own demos and therefore is a political subject which must be recognised,</li><li>it has to be able to decide how to articulate itself with the other political subjects in Spain and in Europe, it has to have the right, the capacity to decide;</li><li>this requires the construction of a State of its own.</li></ol>It is on the fourth point that we are not in agreement: whether that State should be independent or whether it should be in some way linked, allied, confederated with the rest of the Iberian Peninsula or with Europe. These 3 initial points are sufficiently important and they are the basis for the fact that Catalunya en Comú or Barcelona en Comú is part of the broad sovereigntist space in Catalonia. What it isn’t part of is the independentist space in Catalonia. Despite the fact that I would say some 30-40% of the members are pro-independence, but the rest not. And that is an issue which divides us. But what we are trying to do is to work out this debate on the basis of our own criteria, not on those of other movements. The criteria of the others are ‘you are independentist or you are not independentist’. Our own criteria are: yes, we are sovereigntists, we discuss sovereignties and we’ll see. Since we agree on what is the most important (that is – an autonomous political subject, the right to decide, an autonomous State), let’s discuss how we can articulate. We have fraternal relations with 4 million people in the rest of Spain who agree with us on the first 3 criteria. So the key question probably would be: Does Catalonia want to separate from the rest of Spain or from this Spain? The standard response would be “We have never known any other. We’ve always seen the same Spain, so there is no other Spain”. So the debate we can have is over “Yes, another Spain is possible”. Sort of like the debate right now over whether to leave Europe: do we want to leave Europe of leave this Europe? But is another Europe possible or not?<h3>The Challenges of Scale</h3>NT — I am struck by the fact that every time we refer to the initiative of Catalunya en Comú, you respond by giving the example of what’s happening in Barcelona: do you see Barcelona as the model for Un Pais en Comú?JS — No, it’s not that it’s the model, there is even some reticence within Barcelona en Comú that this new political initiative may have negative consequences for Barcelona en Comú. The Barcelona in Comú experiment has worked really well: within BeC political parties continue to exist (Podemos, Iniciativa, EUIA, Guanyem) and all agree that it’s necessary to create this subject, because it’s clear – there’s a phrase by a former mayor of Vitoria in the Basque country who said “Where my capacities end, my responsibilities begin” – that is, clearly, cities are developing roles that are more and more important, but their capacities continue to be very limited and especially their resources are very limited – so there’s an imbalance between capacities and responsibilities. Between what cities could potentially do and what they really can do. Refuge-cities – a thousand things. So within Barcelona en Comú there is an understanding of the interest of creating Catalunya en Comú in order to have influence in other levels of government. And to present candidates in elections in Spain with En Comú Podem because to be represented in Madrid is also important. But of course, sometimes this expansion can make us lose the most original aspect, that is the emphasis on municipalism, in the capacity to create these spaces – so there’s a certain tension. And obviously, when you go outside Barcelona in Catalonia, the local and territorial realities are very different, you find… you no longer control what kind of people are joining and so you can end up with surprises – good and bad ones – so there are some doubts, some growing pains. You have to grow, but how will that affect what we have so far? our ways of working and all that… I always refer to Barcelona en Comú because we have existed for longer, we have a sort of ‘tradition’ in the way we work, and on the contrary, the other day we held the founding assembly of Catalunya en Comú and – where are we headed? how long will we be able to maintain the freshness, avoid falling into the traditional vices of political parties? Xavi (Domenech) is a very good candidate, he has what I call a Guanyem DNA, but it’s not evident that we can pull this through. That’s the doubt.NT — How do you assess the results of the founding assembly of Catalunya en Comú? Are you happy with what came out of it?JS — Yes, I’m satisfied, although I don’t think the results were optimal, but we are squeezed by a political calendar that we don’t control. It’s very probable that there will be elections this year in Catalonia, so if that happens… what would have been preferable? To reproduce the Barcelona en Comú model, take more time and work more from the bottom up, hold meetings throughout the territory – we did hold about 70 or 80, but a lot more would have been better – do things more slowly and look around, build links with local movements, the same ones as in Barcelona but on the level of Catalonia – energy, water, etc: reconstruct the same process. But sure, they’re going to call elections or a referendum in 2 days. What is clear is that we can’t do the same thing as with ‘Catalunya si que es pot’<a href="#cite_note-8">[8]</a>, which was a coalition but it didn’t work. So all this has meant that the process – despite the fact that I think it has been carried out well, is not optimal: within the realm of the possible, I think it was done with great dignity.NT — And with respect to the deliberative process that was used to arrive at the final document?JS — Basically the same thing: it could have been done better, with deeper debates in each area, it was done very quickly, a lot of issues in a short period of time. The task was very complex, and I think the result is worthy. We tried to avoid standardised jargon and parameters, to make it a bit different. So now we’ll see – yesterday the Executive met for the first time, and on May 13 will be the first meeting of the coordinating group of 120 people<a href="#cite_note-9">[9]</a>. So we’ll have to see how this all is gotten underway. I am not convinced that it will all be functional in time for the Catalan elections, for me the key date is May 2019 which are the next municipal elections. Then we’ll see if this has really jelled and if we can have a significant presence throughout the territory. This territorial vision is very important in order to avoid a top-down construction. The key thing in Catalonia is to do it with dignity and not to become entrapped in this dual logic of independence or not, to be capable of bringing together a social force that is in that position.<div class="" style="font-size: .8em;">NOTES<ol class="references"><li id="cite_note-1"><a href="#cite_ref-1">↑</a> Autonomous elections are those held in the 17 Autonomous Communities of Spain created by the 1978 Constitution. Catalunya is one of them.</li><li id="cite_note-2"><a href="#cite_ref-2">↑</a> The Unified Socialist Party of Catalonia or PSUC: Founded in 1936, it allied the main parties of the Catalan left around the Communist Party. It was dissolved in 1987.</li><li id="cite_note-3"><a href="#cite_ref-3">↑</a> « A country in common ». The process, carried out in a transparent and well-documented manner, began with a negotiation with certain left-wing parties and movements, and encouraged discussion and new proposals at popular assemblies throughout the region and in online discussion open to the public. More than 3,000 people participated in 70 assemblies and more than 1,700 proposals and amendments were made online with the webpage registering nearly 130,000 hits. The Assembly discussed and voted on the various amendments and agreed on a transitional structure composed of a coordinating body of 120 members and an executive committee of 33 members, each with a one-year mandate to propose an ethical code, statutes, an organizational structure and political options in the unfolding conjuncture. </li><li id="cite_note-4"><a href="#cite_ref-4">↑</a> « La Politica de Comù » in Nous horitzons (New Horizons) No. 215, 2017. Originally titled Horitzons, the magazine was founded in 1960 in clandestinity and published in Catalan abroad by intellectuals linked to the PSUC. It has been published in Catalonia since 1972. It recently opened its pages to other progressive political tendencies. </li><li id="cite_note-5"><a href="#cite_ref-5">↑</a> Albano Dante Fachin, member of the Catalan parliament, is the head of Podem (the Catalan wing of the Podemos party). He opposed the participation of his party in the constituent assembly of Un Pais en Comù thus creating a crisis in the ranks of Podemos at both the Catalan and national levels. Party leader Pablo Iglesias did not disown him, but delegated his national second-in-command Pablo Echenique to represent him in the assembly. </li><li id="cite_note-6"><a href="#cite_ref-6">↑</a> Coalitions of the Catalan left since the transition period of the 1970s have been numerous and complex for the uninitiated. « Iniciativa for Catalonia Verts » dates from 1995 and was composed of the Green party with Iniciativa for Catalonia, itself a 1987 coalition of the left parties around the PSUC and the former Catalan Communist Party. EUIA (United and Alternative Left) is another coalition in 1998 which includes the first two and all the small parties of the radical left. EUIA is the Catalan branch of Izquierda Unida (United Left) the new name of the Spanish Communist Party. </li><li id="cite_note-7"><a href="#cite_ref-7">↑</a> Pasqual Maragall, member and later president of the Catalan Socialist Party, became mayor of Barcelona in 1982 with the support of the elected members of the Unified Socialist Party of Catalonia (PSUC). He remained in this position for almost 15 years without ever having a majority in the municipal council. He then became President of the Catalan government in 2003.</li><li id="cite_note-8"><a href="#cite_ref-8">↑</a> Catalunya Sí que es Pot (CSQP, « Yes Catalonia Is Possible ») is a left-wing coalition created in view of the Catalan elections in the autumn of 2015. Barcelona en Comù, itself a municipal coalition, was elected in May 2015 but decided not to run in the autonomous elections. </li><li id="cite_note-9"><a href="#cite_ref-9">↑</a> The election result was no surprise: ‘A country in common’ founder Xavier Domenech will preside the Executive Committee and Ada Colau, the current mayor of Barcelona, is president of the coordinating body. The membership, via an internet vote, chose on May 20 a new name preferring « Catalunya en Comù » to « En Comú podem », thus distinguishing itself from the 2015 Catalan coalition with Podemos, also called « En comu podem » and signalling a reinforcement of the « Barcelona en Comù » wing with respect to the supporters of Podemos in the new entity. The rejection of the earlier name ‘Un Pais en Comu’ may also denote a desire to distance itself from a pro-independence stance.</li></ol></div>i> </ol> </div>)
Chargement/Site + (<ol> <li style="list-style-type: … <ol><li style="list-style-type: none;"><ol>Original publication 21 of May 2016 by Hervé Le Crosnier in</ol></li></ol><a href="http://vecam.org/Ce-que-nous-nous-apprend-l-histoire-du-Bolero-de-Ravel">Vecam.org</a><ol>. Translation by Nicole Leonard</ol><blockquote>In 1928 Ravel composed Boléro, a piece that would become a worldwide success with hundreds of versions and arrangements. A harmonic crescendo that was also worth millions.An excellent series of nine 8-minute videos, directed by Fabian Caus-Lahalle and distributed by France’s National Audiovisual Institute, tells the story of the post-mortem reach of this gem from Maurice Ravel, who barely profited from it, rapidly falling ill and dying less than 10 years later.</blockquote>The series looks like a detective story, with treachery, secret markets, fiscal paradises, and a masseuse on one side, and political men inundated by lobbies and incapable of defending the public domain on the other. Here we have a saga that shows the harmfulness of the notion of “rights-holders” – the hijacking of laws and cultural practices by businessmen who then use this acquired power to influence politics and further reduce the public domain.<iframe loading="lazy" src="https://player.ina.fr/player/embed/2885055/1/1b0bd203fbcd702f9bc9b10ac3d0fc21/560/315/0" width="560" height="315" frameborder="0" marginwidth="0" marginheight="0" scrolling="no"></iframe><iframe loading="lazy" src="https://player.ina.fr/player/embed/MAN5464180431/1/1b0bd203fbcd702f9bc9b10ac3d0fc21/560/315/0" width="560" height="315" frameborder="0" marginwidth="0" marginheight="0" scrolling="no"></iframe>Everything is set against a background of Bolero and many interpretations of his work from around the world, in all musical styles and from all time periods.<iframe loading="lazy" src="https://player.ina.fr/player/embed/MAN7910555309/1/1b0bd203fbcd702f9bc9b10ac3d0fc21/560/315/0" width="560" height="315" frameborder="0" marginwidth="0" marginheight="0" scrolling="no"></iframe><iframe loading="lazy" src="https://player.ina.fr/player/embed/MAN6248963306/1/1b0bd203fbcd702f9bc9b10ac3d0fc21/560/315/0" width="560" height="315" frameborder="0" marginwidth="0" marginheight="0" scrolling="no"></iframe>Tax havens hide the money coming from the ashes of Maurice Ravel, who died without children and left everything to his brother, who was also childless.<iframe loading="lazy" src="https://player.ina.fr/player/embed/MAN2464909165/1/1b0bd203fbcd702f9bc9b10ac3d0fc21/560/315/0" width="560" height="315" frameborder="0" marginwidth="0" marginheight="0" scrolling="no"></iframe>But it’s a real political affair in which the cultural industry lobbies pre-empted public powers and our dear political men, ready to be seduced.<iframe loading="lazy" src="https://player.ina.fr/player/embed/MAN8716173688/1/1b0bd203fbcd702f9bc9b10ac3d0fc21/560/315/0" width="560" height="315" frameborder="0" marginwidth="0" marginheight="0" scrolling="no"></iframe>Switzerland, Monaco, Gibraltar, Panama.. culture does not know borders, and neither does money.<iframe loading="lazy" src="https://player.ina.fr/player/embed/MAN9205650456/1/1b0bd203fbcd702f9bc9b10ac3d0fc21/560/315/0" width="560" height="315" frameborder="0" marginwidth="0" marginheight="0" scrolling="no"></iframe><iframe loading="lazy" src="https://player.ina.fr/player/embed/MAN4764653149/1/1b0bd203fbcd702f9bc9b10ac3d0fc21/560/315/0" width="560" height="315" frameborder="0" marginwidth="0" marginheight="0" scrolling="no"></iframe><iframe loading="lazy" src="https://player.ina.fr/player/embed/MAN7455517816/1/1b0bd203fbcd702f9bc9b10ac3d0fc21/560/315/0" width="560" height="315" frameborder="0" marginwidth="0" marginheight="0" scrolling="no"></iframe>It is interesting that it would be the National Audiovisual Institute who produced this rant, just one day after the government’s retraction of Article 8 of the Lemaire Act, following pressure from the supposed “culture” lobbies. This law aimed to protect the information commons, particularly by allowing specialized associations to submit complaints to defend the public domain against enclosure.This needs to be shown to members of the mixed Senate-National Assembly commission that will definitively define this law. It also needs to be shown to all of our elected officials so that they see how their lack of interest for the protection of the public domain is nothing in reality but a submission to scammers, to lobbies, to monied powers, and to the disregard of society and its desire for cultural sharing and creative reinterpretations of cultural works. They can no longer close their eyes: they are responsible for what they steal from the public domaine for the profit of Panamanian or Monacan society.What would Maurice Ravel say? He wrote, “Take a model, imitate it. If you have something to say, your personality will never be more evident than your unconscious infidelity” (this sentence is the conclusion to this superb documentary).Publication 21 of May 2016 by Hervé Le Crosnier in <a href="http://vecam.org/Ce-que-nous-nous-apprend-l-histoire-du-Bolero-de-Ravel">Vecam.org</a>. Translation by Nicole Leonardgt; What would Maurice Ravel say? He wrote, “Take a model, imitate it. If you have something to say, your personality will never be more evident than your unconscious infidelity” (this sentence is the conclusion to this superb documentary). Publication 21 of May 2016 by Hervé Le Crosnier in <a href="http://vecam.org/Ce-que-nous-nous-apprend-l-histoire-du-Bolero-de-Ravel">Vecam.org</a>. Translation by Nicole Leonard)
Chargement/Site + (Les voies maritimes< … Les voies maritimes, a beautiful idea of video about a project of protected sea area. <iframe loading="lazy" frameborder="0" width="400" height="225" src="//www.dailymotion.com/embed/video/xu8azp" allowfullscreen></iframe> By <a href="http://www.aires-marines.fr/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Aires-marines-protegees</a>Three photographers have traveled for months Normand Breton Gulf stretching from the island of Brehat to Cape of La Hague and which is the subject of a proposed marine park. Rodolphe Marics, Denis Bourges and Xavier Desmier propose an X-ray of the marine space in three different and complementary points of view: aerial photos, hiking and underwater.Les voies maritimes was born of a partnership between the Agency for Marine Protected Areas and the association Les champs photographiques.maritimes was born of a partnership between the Agency for Marine Protected Areas and the association Les champs photographiques.)
Chargement/Site + (<iframe loading="lazy" src="// … <iframe loading="lazy" src="//www.youtube.com/embed/a0J2gj80EVI?rel=0" width="400" height="225" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe>« Sans Lendemain », est un film d’animation sur l’exploitation des énergies fossiles et des ressources naturelles et leurs conséquences sur la vie humaine sur la planète. Il est réalisé par Dermot O’ Connor et produit par Incubate Pictures. en 35 minutes, il aborde de façon très intelligible toute une série de problématiques liées à la croissance de notre système économique et à notre façon de consommer.Réalisation : Dermot O’ Connor (35 minutes, 2012).<a href="http://www.idleworm.com">http://www.idleworm.com</a> <a href="http://www.incubatepictures.com">http://www.incubatepictures.com</a> – <a href="http://www.angryanimator.com">http://www.angryanimator.com</a>Information et documentation sur le site <a href="http://sansLendemain.mpOC.be">http://sansLendemain.mpOC.be</a>.Titre original étasunien : There’s no tomorrow. <a href="https://www.youtube.com/redirect?q=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.youtube.com%2Fwatch%3Fv%3DVOMWzjrRiBg&redir_token=PRF4kw9bwKfWe7SJ5S33XwpWSiZ8MTQwMTM2NzY0MEAxNDAxMjgxMjQw">https://www.youtube.com</a>Version française 2013 due à l’initiative du groupe de Liège du mpOC, Mouvement politique des objecteurs de croissance (le mpOC n’est pas un parti politique).Avec le soutien de : Amis de la Terre Belgique, ASPO.be (section belge de l’Association for the Study of Peak Oil and Gas), GRAPPE (Groupe de Réflexion et d’Action Pour une Politique Ecologique), IEW (Inter-Environnement Wallonie), Imagine demain le monde, mpOC.Traduction : Francis Leboutte. Voix : Caroline Lamarche. Mixage voix : Margarida Guia. Sous-titres en néerlandais, allemand, anglais, français, espagnol et italien.aduction : Francis Leboutte. Voix : Caroline Lamarche. Mixage voix : Margarida Guia. Sous-titres en néerlandais, allemand, anglais, français, espagnol et italien.)
Chargement/Site + (<iframe loading="lazy" title=" … <iframe loading="lazy" title="Claiming the Commons - Food for All on Haultain Boulevard" width="880" height="660" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/25F_KbTz39o?feature=oembed" frameborder="0" allow="accelerometer; autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture" allowfullscreen></iframe>Espace urbain – Théories & Pratiques (Co-production) de SchoolofCommoningPeak Moment 185: Rainey Hopewell’s crazy idea has ended up feeding a neighborhood and creating community. She and Margot Johnston planted vegetables in the parking strip in front of their house. They offer them free for the taking ? to anyone, anytime ? with messages chalked on the sidewalk noting when particular vegies are ready to pick. Neighboring children and adults are joining in to work on the garden, harvesting fun along with food, and even handing fresh-picked vegies to passers-by.Mise en ligne le 20 nov. 2010Licence YouTube standardX CanadaX FoodX GardenX JardinX nourritureX Permaculturelt;p>Licence YouTube standard X CanadaX FoodX GardenX JardinX nourritureX Permaculture)
Chargement/Site + (<iframe loading="lazy" title=" … <iframe loading="lazy" title="Tragedies, comedies and other dramas of the Commons by Bonnie McCay #IASC #Japan2013" width="880" height="660" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/fbzUurdT_EY?feature=oembed" frameborder="0" allow="accelerometer; autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture" allowfullscreen></iframe><a href="http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fbzUurdT_EY">Tragedies, comedies and other dramas of the Commons by Bonnie McCay #IASC #Japan2013 – YouTube</a>.ramas of the Commons by Bonnie McCay #IASC #Japan2013 – YouTube</a>.)
Chargement/Site + (<iframe loading="lazy" title=" … <iframe loading="lazy" title="Claiming the Commons - Food for All on Haultain Boulevard" width="880" height="660" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/25F_KbTz39o?feature=oembed" frameborder="0" allow="accelerometer; autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture" allowfullscreen></iframe>Peak Moment 185: Rainey Hopewell’s crazy idea has ended up feeding a neighborhood and creating community. She and Margot Johnston planted vegetables in the parking strip in front of their house. They offer them free for the taking ? to anyone, anytime ? with messages chalked on the sidewalk noting when particular vegies are ready to pick. Neighboring children and adults are joining in to work on the garden, harvesting fun along with food, and even handing fresh-picked vegies to passers-by.Mise en ligne le 20 nov. 2010Licence YouTube standardgt; Mise en ligne le 20 nov. 2010 Licence YouTube standard)
Chargement/Site 2 + (<iframe loading="lazy" title=" … <iframe loading="lazy" title="Claiming the Commons - Food for All on Haultain Boulevard" width="880" height="660" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/25F_KbTz39o?feature=oembed" frameborder="0" allow="accelerometer; autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture" allowfullscreen></iframe>Espace urbain – Théories & Pratiques (Co-production) de SchoolofCommoningPeak Moment 185: Rainey Hopewell’s crazy idea has ended up feeding a neighborhood and creating community. She and Margot Johnston planted vegetables in the parking strip in front of their house. They offer them free for the taking ? to anyone, anytime ? with messages chalked on the sidewalk noting when particular vegies are ready to pick. Neighboring children and adults are joining in to work on the garden, harvesting fun along with food, and even handing fresh-picked vegies to passers-by.Mise en ligne le 20 nov. 2010Licence YouTube standardX CanadaX FoodX GardenX JardinX nourritureX Permaculturelt;p>Licence YouTube standard X CanadaX FoodX GardenX JardinX nourritureX Permaculture)
Chargement/Site 2 + (<iframe loading="lazy" title=" … <iframe loading="lazy" title="Tragedies, comedies and other dramas of the Commons by Bonnie McCay #IASC #Japan2013" width="880" height="660" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/fbzUurdT_EY?feature=oembed" frameborder="0" allow="accelerometer; autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture" allowfullscreen></iframe><a href="http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fbzUurdT_EY">Tragedies, comedies and other dramas of the Commons by Bonnie McCay #IASC #Japan2013 – YouTube</a>.ramas of the Commons by Bonnie McCay #IASC #Japan2013 – YouTube</a>.)
Chargement/Site 2 + (<iframe loading="lazy" title=" … <iframe loading="lazy" title="Claiming the Commons - Food for All on Haultain Boulevard" width="880" height="660" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/25F_KbTz39o?feature=oembed" frameborder="0" allow="accelerometer; autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture" allowfullscreen></iframe>Peak Moment 185: Rainey Hopewell’s crazy idea has ended up feeding a neighborhood and creating community. She and Margot Johnston planted vegetables in the parking strip in front of their house. They offer them free for the taking ? to anyone, anytime ? with messages chalked on the sidewalk noting when particular vegies are ready to pick. Neighboring children and adults are joining in to work on the garden, harvesting fun along with food, and even handing fresh-picked vegies to passers-by.Mise en ligne le 20 nov. 2010Licence YouTube standardgt; Mise en ligne le 20 nov. 2010 Licence YouTube standard)
Chargement/Site + (<img decoding="async" loading= … <img decoding="async" loading="lazy" class="aligncenter size-full wp-image-4963" src="https://www.remixthecommons.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/07/pla_barcelona_digital_city_in-2.jpg" alt="" width="600" height="300" /> In the last elections in May, Barcelona en Comù has formed an alliance with the Catalan Socialist Party to form a new municipal government with a common agenda and Ada Colau was re-elected for another 4-year term. The first term of office 2015-2019 was held with a minority government and in a regional and national context that was politically and ideologically unfavourable to the development of a « new municipalism of the commons » and an « alternative way of doing politics » that Barcelona claimed to be « en Comù ».The time has come to take stock and, of course, many will have something to say about the achievements made by comparing them to the initial programme. But when we see on the one hand the concrete achievements that often go beyond or question the competences of a municipality (housing, mobility, civic income, health, immigration, tourism, feminisation of politics, energy and technological sovereignty, etc) and on the other hand, what has been done to put transparency in the relationship between the institution, the social movements and the neighbourhood assemblies and the research, for a co-production of policies, we can affirm that the results are generally positive.The commons movement members and the supporters of a new municipalism, can be pleased that, thanks to a coalition of social movements, that has had the courage (and it is necessary) to invest an institution impregnated with neo-liberal practices and a logic of political parties fights, that is often far from the needs and realities of residents, Barcelona remains one of the most dynamic laboratories of urban commons and a model to which to refer.The <a href="https://ajuntament.barcelona.cat/digital/sites/default/files/pla_barcelona_digital_city_in.pdf_barcelona_digital_city_in.pdf">review of the digital plan</a> implemented during the first mandate proposed here is characteristic of the achievements, critical path and creativity of this laboratory.Here is how the city summarizes the principles of its action:<blockquote>Establish itself as a global reference point as a city of commons and collaborative production End privatisation and transfer of public assets in private hands, while promoting remunicipalisation of critical urban infrastructures Massively reduce the cost of basic services like housing, transport, education and health, in order to assist those in the most precarious strata of the population Institute a citizens basic income focused on targeting proverty and social exclusion Barcelona Digital City Plan (2015-2019) Build data-driven models of the economy, with real inputs (using real time data analytics) so that participatory democracy could model complex decisions Prefer and promote collaborative organisations over both the centralised state and the market solutions (start investing higher percentages of public budget in innovative SMEs and the cooperative sector) Build city data commons: decree that the networked data of the population generated in the context of using public services cannot be owned by services operators</blockquote>These principles are embodied in an action programme, the effects of which are detailed in this document. In addition to the emblematic 13,000 policy proposals from the inhabitants, of which 9.245 (72%) have been accepted, there have been 126 cases of corruption reported through the Transparency mailbox since 2017 or the inclusion of gender differences in the STEAM education and technological training programme.Finally, Barcelona, here as in other areas, is building on and strengthening city networks. It initiated – with New York and Amsterdam – the Coalition of Cities for Digital Rights and launched the campaign « 100 Cities in 100 Days » to defend 5 principles of digital policy:<blockquote><ul><li>Equal and universal access to Internet and computer literacy Barcelona Digital City Plan (2015-2019)</li><li>Privacy, data protection and security</li><li>Transparency, accountability and non-discrimination in data, content and algorithms</li><li>Participatory democracy, diversity, and inclusion</li><li>Open and ethical digital service standards</li></ul></blockquote>The cities of the Coalition are developing common roadmaps, laws, tools, actions and resources to protect the digital rights of residents and visitors.Alain Ambrosi and Frédéric SultanFor a more exhaustive assessment see the sector-by-sector assessment on the <a href="https://barcelonaencomu.cat/es">Barcelona Joint Site (in Spanish)</a> protect the digital rights of residents and visitors. Alain Ambrosi and Frédéric Sultan For a more exhaustive assessment see the sector-by-sector assessment on the <a href="https://barcelonaencomu.cat/es">Barcelona Joint Site (in Spanish)</a> )
Chargement/Site + (Alain AmbrosiAvant même le dénouement de la crise dans laquelle se trouvent les Catalans après l’ultimatum lancé par le gouvernement espagnol, il est important de faire circuler dans l’écosystème des communs la tournure des événements en Catalogne et la position que prennent les organismes, institutions et associations catalanes qui se réclament des communs.Rappelons les faits : après avoir réprimé violemment les manifestations pacifiques des Catalans partisans de la tenue d’un référendum qu’ils soient pour ou contre l’indépendance, le gouvernement de Mariano Rajoy vient d’emprisonner Jordi Sànchez et Jordi Cuixart sous l’accusation de sédition pour avoir appelé à ces manifestations pacifiques. Par ce geste, le gouvernent espagnol viole les droits fondamentaux d’expression et de manifestation consignés dans la Déclaration des droits de l’homme en 1948 et reproduits depuis dans nombre de conventions dont celle de l’Europe sur la Protection des droits humains et des libertés fondamentales de 1950. Cette escalade dans la répression de revendications pacifiques dans un cadre démocratique est appuyée sans hésitations par les partis espagnols de droite (Parti Populaire) et de centre droit (Ciudadanos) et les sociaux démocrates du PSOE (Parti socialiste ouvrier espagnol) ce qui présage mal pour la suite des événements qui, selon l’Article 155 de la constitution, pourrait mettre fin au statut d’autonomie de la Catalogne.Sans être indépendantistes ni pour la tenue d’un référendum unilatéral, Barcelona en Comù (l’organisation de la maire de Barcelone Ada Colau minoritaire au conseil de ville de Barcelone depuis 2015) et Catalunya en Comù (le nouvel espace politique catalan créé en avril de cette année) avaient appelé, au nom du « droit à décider », à la mobilisation populaire lors du référendum du 1er octobre et aux manifestations pacifiques qui l’ont précédé et suivi. Après l’arrestation des deux dirigeants indépendantistes, les deux organisations ont annulé leurs activités courantes et <a href="https://www.barcelonaencomu.cat/ca/premsa/barcelona-en-comu-considera-un-atac-gravissim-la-democracia-i-als-drets-basics-lempresonament">ont condamné vertement</a> ce geste anti-démocratique et appelé la population à se joindre aux manifestations pacifiques prévues le 17 octobre. Le communiqué de Catalunya en Comù l’exprime ainsi : Il est absolument intolérable dans toute démocratie d’emprisonner des représentants de la société civile pour leurs idées politiques et des manifestations pacifiques. Nous exigeons la liberté immédiate de ceux qui sont désormais des prisonniers politiques et demandons à toutes les forces politiques de ne pas être complices de cette attaque aux libertés fondamentales. Nous appelons à participer aux manifestations d’aujourd’hui [heures et lieux].De nombreuses autres organisations de la société civile se joignent à cette position dont en particulier le Réseau de l’Économie Solidaire (<a href="http://xes.cat/2017/10/17/comunicat-rebuig-detencio-dels-presidents-lanc-omnium/">Xarxa de Economia Solidaria</a>) qui est partie prenante de l’économie coopérative en plateforme dans l’écosystème catalan des communs aux côtés de la mairie de Barcelone.De son côté, la mairie de Barcelone publie <a href="http://eldigital.barcelona.cat/es/declaracion-institucional-de-rechazo-al-encarcelamiento-de-jordi-sanchez-y-jordi-cuixart_563009.html">une déclaration institutionnelle</a> condamnant les arrestations et appelant la population à manifester pacifiquement. Il est à noter que cette déclaration est signée par tous les partis sauf les partis de droite et centre droit (Parti Populaire, Ciudadanos) ainsi que le PSC Parti socialiste Catalan – qui en prenant cette position confirme son alignement sur le PSOE national et met en question l’appui qu’il donnait à Barcelona en Comù au sein de la municipalité.Au lendemain des impressionnantes manifestations aux chandelles effectuées dans le calme pour la libération des deux accusés, une nouvelle coalition vient de se former pour coordonner les manifestations pacifiques. Sous le nom de <a href="https://www.vilaweb.cat/noticies/neix-en-peu-de-pau-una-iniciativa-per-coordinar-les-mobilizaciones-pacifiques/">« En Peu de Pau »</a> (littéralement « En pied de paix »), ce regroupement initié par douze organismes réunit des entités qui vont des Collectifs de pompiers aux Universités pour la démocratie. Il inclut également les deux organisations des accusés, l’ANC et Omnium Cultural. Dans la présentation, la philosophe Marina Garces, connue entre autres pour ses écrits et son engagement sur les Communs, voit cette nouvelle initiative comme « un espace d’intelligence collective basé sur la confiance contre le mécanisme de la peur ».Pour vous donner une idée de la répression et de l’attitude des manifestants, je propose la <a href="https://www.vilaweb.cat/noticies/a-video-denounces-spains-authoritarianism-help-catalonia-save-europe/">un vidéo</a> qui donne une idée de la répression et de l’attitude des manifestants. Il est réalisé par <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Òmnium_Cultural">Omnium Cultural</a>, l’organisation dirigée Jordi Cuixart. Omnium est une organisation culturelle qui promeut la culture et la langue catalanes depuis 1960. Elle n’est devenue indépendantiste qu’en 2012. Si Rajoy continue sa répression aveugle, il va convertir à l’indépendantisme beaucoup d’autres organisations et individus aujourd’hui non partisans d’une révision de la constitution espagnole et d’une république catalane associée ou non avec l’Espagne.: large;">Omnium Cultural</a>, l’organisation dirigée Jordi Cuixart. Omnium est une organisation culturelle qui promeut la culture et la langue catalanes depuis 1960. Elle n’est devenue indépendantiste qu’en 2012. Si Rajoy continue sa répression aveugle, il va convertir à l’indépendantisme beaucoup d’autres organisations et individus aujourd’hui non partisans d’une révision de la constitution espagnole et d’une république catalane associée ou non avec l’Espagne.)
Chargement/Site 2 + (Glossary of the com … Glossary of the commonsThe aim is to have a definition exercice, in French, of the vocabulary used in our community. The Glossary will be multi-dimensional using multimedia tools and different level of meanings. We intend also to work as well with non french speaking people to set up the list of terms. It will use Charlotte Hess mapping approach to classify terms into different fields.See more information in the<a href="https://www.remixthecommons.org/2013/08/un-chantier-po…-biens-communs/"> french version</a> of this post.mmons.org/2013/08/un-chantier-po…-biens-communs/"> french version</a> of this post.)
Chargement/Site + (Glossary of the com … Glossary of the commonsThe aim is to have a definition exercice, in French, of the vocabulary used in our community. The Glossary will be multi-dimensional using multimedia tools and different level of meanings. We intend also to work as well with non french speaking people to set up the list of terms. It will use Charlotte Hess mapping approach to classify terms into different fields.See more information in the<a href="https://www.remixthecommons.org/2013/08/un-chantier-po…-biens-communs/"> french version</a> of this post.mmons.org/2013/08/un-chantier-po…-biens-communs/"> french version</a> of this post.)
Chargement/Site + (How to equip the in … How to equip the inhabitants with tools and methods that allow them to claim the consideration of a joint management of the social, cultural and economic resources of urban life? We believe that knowledge and mastery of legal mechanisms that allow urban commons to prosper, is an essential part of the answer to this question.Atlas of the Charters of the Urban Commons is to provide socio-technical device to appropriate these tools, by articulating three actions:<ol><li>achieve and maintain an open and interactive inventory of legal mechanisms dedicated to the implementation of urban commons.</li><li>provide a collective space for analysis and interpretation of the governance mechanisms of the urban commons that will produce a new shared knowledge among commoners in a cross-cultural perspective.</li><li>provide a space for exchange and mutual aid around the development of charters and legal instruments for the regeneration or creation of urban commons.</li></ol>Analysis of the Bologna regulation :<iframe style="width: 900px; height: 500px; border: 1px solid black;" src="https://framindmap.org/c/maps/198701/embed?zoom=1"> </iframe>To contribute to this work, please use <a href="https://framindmap.org/c/maps/198701/edit">framindmap.org</a> (You need to be identified)<a href="https://wiki.remixthecommons.org/index.php/Atlas_des_chartes_des_communs_urbains">More information</a> p.org</a> (You need to be identified) <a href="https://wiki.remixthecommons.org/index.php/Atlas_des_chartes_des_communs_urbains">More information</a> )
Chargement/Site + (Appel à idées ! <p&g … Appel à idées !Soumettez une idée qui encourage l’Europe en laquelle nous croyons : une Europe fondée sur la solidarité et l’ouverture, façonné et nourrie par le peuple.Nous vivons et travaillons dans un environnement de plus en plus complexe. À travers l’Europe et ses pays voisins, un nombre croissant de personnes sont confrontées quotidiennement à la discrimination et à l’exclusion, que ce soit sur un plan économique, politique ou culturel. Un tel phénomène a pour conséquence une fragmentation croissante des sociétés, une montée de l’extrémisme et une division toujours plus grande entre les peuples, mais aussi entres les individus et les institutions qui les gouvernent.Les mouvements migratoires, la méfiance envers les institutions traditionnelles et l’écart grandissant entre l’idée d’une Europe démocratique et la réalité d’un continent divisé sont parmi les plus grands défis auxquels nous sommes aujourd’hui confrontés. Ces défis ne sont pas nouveaux, mais ils ont atteint un degré qui affecte directement les systèmes et les politiques existantes, tant au niveau national qu’au niveau européen. La troisième édition de l’Idea Camp portée par l’European Cultural Foundation (ECF) et intitulée « Communautés en mouvement », s’attachera à mettre en lumière les mouvements de résistance qui s’attachent à contrer des pratiques anti-démocratiques. Organisé en collaboration avec Platoniq, l’Idea Camp aura lieu du 1er au 3 Mars 2017 en Espagne et réunira 50 participants dont les idées novatrices démontrent la ferme volonté d’encourager l’imagination politique, favoriser la construction de liens et contribuer au développement d’une société fondée sur le principe de justice sociale. Basé sur des valeurs de partage, d’inclusion et d’ouverture, l’Idea Camp offre aux participants une occasion unique de rencontrer des pairs venus de toute l’Europe et de ses pays voisins, dont les pratiques sont porteuses devisions différentes. Suite à l’appel à idées, 50 participants sont sélectionnés sur critères. ECF couvrira, pour la durée de l’Idea Camp, les frais de déplacement et de séjour en Espagne d’un représentant pour chaque idée. Après l’Idea Camp, les participants seront invités à soumettre une proposition concrète de recherche ou d’implémentation de leur idée. 25 propositions seront retenues et recevront une bourse de recherche et développement d’un montant maximum de 10.000 €. Initié en 2014, l’Idea Camp est organisé dans le cadre de « Connected Action for the Commons », un programme d’action et de recherche développé par ECF en collaboration avec six organisation culturelles implantées dans toute l’Europe: Culture 2 Commons (Croatie), Les Têtes de l’Art (France), KrytykaPolityczna (Pologne), Oberliht (Moldavie), Platoniq – Goteo (Espagne) et Subtopia (Suède).Pour soumettre votre idée, remplissez le formulaire en ligne suivant : http://www.culturalfoundation.eu/idea-camp-call/ivant : http://www.culturalfoundation.eu/idea-camp-call/)
Chargement/Site + (Because the practices of commonin … Because the practices of commoning fly in the face of market culture, they are frequently misunderstood. What is this process of committed collaboration toward shared goals? people may wonder. How does it work, especially when many industries want to privatize control of the resource or prevent competition via commoning?Matthieu Rhéaume, a commoner and game designer who lives Montreal, decided that a card game could be a great vehicle for introducing people to the commons. The result of his efforts is “C@rds in Common: A Game of Political Collaboration.” “I see playfulness as a sense-making tool,” Matthieu told me. “People can play casually and be surprised by the meta-learning [about the commons] that results.”It all began at the World Social Forum (WSF) conference in Montreal in August 2016. Rhéaume decided to use the opportunity to synthesize viewpoints about the commons from a group of 50 participants and use the results to develop the card game. He persuaded the Charles Léopold Mayer Foundation and Gazibo, both based in France, to support development of the game. Fifty commoners more or less co-created the game with the help of several colleagues. (The process is described here.)<iframe loading="lazy" title="Les communs en jeu ... de cartes" width="880" height="495" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/ISGk4-pf2Ww?feature=oembed" frameborder="0" allow="accelerometer; autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture" allowfullscreen></iframe>As a game designer, Rhéaume realized that successful, fun games must embody a certain “procedural rhetoric” and reward storytelling. He had enjoyed playing “Magic: The Gathering,” a popular multiplayer card game, and wondered what that game would feel like if it were collaborative.At the WSF, Rhéaume asked participants to share their own insights about the commons by submitting suggested cards in six categories. The first four categories consist of “commoners cards” featuring “resources,” “action cards,” “project cards” and “attitude cards.” Two other types of cards — “Oppressive Forces” cards with black backs – give the game its kick by applying “negative effects” to the “Political Arena” of play. The two negative effects are “enclosures” and “crises,” to which commoners must collectively organize and respond in time.Intended for two to five players, the game usually lasts between 60 and 90 minutes. It has enough of a basic storyline to be easily understood, but enough complexity and sophisticated twists to be unpredictable and interesting. The key objective of the game is to “create a Political Arena resilient enough to defend the commons against encroaching enclosures.” The players win when there are no more enclosure cards in the Political Arena. They lose if there are more than five enclosures present at any one time.The backs of the Oppressive Forces cards feature a conquistador with a spear and text reading, “I am here to take the commons.” One of the Oppressive Force card is “Trump Elected!” which demobilizes every commons campaign underway. Another OF card, “Old Inner Culture,” prohibits the discarding of “attitudes” cards (which might otherwise hasten commoning). A “Fear of the Unknown” card prohibits players from drawing new cards for one cycle.By contrast, the commoner cards feature such things as urban gardens, First Nations, degrowth and independent media. A series of “Attitude” cards affect a player’s capacity to cooperate.WSF participants submitted a wild diversity of 240 cards to Rhéaume giving many perspectives on commoning and enclosure. Rheaume used 120 of cards and his own knowledge of game design to produce the game, printing at a local printer. He tested C@rds in Common through 25 games and four design iterations, attempting to achieve a 50% failure rate (the forces of enclosure win). Players discovered that the complexities of cooperation grow as new enclosures introduce new variables. A game booklet describes how players can make winning more difficult (by accelerating the rate of enclosure threats and reducing the time allowed to build civil society).Rhéaume concedes that the first play of C@rds in Common can be challenging, but there are YouTube videos to help new players learn the game. (See this video introduction to the game as a project, and this « how to play » video tutorial.)Rhéaume would like to refine the game further – it still has elements of the WSF event, including some French-only cards – but he is pleased that the game helps introduce players into the commons worldview and start deeper conversations about it. Following most games, players reflect on what happened and tell stories about the successful collaborations that emerged and enclosures that prevailed.The game was released in February, first with a European launch overseen by Fréderic Sultan of Gazibo. There are now more than 70 decks of C@rds in Common (in French, C@rtes en Communs) circulating there [actually more than 100 are .The Canadian launch of the game will take place in Montreal on May 11 at 17:30 to 20:30 at 5248 Boulevard Saint-Laurent in Montreal. To register for the (free) event, here is a link on Brown Paper Tickets.A deck of the game can be bought directly, at cost, via a commercial distributor, Game Crafters, at https://www.thegamecrafter.com/games/c-rds-in-common, for $22.40. Until May 31, Canadians can acquire the game more cheaply by signing up for a bulk order at this webpage; Rhéaume et al. will then distribute the games to individual buyers.Let me add a charming historical footnote that Rhéaume sahred with me. On the back of each commoner card, there is a drawing of a farmer with the text, “Give me my leather coat and my purse in a groat. That’s some habit for a husbandman.”Those lines are from a song in a medieval mummers play, « The Seven Champions of Christendom. » The lyrics are a heated discussion between a servingman to the king and a free and independent husbandman (commoner) about the merits and liabilities of their respective stations in life. (The song originated from Symondsbury, near Bridport, Dorset, in England — so a shout-out to STIR magazine, which is based there!).A sample exchange between the servingman and the husbandman:[Servingman] But then we do wear the finest of grandeur, My coat is trimmed with fur all around; Our shirts as white as milk and our stockings made of silk: That’s clothing for a servingman.[Husbandman] As to thy grandeur give I the coat I wear Some bushes to ramble among; Give to me a good greatcoat and in my purse a grout [coarse meal], That’s clothing for an husbandman.The full lyrics of the song can be found here.. [Husbandman] As to thy grandeur give I the coat I wear Some bushes to ramble among; Give to me a good greatcoat and in my purse a grout [coarse meal], That’s clothing for an husbandman. The full lyrics of the song can be found here.)
Chargement/Site + (By Samantha Slade By Samantha Slade« From where I stand today, one of the challenges of advancing an emerging movement such as the commons lies in how we build the community and how we meet in ways that embody the values of commoning. This involves the thorny question: How can we honour the vast experience and expertise on the commons and come together inclusively and equitably in a participatory commoning fashion? The Art of Hosting certainly has something to offer here, but also, and most importantly, those that are consciously living and doing the daily work of commoning, in all its complexity, have deep learnings to share to the benefit of building our collective capacity. »see the <a href="http://www.percolab.com/2014/01/art-of-hosting-the-commons/">whole article </a>ww.percolab.com/2014/01/art-of-hosting-the-commons/">whole article </a>)
Chargement/Site 2 + (By Samantha Slade By Samantha Slade« From where I stand today, one of the challenges of advancing an emerging movement such as the commons lies in how we build the community and how we meet in ways that embody the values of commoning. This involves the thorny question: How can we honour the vast experience and expertise on the commons and come together inclusively and equitably in a participatory commoning fashion? The Art of Hosting certainly has something to offer here, but also, and most importantly, those that are consciously living and doing the daily work of commoning, in all its complexity, have deep learnings to share to the benefit of building our collective capacity. »see the <a href="http://www.percolab.com/2014/01/art-of-hosting-the-commons/">whole article </a>ww.percolab.com/2014/01/art-of-hosting-the-commons/">whole article </a>)
Chargement/Site + (Call for Ideas ! <p& … Call for Ideas !Please submit an idea that fosters the Europe we believe in: a Europe of solidarity and openness, shaped and nurtured by people.We are living and working in an increasingly complex environment. Across Europe and its neighbouring countries, more and more people are confronted with discrimination and exclusion on a daily basis – whether economically, politically or culturally. As a result, societies are becoming increasingly fragmented, extremism is on the rise, and the divisions between people – and between individuals and institutions – are growing ever wider.Migration, distrust towards traditional institutions and the widening gap between the idea of a democratic Europe and the reality of a divided continent are among the biggest challenges that we are facing at present. These challenges are not new, but they have reached a degree that directly affects existing systems and policies, both at national and European levels.Living with a constant flow of images and information that sustains a ‘permanent state of emergency’, we often adopt defeat, the feeling that there’s-nothing-to-be-done. However, in this worrying situation, it is heartening to see citizens gathering together and taking action: countless bottom-up local, national, and transnational initiatives are enthusiastically showing that there-is-something-to-be-done, and that a more democratic, inclusive, egalitarian, and caring society is not only desired but possible.In this continent of rapidly changing communities, building bridges to help us live alongside each other is an urgent imperative. We need to reinvent and jointly value our present and develop our future together. We need to recreate shared common values and foster open and inclusive communities and societies – with a focus on social justice and human rights.Co-hosted by Platoniq in Spain, ECF’s third Idea Camp will take place from 1 to 3 March 2017. Following local elections in May 2015, which have seen several major cities and smaller towns now governed by citizen lists of candidates, Spain is on track to reinvent itself amidst a hive of social, cultural, and political activism. The many exciting new challenges this hive of activity has raised include a more inclusive and participatory society, ‘a home for all’. Although not free from contradictions, there are many tangible examples across different sectors (cultural, political, economical and social) that interweave inspiring institutional and grassroots actions. The myriad of different cross-sectoral practices in Spain constitute a resourceful laboratory for sharing and highlighting ways in which communities can promote change in Europe.Organized in collaboration with Platoniq, Idea Camp will be held from 1 to 3 March 2017 in Spain and will bring together 50 participants whose innovative ideas demonstrate a firm commitment to encourage political imagination, encourage building links and contribute to the development a society based on the principle of social justice. Based on shared values, inclusion and openness, Idea Camp offers participants a unique opportunity to meet peers from all over Europe and its neighboring countries, whose practices are different carrier chatted. Following the call for ideas, 50 participants are selected on criteria. ECF cover for the duration of the Idea Camp, the cost of travel and living in Spain a representative for each idea. After the Idea Camp, participants will be invited to submit a concrete proposal for research or implementation of their idea. 25 proposals will be selected and will receive a fellowship and development to a maximum of € 10,000.Initiated in 2014, Idea Camp is organized within the framework of « Connected Action for the Commons », an action and research program developed by ECF in collaboration with six cultural organization established in Europe: Culture 2 Commons (Croatia), Les Têtes de l’Art (France), KrytykaPolityczna (Poland), Oberliht (Moldavia), Platoniq – Goteo (Spain) et Subtopia (Sweden).To submit your idea, please fill in the application form here: http://www.culturalfoundation.eu/idea-camp-call/et Subtopia (Sweden). To submit your idea, please fill in the application form here: http://www.culturalfoundation.eu/idea-camp-call/)
Chargement/Site 2 + (Defining « the commons » … Defining « the commons »<iframe loading="lazy" src="http://www.youtube.com/embed/aXzbcgj9F54?rel=0" width="420" height="315" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe>The importance of « the commons »<iframe loading="lazy" src="http://www.youtube.com/embed/rbTuUMCNZvg?rel=0" width="420" height="315" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe>IASC Projects, goals and dreams<iframe loading="lazy" src="http://www.youtube.com/embed/3v8ApjhECwc?rel=0" width="420" height="315" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe>The achievements of IASC<iframe loading="lazy" src="http://www.youtube.com/embed/QVv5_GM1RPs?rel=0" width="420" height="315" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe>Main challenges of IASC<iframe loading="lazy" src="http://www.youtube.com/embed/bAv0FaAPEP8?rel=0" width="420" height="315" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe>The agenda of IASC<iframe loading="lazy" src="http://www.youtube.com/embed/YJcJGf6I7Sc?rel=0" width="420" height="315" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe>The future of IASC<iframe loading="lazy" src="http://www.youtube.com/embed/qQZ_lyZq--U?rel=0" width="420" height="315" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe>Work to be done<iframe loading="lazy" src="http://www.youtube.com/embed/TC3Rcm7ctcE?rel=0" width="420" height="315" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe> ight="315" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe> Work to be done <iframe loading="lazy" src="http://www.youtube.com/embed/TC3Rcm7ctcE?rel=0" width="420" height="315" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe> )
Chargement/Site 2 + (Defining « the commons » … Defining « the commons »<iframe loading="lazy" src="http://www.youtube.com/embed/aXzbcgj9F54?rel=0" width="420" height="315" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe>The importance of « the commons »<iframe loading="lazy" src="http://www.youtube.com/embed/rbTuUMCNZvg?rel=0" width="420" height="315" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe>IASC Projects, goals and dreams<iframe loading="lazy" src="http://www.youtube.com/embed/3v8ApjhECwc?rel=0" width="420" height="315" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe>The achievements of IASC<iframe loading="lazy" src="http://www.youtube.com/embed/QVv5_GM1RPs?rel=0" width="420" height="315" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe>Main challenges of IASC<iframe loading="lazy" src="http://www.youtube.com/embed/bAv0FaAPEP8?rel=0" width="420" height="315" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe>The agenda of IASC<iframe loading="lazy" src="http://www.youtube.com/embed/YJcJGf6I7Sc?rel=0" width="420" height="315" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe>The future of IASC<iframe loading="lazy" src="http://www.youtube.com/embed/qQZ_lyZq--U?rel=0" width="420" height="315" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe>Work to be done<iframe loading="lazy" src="http://www.youtube.com/embed/TC3Rcm7ctcE?rel=0" width="420" height="315" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe> ight="315" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe> Work to be done <iframe loading="lazy" src="http://www.youtube.com/embed/TC3Rcm7ctcE?rel=0" width="420" height="315" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe> )
Chargement/Site + (Defining « the commons » … Defining « the commons »<iframe loading="lazy" src="http://www.youtube.com/embed/aXzbcgj9F54?rel=0" width="420" height="315" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe>The importance of « the commons »<iframe loading="lazy" src="http://www.youtube.com/embed/rbTuUMCNZvg?rel=0" width="420" height="315" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe>IASC Projects, goals and dreams<iframe loading="lazy" src="http://www.youtube.com/embed/3v8ApjhECwc?rel=0" width="420" height="315" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe>The achievements of IASC<iframe loading="lazy" src="http://www.youtube.com/embed/QVv5_GM1RPs?rel=0" width="420" height="315" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe>Main challenges of IASC<iframe loading="lazy" src="http://www.youtube.com/embed/bAv0FaAPEP8?rel=0" width="420" height="315" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe>The agenda of IASC<iframe loading="lazy" src="http://www.youtube.com/embed/YJcJGf6I7Sc?rel=0" width="420" height="315" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe>The future of IASC<iframe loading="lazy" src="http://www.youtube.com/embed/qQZ_lyZq--U?rel=0" width="420" height="315" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe>Work to be done<iframe loading="lazy" src="http://www.youtube.com/embed/TC3Rcm7ctcE?rel=0" width="420" height="315" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe> ight="315" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe> Work to be done <iframe loading="lazy" src="http://www.youtube.com/embed/TC3Rcm7ctcE?rel=0" width="420" height="315" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe> )
Chargement/Site + (Defining « the commons » … Defining « the commons »<iframe loading="lazy" src="http://www.youtube.com/embed/aXzbcgj9F54?rel=0" width="420" height="315" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe>The importance of « the commons »<iframe loading="lazy" src="http://www.youtube.com/embed/rbTuUMCNZvg?rel=0" width="420" height="315" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe>IASC Projects, goals and dreams<iframe loading="lazy" src="http://www.youtube.com/embed/3v8ApjhECwc?rel=0" width="420" height="315" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe>The achievements of IASC<iframe loading="lazy" src="http://www.youtube.com/embed/QVv5_GM1RPs?rel=0" width="420" height="315" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe>Main challenges of IASC<iframe loading="lazy" src="http://www.youtube.com/embed/bAv0FaAPEP8?rel=0" width="420" height="315" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe>The agenda of IASC<iframe loading="lazy" src="http://www.youtube.com/embed/YJcJGf6I7Sc?rel=0" width="420" height="315" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe>The future of IASC<iframe loading="lazy" src="http://www.youtube.com/embed/qQZ_lyZq--U?rel=0" width="420" height="315" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe>Work to be done<iframe loading="lazy" src="http://www.youtube.com/embed/TC3Rcm7ctcE?rel=0" width="420" height="315" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe> ight="315" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe> Work to be done <iframe loading="lazy" src="http://www.youtube.com/embed/TC3Rcm7ctcE?rel=0" width="420" height="315" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe> )
Chargement/Site + (La Charte de la Forêt – <a hre … La Charte de la Forêt – <a href="http://www.nationalarchives.gov.uk/education/resources/magna-carta/charter-forest-1225-westminster/">Carta de Foresta</a> – publiée en 1217, est reconnue comme le premier acte officiel qui étend les protections et les droits essentielles de la <a href="https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Magna_Carta">Magna Carta</a> aux commoners anglais contre les abus de l’aristocratie. En vertu de cette charte, le peuple se voit garantir le droit l’accès aux ressources des forêts. L’impact de cette charte a été révolutionnaire. Elle est généralement considérée comme une des pierres angulaires de la Constitution Britannique et <a href="https://www.americanbar.org/groups/public_services/law_library_congress/charter_of_the_forest.html">inspiration de la Constitution Américaine</a>. Elle a permi de rendre de vastes étendues de terres aux paysans, de s’opposer au pillage des biens communs par la monarchie et l’aristocratie. Au 17ème siècle, elle inspire les Diggers et les Levellers et par la suite les protestations contre l’enclosure des terres par la bourgeoisie capitaliste. Mais elle sera abrogée en 1971, par un gouvernement conservateur, permettant ainsi la privatisation de ressources comme l’eau au bénéfice d’entreprises multinationales.Aujourd’hui, les forêts demeurent des ressources essentielles pour l’habitat, la souveraineté alimentaire, et sont essentielles pour lutter contre les crises environnementales. Une <a href="http://charteroftheforest800.org/">campagne</a> de célébration de la Charte de la Forêt a commencé en Grande Bretagne au mois de Septembre et se poursuit en Novembre. La Lincoln Record Society a organisé une conférence internationale sur la Charte de la Forêt qui a débuté par un voyage en péniche sur la Tamise de Windsor à Runnymede, lieu de signature de la Magna Carta. Des experts ont présenté la Charte de la Forêt, son histoire et ses implications contemporaines. Les participants ont également pu voir l’un des exemplaires originaux et participer à une visite guidée de la Forêt de Sherwood que nous connaissons à travers l’histoire de Robin des Bois.Aujourd’hui même, 7 novembre, se déroule un débat présidé par John McDonnell, Député et soutien de Jeremy Corbyn, les professeurs Peter Linebaugh et Guy Standing, et Julie Timbrell de <a href="https://thenewputneydebates.com/">New Putney Debates</a>. Ce débat fait parti d’un <a href="http://charteroftheforest800.org/november-2017/">programme </a> étalé sur une semaine qui appelle à la création d’un nouveau <a href="https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Domesday_Book">Domesday Book</a>, un recensement national des propriétaires terriens britanniques et l’identification des communs ainsi qu’à une nouvelle Charte des communs et des Chartes locales. Il s’agit d’interroger la notion de propriété foncière dans un pays où elle est l’une des plus concentrée des pays occidentaux et d’élaborer des propositions politiques, y compris à travers une taxe sur la propriété foncière, pour une meilleure répartition des droits et des responsabilités sur les terres,Merci à Yves Otis de m’avoir signalé l’article <a href="https://www.nakedcapitalism.com/2017/11/youve-never-heard-charter-important-magna-carta.html">Why You’ve Never Heard of a Charter as Important as the Magna Carta </a>Transcription de la Charte de la Forêt : <a href="http://www.constitution.org/eng/charter_forest.html">http://www.constitution.org/eng/charter_forest.html</a>constitution.org/eng/charter_forest.html</a>)
Chargement/Site + (Les voies maritimes, une belle id … Les voies maritimes, une belle idée de vidéo autour d’un projet d’aire maritime à protéger<iframe loading="lazy" frameborder="0" width="400" height="225" src="//www.dailymotion.com/embed/video/xu8azp" allowfullscreen></iframe> Par <a href="http://www.aires-marines.fr/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Aires-marines-protegees</a>Trois photographes ont sillonné pendant plusieurs mois le golfe normand breton qui s’étend de l’île de Bréhat au Cap de La Hague et qui fait l’objet d’un projet de parc naturel marin. Rodolphe Marics, Denis Bourges et Xavier Desmier proposent une radiographie de cet espace marin selon trois points de vue différents et complémentaires : photos aériennes, pédestres et sous-marines. Les voies maritimes est né d’un partenariat entre l’Agence des aires marines protégées et l’association Les champs photographiques. des aires marines protégées et l’association Les champs photographiques. )
Chargement/Site + (Maxime Combes produced a <a hr … Maxime Combes produced a <a href="http://www.boell.de/en/2014/01/21/valuing-natural-capital-or-devaluing-nature"> report on the first « Global Forum on natural capital » </a> which took place in late November 2013 in Edinburgh (Scotland).The document decrypts the process of developing new tools for natural capital accounting based on the valuation of the natural and ecosystemic services in large-scale capital. This approach is a very concrete translation of the consequences of Rio +20 results and the green economy that continues to be justified with the argument of the tragedy of the commons.We are facing a major challenge for so-called natural commons. It confirms the importance of defining the tools of accounting and management principles that preserve commons and nature.Report for the Heinrich Boll Foundation hat preserve commons and nature. Report for the Heinrich Boll Foundation )
Chargement/Site 2 + (Maxime Combes produced a <a hr … Maxime Combes produced a <a href="http://www.boell.de/en/2014/01/21/valuing-natural-capital-or-devaluing-nature"> report on the first « Global Forum on natural capital » </a> which took place in late November 2013 in Edinburgh (Scotland).The document decrypts the process of developing new tools for natural capital accounting based on the valuation of the natural and ecosystemic services in large-scale capital. This approach is a very concrete translation of the consequences of Rio +20 results and the green economy that continues to be justified with the argument of the tragedy of the commons.We are facing a major challenge for so-called natural commons. It confirms the importance of defining the tools of accounting and management principles that preserve commons and nature.Report for the Heinrich Boll Foundation hat preserve commons and nature. Report for the Heinrich Boll Foundation )
Chargement/Site + (Original publication from <a h … Original publication from <a href="https://blog.p2pfoundation.net/european-commons-assembly-at-medialab-prado/2017/07/24">P2P Fondation blog</a><blockquote>The European Commons Assembly (ECA) is a network of grassroots initiatives promoting commons management practices at the European level. The next stop for the network will be Medialab Prado, Madrid. These activities are part of the Transeuropa Festival program, a large meeting of political, social and environmental alternatives.</blockquote>The call to participate in the Madrid workshops will be open until August 4th.Form<a title="18.05.16 Taller" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/medialab-prado/28100107155/" data-flickr-embed="true" data-footer="true"><img decoding="async" loading="lazy" src="https://farm8.staticflickr.com/7379/28100107155_1659853c90_c.jpg" alt="18.05.16 Taller" width="800" height="500" /></a><script async src="//embedr.flickr.com/assets/client-code.js" charset="utf-8"></script>The European Commons Assembly was launched in November 2016 with public events that took place in several spaces in Brussels, Belgium, including the Zinneke social center and European Parliament. This meeting gathered from different parts of Europe more than 150 commoners to promote public policies for the commons at the European level and to develop mutual support networks that enable long-term sustainability..The call to participate in the Madrid workshops will be open until August 4th. Proposed topics related to the urban commons include:<ul><li>Public space Migrations and refugees Citizen participation in urban politics Culture Food Housing Health Currency and financing for the commons Laws and legal mechanisms to protect the commons Technology for citizenship.</li></ul>You may also propose a topic not already on this list; fill out the form to propose the organization of a specific workshop, and/or to participate in any of the workshops that you find interesting.Each workshop will be co-organized by both a local and an international community project around the proposed topic. Workshops will be coordinated to offer valuable knowledge and strategies to apply to other, ongoing experiences. To this end, the ECA Madrid coordination team will hold several video conferences to connect the different initiatives and develop the workshop contents prior to the meeting. Workshops will employ facilitation methodology designed to guide the coordination team members in structuring and eventual documentation of the contents generated.When completing the form, you may indicate if you need the organization to cover travel and / or accommodation if it will not be possible to cover these expenses another way. For more information, contact nicole.leonard [at] sciencespo.fr.You can find more information on the European Commons Assembly website or fill out the form.the organization to cover travel and / or accommodation if it will not be possible to cover these expenses another way. For more information, contact nicole.leonard [at] sciencespo.fr. You can find more information on the European Commons Assembly website or fill out the form.)
Chargement/Site 2 + (Project « Justice transitionnelle … Project « Justice transitionnelle: l’expérience Marocaine » plans to share those extremely important Moroccan experiences about transitional justice and community reparation. In Morocco, from 1959 to 1999, Former King Hassan II often ruled his country with an iron fist. That period is called as the years of lead in Morocco, during which those who were considered a threat to the regime were subject to a wide range of human rights violations. Thousands were subjected to arbitrary arrest, torture, and enforced disappearance, leaving behind a bitter legacy.However, starting in the early 1990s, a gradual process of dealing with the past began to take root, culminating most recently in the work of the Moroccan Equity and Reconciliation Commission (Instance Équité et Réconciliation (IER)), established by the successor to the throne, King Mohammed VI.On January 7, 2004, the IER was created, which is the first truth commission in the Arab world. This also has been hailed internationally as a big step forward, and an example to the Arab world. Since that, the IER has been working on addressing the terrible legacy of this era by investigating some of the worst abuses in Morocco and arranging reparations for victims and their families.Over the duration of its mandate, the IER has amassed an archive of more than 20,000 personal testimonies from victims and their families, which has been organized in a central database in Rabat. It has conducted a range of meetings, conferences, and seminars around a multitude of issues that are keys to understanding Morocco’s past and present.It has also taken the monumental step of holding public hearings to give victims a platform from which to share their sufferings. Throughout its work, the Commission has aimed to document, preserve, and analyze the roots of the crisis in an attempt to help Morocco come to terms with its past. Project Justice transitionnelle: l’expérience Marocaine aims to share videos about this process of transitional justice and community reparation. For Morocco, the Community Reparation Project is a huge project contributed to transitional justice. A total sum of 159 million Dirhams was mobilized and total number of completed projects was 149.These videos talked about how to preserve memory of victim communities during “the years of lead” in Morocco and what kinds of public hearings took place, in fact those hearings gave the highlight of an extensive process of citizen deliberation, compassion and free expression in Morocco. They also talked about lots of stories about how community reparation project aimed to improve the living conditions of the people in victim communities and empower them. In fact, those materials mainly focused on women and children.Project Justice transitionnelle: l’expérience Marocaine believes Moroccan experiences in transitional justice as commons are useful and valuable to other countries, especially to Arabic countries have the similar history of transitional justice, such as Iraq, Egypt, Tunisia, Syria, Lebanon, Palestine, Algeria and so on.As open resources, these documentaries, videos and reports are free to use for the public goods. <h3>Futur development</h3>In the next step, Project Justice transitionnelle: l’expérience Marocaine will keep on sharing more historical videos and materials about experiences in transitional justice, such as the videos of public hearings, the videos of public seminars and conferences, historical pictures and final reports of the community reparation project.<h3>People involved</h3>Ning and Mohamed Leghtas, from Alternatives Forum in Morocco(FMAS) and Portail E-joussour take in charge of this project, which both based in Rabat, Morroco.<h3>Ressources</h3>The project Transitional Justice: the Moroccan experience is financed by the funds of the Equity and Reconciliation Commission (IER)<h3>Contribution to the projet « Justice transitionnelle</h3>Alternatives Forum in Morocco(FMAS) and Portail E-joussour take in charge of this project, which both based in Rabat, Morroco.IER) <h3>Contribution to the projet « Justice transitionnelle</h3> Alternatives Forum in Morocco(FMAS) and Portail E-joussour take in charge of this project, which both based in Rabat, Morroco.)
Chargement/Site + (Project « Justice transitionnelle … Project « Justice transitionnelle: l’expérience Marocaine » plans to share those extremely important Moroccan experiences about transitional justice and community reparation. In Morocco, from 1959 to 1999, Former King Hassan II often ruled his country with an iron fist. That period is called as the years of lead in Morocco, during which those who were considered a threat to the regime were subject to a wide range of human rights violations. Thousands were subjected to arbitrary arrest, torture, and enforced disappearance, leaving behind a bitter legacy.However, starting in the early 1990s, a gradual process of dealing with the past began to take root, culminating most recently in the work of the Moroccan Equity and Reconciliation Commission (Instance Équité et Réconciliation (IER)), established by the successor to the throne, King Mohammed VI.On January 7, 2004, the IER was created, which is the first truth commission in the Arab world. This also has been hailed internationally as a big step forward, and an example to the Arab world. Since that, the IER has been working on addressing the terrible legacy of this era by investigating some of the worst abuses in Morocco and arranging reparations for victims and their families.Over the duration of its mandate, the IER has amassed an archive of more than 20,000 personal testimonies from victims and their families, which has been organized in a central database in Rabat. It has conducted a range of meetings, conferences, and seminars around a multitude of issues that are keys to understanding Morocco’s past and present.It has also taken the monumental step of holding public hearings to give victims a platform from which to share their sufferings. Throughout its work, the Commission has aimed to document, preserve, and analyze the roots of the crisis in an attempt to help Morocco come to terms with its past. Project Justice transitionnelle: l’expérience Marocaine aims to share videos about this process of transitional justice and community reparation. For Morocco, the Community Reparation Project is a huge project contributed to transitional justice. A total sum of 159 million Dirhams was mobilized and total number of completed projects was 149.These videos talked about how to preserve memory of victim communities during “the years of lead” in Morocco and what kinds of public hearings took place, in fact those hearings gave the highlight of an extensive process of citizen deliberation, compassion and free expression in Morocco. They also talked about lots of stories about how community reparation project aimed to improve the living conditions of the people in victim communities and empower them. In fact, those materials mainly focused on women and children.Project Justice transitionnelle: l’expérience Marocaine believes Moroccan experiences in transitional justice as commons are useful and valuable to other countries, especially to Arabic countries have the similar history of transitional justice, such as Iraq, Egypt, Tunisia, Syria, Lebanon, Palestine, Algeria and so on.As open resources, these documentaries, videos and reports are free to use for the public goods. <h3>Futur development</h3>In the next step, Project Justice transitionnelle: l’expérience Marocaine will keep on sharing more historical videos and materials about experiences in transitional justice, such as the videos of public hearings, the videos of public seminars and conferences, historical pictures and final reports of the community reparation project.<h3>People involved</h3>Ning and Mohamed Leghtas, from Alternatives Forum in Morocco(FMAS) and Portail E-joussour take in charge of this project, which both based in Rabat, Morroco.<h3>Ressources</h3>The project Transitional Justice: the Moroccan experience is financed by the funds of the Equity and Reconciliation Commission (IER)<h3>Contribution to the projet « Justice transitionnelle</h3>Alternatives Forum in Morocco(FMAS) and Portail E-joussour take in charge of this project, which both based in Rabat, Morroco.IER) <h3>Contribution to the projet « Justice transitionnelle</h3> Alternatives Forum in Morocco(FMAS) and Portail E-joussour take in charge of this project, which both based in Rabat, Morroco.)
Chargement/Site + (Publication originale : <a hre … Publication originale : <a href="https://blogs.mediapart.fr/gkrikorian/blog/260920/refuser-de-financer-la-recherche-vaccinale-en-double-aveugle">Refuser de financer la recherche vaccinale en «double aveugle»</a> 26 sept. 2020. <blockquote>L’ampleur de l’épidémie de COVID a entraîné des engagements publics aussi conséquents que rapides. Plus de 10 milliards ont notamment été débloqués en quelques mois pour la recherche vaccinale. Investissements publics et risques pris collectivement devraient aller de pair avec une totale transparence de l’usage des fonds et des résultats de la recherche. La réalité est pourtant bien différente.</blockquote>Ces milliards témoignent de façon plus médiatisée que d’ordinaire de l’implication majeure de la puissance publique dans la recherche médicale. Elle le fait généralement au travers du financement de programmes de recherche, d’institutions publiques de recherche, de partenariats avec des firmes privées, de crédit d’impôts, et naturellement de l’achat ou du remboursement des produits de santé. Dans le cas de la recherche pour un vaccin contre le Covid, ce financement est massif et fulgurant. De quoi justifier que les éventuels vaccins efficaces mis au point soient considérés et traités comme des biens communs, c’est-à-dire une ressource essentielle développée grâce à un effort collectif, dont la production et l’accès devrait être organisés et gouvernés de façon transparente et collective.Pourtant, l’opacité et la mainmise de quelques acteurs, qui prévalent d’ordinaire au sein de l’économie pharmaceutique, restent de mise. D’un côté, les pays disposant de plus de ressources cherchent à s’accaparer les premiers (meilleurs) futurs vaccins à travers la signature de contrats bilatéraux avec les firmes : Etats-Unis, France, Royaume Uni, Italie, etc. ont signé des accords avec AstraZeneca, BioNTech et Pfizer, Novavax, Moderna, GSK, Johnson & Jonhson, etc. Ils souhaitent se couvrir politiquement en sécurisant un accès aux éventuels vaccins pour une partie de leur population, mais ne se sentent visiblement tenus d’aucun compte à rendre concernant l’utilisation des ressources publiques. Ils transfèrent massivement de l’argent public vers l’industrie tout en lui laissant des droits de propriété sur les futurs produits.De l’autre côté, les grandes firmes pharmaceutiques font, quant à elles, preuves de toutes les audaces et profitent du contexte pour avancer leur agenda de lobbying. Outre des financements publics colossaux de la R&D, elles requièrent l’achat à l’avance de grandes quantités des potentiels vaccins qui seront développés. Elles exigent également des dispositifs allégés d’enregistrement des produits qui les dispensent de fournir l’ensemble des données d’efficacité et d’innocuité d’ordinaire nécessaire, souhaitent être déresponsabilisées voire dédommagées par les Etats en cas d’apparition d’effets secondaires, tout en clamant la nécessité d’une confidentialité des contrats, des résultats des essais cliniques, des coûts de fabrication et des structures de prix des futurs vaccins, ce au nom du secret des affaires.Les firmes souhaitent « dérisquer » au maximum leur action tout en assurant leurs profits. Le public lui devrait assumer les risques, financiers comme sanitaires. Il finance, il fournit les hôpitaux, le personnel médical, les volontaires par centaines de milliers à travers le monde.[2] Il investit ses ressources sans aucune garantie sur l’efficacité ou les effets secondaires dangereux, ni même sur le contrôle de l’efficacité ou des effets secondaires dangereux (puisque les exigences des agences du médicament sont revues à la baisse. La FDA a ouvert la voie[3] et l’Agence européenne du médicale (EMA) semble bien déterminée à en faire autant). Le public auquel nous appartenons tous n’a pas la capacité d’apprécier ce que devraient être les prix – puisqu’il n’a accès ni aux données sur les coûts, ni aux sommes exactes qui sont accordées aux différentes firmes, aux conditions dans lesquelles ces sommes sont allouées, ou même au CV de la poignée « d’experts » qui négocient avec les industriels.Les dirigeants de nombreux pays occidentaux condamnent ou raillent les prises de position de Donald Trump, ils dénoncent celles des complotistes et démagogues de tous poils et se revendiquent comme les tenants de la science, la vraie, celle qui s’appuie sur des preuves et des méthodes validées (« evidence based »). Pourtant au prétexte de l’urgence, les exigences sont rabotées, la transparence au sein du champs pharmaceutique qui a émergé ces dernières années comme une demande sociale impérative et une nécessité politique est écartée[4]. Les risques collectifs que la population mondiale prend actuellement pour le développement de vaccins justifieraient un accès public aux résultats des essais vaccinaux en temps réels, pour permettent au plus grand nombre de scientifiques (du public, du privé, de la société civile) d’analyser de façon indépendante les données et comprendre ce que ces candidats vaccins vont faire non seulement au virus, mais aussi aux organismes des individus vaccinés. A fortiori quand on expérimente des technologies qui n’ont jamais été validées jusqu’ici (comme les vaccins à ARN messager).Et pourtant, les choses continuent de se faire dans le secret que demande une poignée de firmes. Dans ces conditions en revendiquant un accès équitable au vaccin contre le COVID on a de plus en plus le sentiment d’alimenter avant tout une manœuvre au service de quelques firmes. Au nom du droit à l’accès, et parce qu’on sait qu’il n’y aura de lutte efficace contre le virus à l’échelle de la planète sans partage des technologies, on réclame l’accès pour tou.te.s. Mais l’on ne peut ignorer qu’en dépit des discours de façade aucune solidarité réelle n’est mise en place. L’initiative COVAX recueille des miettes, et derrière ce qui ressemble à un mécanisme de charité à la marge de plus on assiste à la consolidation d’une pratique internationale de préachats (« market advance commitment ») sans informations claires sur les coûts, les contrats ou les prix qui bénéficie dans son immense majorité aux multinationales. La demande sociale d’accès sert alors surtout à justifier la précipitation d’engagements publics sans transparence ni conditions ; et l’on accepte de fermer les yeux sur une économie absurde, qui corrompt la science et la médecine et donne à la santé globale des allures de terrain de jeu pour financiers et autres fonds d’investissements.Comme l’ont montré les neuf premiers mois de l’année, et notamment le fiasco en terme de capacité de prise en charge ou les pénuries en produits de santé de base dans les pays riches, cette épidémie globale devrait nous amener à sérieusement revoir la façon dont nous finançons la recherche médicale et la santé : de quelle façon nous gouvernons les ressources publiques, protégeons l’intérêt général et impliquons le public dans la réalisation de l’accès à la santé pour tous. Au lieu de cette nécessaire reformulation des politiques publiques de santé, on assiste au passage en marche forcée d’une logique de marché qui ne profite qu’à quelques acteurs, et chaque jour exclut un peu plus de personnes du droit à la santé, dans les pays pauvres, comme dans les pays riches.* La pratique du double aveugle lors d’essais cliniques consister à assurer que ni le médecin ni le patient ne savent si c’est le produit actif testé ou un placebo qui est utilisé. Le « double aveugle » en matière de financements de la recherche qui consiste à refuser de rendre public l’information sur l’usage des ressources et sur les résultats des essais est en revanche totalement inadapté…[1] Voir la communication de la Commission européenne le 31 août 2020 : https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/en/ip_20_1540[2] Neuf candidats vaccins sont actuellement testés dans une dizaine d’essais de phase III, c’est-à-dire des essais d’efficacité et du rapport bénéfices/risques sur des volontaires ; et près de 200 candidats vaccins sont développés dans le monde. Voir le Landscape of COVID-19, candidate vaccines de l’Organisation mondiale de la santé (OMS): https://www.who.int/publications/m/item/draft-landscape-of-covid-19-candidate-vaccines[3] Voir les déclarations de Stephen Hahn, directeur de la Food and Drug Administration (FDA) fin août 2020 : https://www.ft.com/content/f8ecf7b5-f8d2-4726-ba3f-233b8497b91a[4] Voir la résolution adoptée par l’OMS le 28 mai 2019 : https://apps.who.int/iris/bitstream/handle/10665/329301/A72_R8-en.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y0 : https://www.ft.com/content/f8ecf7b5-f8d2-4726-ba3f-233b8497b91a [4] Voir la résolution adoptée par l’OMS le 28 mai 2019 : https://apps.who.int/iris/bitstream/handle/10665/329301/A72_R8-en.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y)
Chargement/Site + (Spain’s recent municipal and regi … Spain’s recent municipal and regional elections have transformed the entire political scene. New citizen coalitions with roots in community groups allied with small progressive political parties won unexpected victories in several large cities. This, plus the fact that two new national political parties – Podemos and Ciudadanos – burst decisively onto the political stage in the regional elections, has blocked the bipartisan (PP-PSOE) system created with the 1975 democratic transition. Victorious in 7 major cities throughout the country, including the 3 largest ones (Madrid, Barcelona, Valencia), these coalitions open the door to a different sort of transition, questioning the dominant political culture and mentality, and in most cases putting in place minority governments, thus obliging various parties to negotiate joint platforms. It is interesting to note that Podemos, the young political party that made a surprise showing in the 2014 European elections and made strong gains on the regional level this year, decided not to present its own candidates in the municipal elections, but rather participated in or – more frequently – supported the new citizen coalitions in various cities.<h2>Reinventing Urban Commons for the XXIst Century</h2>These newcomers to the municipal political scene identifiy with the Commons, and in some cases even include the term in their names : Barcelona en Comù, Zaragoza en Comun… A perusal of their programmes and of the manner in which they were developed demonstrates that this is not simply an empty phrase, but the reference to the Commons introduces instead a new political discourse and horizon and, above all, a new way of ‘doing’ politics. The new candidates-elect come from different social movements and this is their first experience in electoral politics. Their ‘non-parties’ are in general less than a year old but the organisations they come from have held massive mobilisations and won significant local victories. On analysis, the new political culture they aim for is rooted in the tradition of urban struggle now revisited and improved on the basis of the citizen movements that originated in the 2008 financial crisis, the indignados of 2011, and the successive ‘waves’ (mareas) that followed in the housing, health, education, culture and urban ecology sectors. The tradition of self-management and ‘self-government’ often rooted in libertarianism and long known as ‘municipalism’ has been revisited by the culture and practices of the many anti-growth, ecological, alter-globalisation, and cultural movements inspired by the spirit of the Indignados of 2011 with an impressive mastery and intelligent use of new technologies and audiovisual media.The challenges facing this new municipalism are enormous : the problems are illustrated by the findings of two international reports revealed immediately following the May 24 elections. The firsti underlined the explosion of the level of poverty since the beginning of the crisis (increase from 9% to 18%) while the secondii demonstrated an increase of 40% of the number of extremely rich during the same period. Adding to the general morosity by reiterating prevailing logic, the IMF seized the occasion, shortly prior to the investiture of the new municipal governments, to congratulate the Spanish government on its ‘encouraging’ economic results while publicly reminding it that it must continue its austerity measures by increasing indirect taxes, cutting health and education budgets still more and lowering wages. What else could be expected from the fans of austerity?<h2>The Re-dignified Good Life In Common</h2>But such dire pronouncements do not scathe the confidence of the new mayors whose campaigns were run and programmes built on an anti-austerity stance; they are already putting in place (Barcelona is a good example) some of the measures set out in their plan of attack for affordable housing, food, accessible public utilities and transportation, and a basic living allowance. They are dedicating an unprecedented quantity of resources for municipal governments to these measures in an explicit attempt to counter the ‘de-humanising’ effects of austerity policies and to ‘restore the dignity’ of the most vulnerable. But the declared intentions of the new municipal leaders go far beyond the emergency measures of the first few months of their term. They want to turn their cities into living experiments in promoting an urban Good Life that redefines economic and social policy and municipal responsabilities as well as democratic practices on the municipal but also the regional, national and international levels. In her inaugural speech as Mayor of Barcelona, Ada Colau called for the creation of a ‘network of democratic cities in Southern Europe’.<h2>Transparency and Participation</h2>This incipient revolution in political culture and practice is taking place with total transparency, with the creation of a code of ethics, cutting the salaries of the elected representatives and eliminating statutory perks (official cars, per diems, etc) and, above all, by wagering on the collective intelligence and active participation of local citizens. Indeed, many of them have already taken part in the municipal programme by contributing to its elaboration prior to and during the campaign in the many neighbourhood meetings and various ‘crowd-sourcing’ moments on virtual platforms. The resulting highly structured programme remains an open document and is in itself an invitation to participate. The web page of Barcelona en Comù boldly states : ‘The programme you have before you is a programme In Common and, as you can see, that requires a major change from traditional political programmes […] it’s a document that aims to be useful to dialogue amongst citizens.’ iiiDuring her inauguration ceremony, Ada Colau asserted that ‘it is indispensable to create a new form of governance’, reminding the crowd that she is but ‘one of thousands of neighbours’, that she plans to ‘govern by obeying’ and that if she and her team do not deliver on their programme promises ‘Kick us out!’. The thousands of people watching the ceremony on giant screens in Plaza Sant Jaume greeted her speech with shouts of ‘Yes we can!’ (Si se puede), echoing the slogans of the public meetings held throughout the campaign. In a crowd so dense that she could hardly make her way through, but clearly at ease surrounded by ‘neighbours’, comrades and partisans, Ada slipped into the discourse and manner of the ex-president and activist of the PAHiv. With her charming smile, she declared to the enthusiastic crowd that ‘governing will not be easy but we are not alone’ and called on them to show responsability and to actively participate. She concluded evoking the need for empathy and invited the crowd to organise a demonstration in support of the strking telephone workers of Movistar, present in the crowd, and whose struggle she has supported throughout the campaign. The tone has been set, and indicates that it is not only the Commons but also the spirit of the Indignados movement that has come to City Hall.<h2>The Realism of the Commons</h2>In an article titled ‘It’s time for realism’, Josep Ramoneda, columnist for the catalan daily Ara, compared the proposals of Barcelona en Comù to the latest demands of the IMF, demonstrating that the ‘nihilist utopias’ – a label often used by the media and the governing right wing PP party to denigrate progressive alternatives – are instead found in the proposals of the neoliberal hardliners, incapable as they have shown themselves to be of finding a solution to the economic crisis and deepening inequality. He concludes by affirming ‘Let’s be realistic, let us consider the common good’v – a somewhat astonishing comment in this newpaper reputed to be more interested in supporting independence than the Commons. A comment that also reveals that the Commons have come not only to Town Hall, but are emerging in the collective imagination and in political discourse.<h2>A Living Laboratory, an Invitation to Commoning</h2>The emerging glocal movement of commoners and their apprentices should observe closely what transpires in this living laboratory of the urban commons. There is a lot to learn from this commons in action about the nature of the commons, the process of commoning and the possible transition to a commons society. This is also a unique opportunity to contribute peer-to-peer with our own experiences and know-how, developed all over the globe in the many different socio-cultural contexts where the Commons are being reinvented in recent years.Alain Ambrosi, Barcelona, 17 June 20151 OECD, May 2015 <a href="http://www.oecd-ilibrary.org/employment/in-it-together-why-lne.ess-inequality-benefits-all_9789264235120-en">http://www.oecd-ilibrary.org/employment/in-it-together-why-lne.ess-inequality-benefits-all_9789264235120-en</a> 2 Capgemini and Royal Bank of Canada (RBC) Wealth Management. Cited in El Pais 17 June 2015. 3 <a href="https://barcelonaencomu.cat">https://barcelonaencomu.cat</a> 4 PAH : Plataforma des los afectados por la hipoteca – Platform of those affected by mortgage (ie, against expulsions) created in 2009 in Barcelona and which now counts some 200 member associations in Spain. 5 Ara, 10 June 2015.;/a> 4 PAH : Plataforma des los afectados por la hipoteca – Platform of those affected by mortgage (ie, against expulsions) created in 2009 in Barcelona and which now counts some 200 member associations in Spain. 5 Ara, 10 June 2015.)
Chargement/Site 2 + (The 11 and 12 November, the <a … The 11 and 12 November, the <a href=" http://www.deeep.org/"> DEEEP project </a> , co-funded by the European Union program , gathered in Johannesburg (South Africa) 200 activists from around the world to rethink the framework of development NGOs and initiate the construction of a » World Citizens Movement . » This meeting is the starting point of a process that will last two years of citizen mobilization for change and global justice. <a Href="http://movement.deeep.org"> A digital platform </a> is dedicated to it. During the conference, the participants began to learn from the work of civil society, its modes of organization and action in different areas around the world and produced a document, <a href = " http://www.deeep.org/component/content/article/395.html " >« The Johannesburg Compass: Questions and orientations »</a> to define the principles that should guide the work of the two coming years.Invited to participate in this process, I have contributed to discussions and writing text to feed as much as possible of the concept of the commons. Conceived initially as a declaration of principles supported by a shared vision, this document has become a guide for the process itself, based on a few key ideas such as the need to de-colonize our minds and de-institutionalize development organizations. The result reflects the will of renewal in both form and content of the action, but leaves unanswered, at least for the moment, questions about the nature of a worl citizen movement, if it is one motion, and the nature of the process of the two next years of workfollowing the conference.It seems to me that today , a world citizens movement has to revolutionize the way for everyone to exercise their citizenship, and to be aware of. One of the roles of NGOs and CSOs should be to support the politicization of everyday life in the field of health , nutrition , education , work, .. .. etc, within the perspective of the commons. How to do this on a massive scale ? Appart from action campaigns on strategic objectives at the regional or global level, made by organizations, that are the infrastructure of civil society, it is to renew and articulate what is in France called popular education by integration of social neighborhood and mediated by computer networks practices. Such a dynamic would allow each to be more confortable with broader perspective and the international agenda. The challenge is to build bridges with multiple communities of belonging, not to provide them with the leadership of NGOs and movements, but to recognize and legitimize their leaderships at different scales of power (from local to global).To listen to the conference participants at Johannesburg , it looks like it must also go through the (re)discovery of the commons within organizations, regardless of their size or intended to rebuild the project itself. This can be a wide perspective of the organization (NGOs / CSOs ) to continue the work from Johburg. In this sense, it will be better to work on Our commons than to define THE commons and to try to transform organizations working on their values, projects and actions, rather than seeking Commons as a theoretical or ideological framework.Another avenue is to share les lessons learned by activists of the intangible and knowledge commons that, since the emergence of the computer have been able to build a movement that defends their values, distributed forms of collaboration , openness and freedom , sharing and solidarity , personal empowerment and participation in collectives, acting on a small scale while remaining in a universal vision. This movement is generally invisible as a social movement for people who are not activists. Everyone uses free software, access to culture and free knowledge, most of the time without paying attention. Yet organizations of knowledge and free culture are structured and are » NGO » or » OCS » weighty. Just consider the most visible in the public area alike Wikimedia Foundation, or the weight of this movement in the industrial sector (IBM , Android, …) or the work of lobbying done by groups aloke EFF Quadrature net, to realize that. It is a movement to maturity. This experience and the culture it develops worth sharing. Would not it be helpful to think a similar movement in the field of materials, urban, rural and natural commons?Frédéric Sultanould not it be helpful to think a similar movement in the field of materials, urban, rural and natural commons? Frédéric Sultan)
Chargement/Site + (The 11 and 12 November, the <a … The 11 and 12 November, the <a href=" http://www.deeep.org/"> DEEEP project </a> , co-funded by the European Union program , gathered in Johannesburg (South Africa) 200 activists from around the world to rethink the framework of development NGOs and initiate the construction of a » World Citizens Movement . » This meeting is the starting point of a process that will last two years of citizen mobilization for change and global justice. <a Href="http://movement.deeep.org"> A digital platform </a> is dedicated to it. During the conference, the participants began to learn from the work of civil society, its modes of organization and action in different areas around the world and produced a document, <a href = " http://www.deeep.org/component/content/article/395.html " >« The Johannesburg Compass: Questions and orientations »</a> to define the principles that should guide the work of the two coming years.Invited to participate in this process, I have contributed to discussions and writing text to feed as much as possible of the concept of the commons. Conceived initially as a declaration of principles supported by a shared vision, this document has become a guide for the process itself, based on a few key ideas such as the need to de-colonize our minds and de-institutionalize development organizations. The result reflects the will of renewal in both form and content of the action, but leaves unanswered, at least for the moment, questions about the nature of a worl citizen movement, if it is one motion, and the nature of the process of the two next years of workfollowing the conference.It seems to me that today , a world citizens movement has to revolutionize the way for everyone to exercise their citizenship, and to be aware of. One of the roles of NGOs and CSOs should be to support the politicization of everyday life in the field of health , nutrition , education , work, .. .. etc, within the perspective of the commons. How to do this on a massive scale ? Appart from action campaigns on strategic objectives at the regional or global level, made by organizations, that are the infrastructure of civil society, it is to renew and articulate what is in France called popular education by integration of social neighborhood and mediated by computer networks practices. Such a dynamic would allow each to be more confortable with broader perspective and the international agenda. The challenge is to build bridges with multiple communities of belonging, not to provide them with the leadership of NGOs and movements, but to recognize and legitimize their leaderships at different scales of power (from local to global).To listen to the conference participants at Johannesburg , it looks like it must also go through the (re)discovery of the commons within organizations, regardless of their size or intended to rebuild the project itself. This can be a wide perspective of the organization (NGOs / CSOs ) to continue the work from Johburg. In this sense, it will be better to work on Our commons than to define THE commons and to try to transform organizations working on their values, projects and actions, rather than seeking Commons as a theoretical or ideological framework.Another avenue is to share les lessons learned by activists of the intangible and knowledge commons that, since the emergence of the computer have been able to build a movement that defends their values, distributed forms of collaboration , openness and freedom , sharing and solidarity , personal empowerment and participation in collectives, acting on a small scale while remaining in a universal vision. This movement is generally invisible as a social movement for people who are not activists. Everyone uses free software, access to culture and free knowledge, most of the time without paying attention. Yet organizations of knowledge and free culture are structured and are » NGO » or » OCS » weighty. Just consider the most visible in the public area alike Wikimedia Foundation, or the weight of this movement in the industrial sector (IBM , Android, …) or the work of lobbying done by groups aloke EFF Quadrature net, to realize that. It is a movement to maturity. This experience and the culture it develops worth sharing. Would not it be helpful to think a similar movement in the field of materials, urban, rural and natural commons?Frédéric Sultanould not it be helpful to think a similar movement in the field of materials, urban, rural and natural commons? Frédéric Sultan)
Chargement/Site + (The Charter of the Forest – Carta … The Charter of the Forest – Carta de Foresta – published in 1217, is recognized as the first official act that extends the protections and essential rights of the Magna Carta to the English commoners against the abuses of the aristocracy. Under this charter, the people are guaranteed the right to access forest resources. The impact of this charter has been revolutionary. It is generally considered one of the cornerstones of the British Constitution and<a href="https://www.americanbar.org/groups/public_services/law_library_congress/charter_of_the_forest.html"> inspiration of the American Constitution</a> (2). It has made it possible to render vast expanses of land to the peasants, to oppose the plundering of the common goods by the monarchy and the aristocracy. In the 17th century, it has inspired the Diggers and Levellers and later protests against the enclosure of lands by the capitalist bourgeoisie. But it was repealed in 1971 by a conservative government, allowing the privatization of resources such as water for the benefit of multinational companies.Today, forests remain essential resources for housing, food sovereignty, and are essential for fighting environmental crises. A <a href="http://charteroftheforest800.org/">campaign</a> to celebrate the Forest Charter began in Britain in September and continues in November. The Lincoln Record Society has organized an international conference on the Charter of the Forest that began with a houseboat trip on the River Thames from Windsor to Runnymede, the place where was signed the Magna Carta. Experts presented the Charter of the Forest, its history and its contemporary implications. Participants were also able to see one of the original copies of the Forest Charter and participated in a guided tour of the Forest of Sherwood that (in France) we know through Robin Hood story.Today, there is a debate chaired by the Shadow Chancellor, John McDonnell MP, with Professors Peter Linebaugh and Guy Standing, and Julie Timbrell of <a href="https://thenewputneydebates.com/">New Putney Debates</a>. This debate is part of a week-long program (6) calling for the creation of a <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Domesday_Book">new Domesday Book</a>, a national census of UK landowners and the identification of the common goods as well as a new Commons Charter and Communities Charters. This is to question the notion of land ownership in a country where it is one of the most concentrated in the western countries, and to elaborate proposals, including a possible tax on land ownership, for a better distribution of rights and responsibilities to land.Thanks to Yves Otis for reporting the article <a href="https://www.nakedcapitalism.com/2017/11/youve-never-heard-charter-important-magna-carta.html">Why You’ve Never Heard of a Charter as Important as the Magna Carta</a>Transcript of the Forest Charter: <a href="http://www.constitution.org/eng/charter_forest.html">http://www.constitution.org/eng/charter_forest.html</a> Forest Charter: <a href="http://www.constitution.org/eng/charter_forest.html">http://www.constitution.org/eng/charter_forest.html</a>)
Chargement/Site + (The violent destruction of the co … The violent destruction of the commons of the ZAD (Zone To Defend) of Notre-Dame-des-Landes by the French government is an infamous and revolting act. The current police offensive, led by several thousand gendarmes and CRS equipped with armored vehicles and helicopters is only the exercise of the purest State violence against a set of collective practices that are in progress or in preparation. This includes their fragile material conditions (buildings, meeting places, work tools, herds), and they are now destroyed by bulldozers and police squads.Since the first day of assault on the ZAD of Notre-Dame-des-Landes, the destruction of the farm of the «Cents Noms» was a true declaration of social and political war. The destruction of this place was by no means imperative given the criteria invoked by the government in its « communication ». Nicole Klein, Prefect of Loire Region(<a href="#note1" name="retour au texte1"> 1</a>), justifies the police operation by claiming that the «Cents Noms» had not submitted an agricultural project. This is obviously false: the inhabitants of this farm were carrying an alternative agricultural project and some of them had submitted a request for regularization.What is the real reason for this destructive rage? It is not the absence of a project, it is the nature of the projects that is at stake. The State and its representatives do not support the life forms that are experimented here and now, and for the past 10 years. These life forms prefigure a society free from the ownership logic in all its dimensions. From this point of view, it is of the highest symbolic value that the inhabitants and defenders of the zone propose the Assembly of Uses to take charge of the collective management of lands and spaces from the beginning. This solution would’ve had the advantage to straightly extend the experience initiated and pursued for so many years: to make the logic of the common use which is a logic of care and nurture, or to prevail over the logic of land ownership which is a destructive and deadly logic.It is not the « Constitutional State » that defends itself, as the Prime Minister affirms, it is a State of force that wants to eliminate as quickly and completely as possible all actions that could perform the principle of the Common: associations, consumers and workers cooperatives, agricultural and craft projects, convivial modes of exchange and of life. The government wants to prevent the invention of what is a real way of producing and living by using its excessive police force. It also wants to eliminate a solidary and ecological model of life that we need today.The State shows its true face here. It is not only protecting private ownership, but it is itself completely under the logic of ownership. It is the Owner State in war against the commons. It must be defeated at all costs to preserve the treasure threatened of the commons. Pierre Dardot and Christian Laval—–Note : <a name="note1"></a>(1) The Prefect is a representative of the public authority in the department, directly appointed by the President of the Republic (and not elected as mayors).—– Original edition : <a href="http://questionmarx.typepad.fr/question-marx/2018/04/nddl-non-a-la-violence-de-letat-contre-les-communs-.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">NDDL : NON A LA VIOLENCE DE L’ETAT CONTRE LES COMMUNS ! </a> Thursday, April 12 2018Translated in English by Frédéric Sultan and Alexandre Guttmanngt;NDDL : NON A LA VIOLENCE DE L’ETAT CONTRE LES COMMUNS ! </a> Thursday, April 12 2018 Translated in English by Frédéric Sultan and Alexandre Guttmann)
Chargement/Site 2 + (Un ouvrage incontournable ! </ … Un ouvrage incontournable ! La publication du dernier livre de Peter Linebaugh. <a href="http://ift.tt/O62hZa">Stop, Thief!: The Commons, Enclosures, and Resistance</a> (PM Press) avec des chapitres sur Karl Marx, les Luddites, William Morris, Thomas Paine, les peuples autochtones, est prévue pour le 1er mars, mais il est déjà accessible en ibook … par ailleurs auteur de Magna Carta dont on peut trouver l’introduction dans <a href="http://ift.tt/AmSWqc">Libres Savoirs</a>. A noter que 2015 sera le 800ième anniversaire de la signature de la Magna Carta en Grande Bretagne, une date à commémorer alors que se dérouleront la même année la COP 21 sur le climat, les négociations sur les OMD et que nous serons probablement à la fin de la négociation de l’accord transatlantique (TAFTA).obablement à la fin de la négociation de l’accord transatlantique (TAFTA).)
Chargement/Site + (Un ouvrage incontournable ! </ … Un ouvrage incontournable ! La publication du dernier livre de Peter Linebaugh. <a href="http://ift.tt/O62hZa">Stop, Thief!: The Commons, Enclosures, and Resistance</a> (PM Press) avec des chapitres sur Karl Marx, les Luddites, William Morris, Thomas Paine, les peuples autochtones, est prévue pour le 1er mars, mais il est déjà accessible en ibook … par ailleurs auteur de Magna Carta dont on peut trouver l’introduction dans <a href="http://ift.tt/AmSWqc">Libres Savoirs</a>. A noter que 2015 sera le 800ième anniversaire de la signature de la Magna Carta en Grande Bretagne, une date à commémorer alors que se dérouleront la même année la COP 21 sur le climat, les négociations sur les OMD et que nous serons probablement à la fin de la négociation de l’accord transatlantique (TAFTA).obablement à la fin de la négociation de l’accord transatlantique (TAFTA).)
Chargement/Site 2 + (Video créée par Connor Turland po … Video créée par Connor Turland pour la campagne de collecte de fonds pour l’organisation du séminaire « Commons based economy » de Quilligan School of Commoning à LondresTexte de la vidéo : <blockquote>There are at least 2 major factors at play in the universe. For our purposes we’ll call them Unity … and Diversity. Generally today, we tend to you think that you just can’t have both. And consequently, as a human, you can’t be working towards both. You’re either working towards this. Or this. And that decides which camp you’re in, warring against the other. Predictably, this gets us a net progress of … NOWHERE. The same place that 1 dimensional, polaristic thinking is getting us. So what if we thought in another dimension. Collectively, what we’ve gained over here…we’ve lost over here. The Commons is the word that encompasses all those things that have been depleted to get us where we are today. We are rapidly depleting the social, cultural, intellectual, natural, genetic, and material commons. But can we replenish this… Without losing what we’ve gained? Frankly, millions of people, and institutions, businesses, and even countries already are. And whether everyone knows it or not, we all seem to be converging… On what? … we could call it a Commons-Based Economy. But time is of the essence! As other forces threaten to throw us into a worse dark age than ever. That’s why the people in this campaign are working tirelessly for me AND we to support the emergence of a commons-based economy. Help us help the world as we build a commons for the commons. That means learning resources, a learning platform, and sharing the vital work of James Quilligan, who just gave 12 seminars in 12 days on the emergence of a commons-based economy. It will take all of our collective intentions and intelligence to learn our way together towards the more beautiful world our hearts tell us is possible. To take the human project to the next dimension, we need nothing less than a mass movement. Internet, your move.</blockquote>next dimension, we need nothing less than a mass movement. Internet, your move.</blockquote>)
Chargement/Site + (Video créée par Connor Turland po … Video créée par Connor Turland pour la campagne de collecte de fonds pour l’organisation du séminaire « Commons based economy » de Quilligan School of Commoning à LondresTexte de la vidéo : <blockquote>There are at least 2 major factors at play in the universe. For our purposes we’ll call them Unity … and Diversity. Generally today, we tend to you think that you just can’t have both. And consequently, as a human, you can’t be working towards both. You’re either working towards this. Or this. And that decides which camp you’re in, warring against the other. Predictably, this gets us a net progress of … NOWHERE. The same place that 1 dimensional, polaristic thinking is getting us. So what if we thought in another dimension. Collectively, what we’ve gained over here…we’ve lost over here. The Commons is the word that encompasses all those things that have been depleted to get us where we are today. We are rapidly depleting the social, cultural, intellectual, natural, genetic, and material commons. But can we replenish this… Without losing what we’ve gained? Frankly, millions of people, and institutions, businesses, and even countries already are. And whether everyone knows it or not, we all seem to be converging… On what? … we could call it a Commons-Based Economy. But time is of the essence! As other forces threaten to throw us into a worse dark age than ever. That’s why the people in this campaign are working tirelessly for me AND we to support the emergence of a commons-based economy. Help us help the world as we build a commons for the commons. That means learning resources, a learning platform, and sharing the vital work of James Quilligan, who just gave 12 seminars in 12 days on the emergence of a commons-based economy. It will take all of our collective intentions and intelligence to learn our way together towards the more beautiful world our hearts tell us is possible. To take the human project to the next dimension, we need nothing less than a mass movement. Internet, your move.</blockquote>next dimension, we need nothing less than a mass movement. Internet, your move.</blockquote>)
Chargement/Site + (Video that Connor created for the … Video that Connor created for the School of Commoning crowdfunding that allowed us to organize the Quilligan seminar series in London.Text : <blockquote>There are at least 2 major factors at play in the universe. For our purposes we’ll call them Unity … and Diversity. Generally today, we tend to you think that you just can’t have both. And consequently, as a human, you can’t be working towards both. You’re either working towards this. Or this. And that decides which camp you’re in, warring against the other. Predictably, this gets us a net progress of … NOWHERE. The same place that 1 dimensional, polaristic thinking is getting us. So what if we thought in another dimension. Collectively, what we’ve gained over here…we’ve lost over here. The Commons is the word that encompasses all those things that have been depleted to get us where we are today. We are rapidly depleting the social, cultural, intellectual, natural, genetic, and material commons. But can we replenish this… Without losing what we’ve gained? Frankly, millions of people, and institutions, businesses, and even countries already are. And whether everyone knows it or not, we all seem to be converging… On what? … we could call it a Commons-Based Economy. But time is of the essence! As other forces threaten to throw us into a worse dark age than ever. That’s why the people in this campaign are working tirelessly for me AND we to support the emergence of a commons-based economy. Help us help the world as we build a commons for the commons. That means learning resources, a learning platform, and sharing the vital work of James Quilligan, who just gave 12 seminars in 12 days on the emergence of a commons-based economy. It will take all of our collective intentions and intelligence to learn our way together towards the more beautiful world our hearts tell us is possible. To take the human project to the next dimension, we need nothing less than a mass movement. Internet, your move.</blockquote>o the next dimension, we need nothing less than a mass movement. Internet, your move.</blockquote>)
Chargement/Site 2 + (Video that Connor created for the … Video that Connor created for the School of Commoning crowdfunding that allowed us to organize the Quilligan seminar series in London.Text : <blockquote>There are at least 2 major factors at play in the universe. For our purposes we’ll call them Unity … and Diversity. Generally today, we tend to you think that you just can’t have both. And consequently, as a human, you can’t be working towards both. You’re either working towards this. Or this. And that decides which camp you’re in, warring against the other. Predictably, this gets us a net progress of … NOWHERE. The same place that 1 dimensional, polaristic thinking is getting us. So what if we thought in another dimension. Collectively, what we’ve gained over here…we’ve lost over here. The Commons is the word that encompasses all those things that have been depleted to get us where we are today. We are rapidly depleting the social, cultural, intellectual, natural, genetic, and material commons. But can we replenish this… Without losing what we’ve gained? Frankly, millions of people, and institutions, businesses, and even countries already are. And whether everyone knows it or not, we all seem to be converging… On what? … we could call it a Commons-Based Economy. But time is of the essence! As other forces threaten to throw us into a worse dark age than ever. That’s why the people in this campaign are working tirelessly for me AND we to support the emergence of a commons-based economy. Help us help the world as we build a commons for the commons. That means learning resources, a learning platform, and sharing the vital work of James Quilligan, who just gave 12 seminars in 12 days on the emergence of a commons-based economy. It will take all of our collective intentions and intelligence to learn our way together towards the more beautiful world our hearts tell us is possible. To take the human project to the next dimension, we need nothing less than a mass movement. Internet, your move.</blockquote>o the next dimension, we need nothing less than a mass movement. Internet, your move.</blockquote>)
Remettre l'eau au cœur du débat public + (Cet étude examine deux démarches participa … Cet étude examine deux démarches participatives de la Métropole de Lyon : la création de l’Assemblée des usagers de l’eau, en accompagnement de la nouvelle régie publique, et Eau futurE, une expérience de prospective participative. L'idée qui accompagne ces projets était de proposer aux habitants des espaces, des temps et des méthodes pour s’informer, réfléchir aux enjeux, se projeter vers l’avenir et peser sur les décisions, facilitant l’émergence d’une dynamique citoyenne autour de l’eau, de sa gestion et de sa préservation. Dans ce rapport on retrouve racontées ces deux initiatives afin de partager leurs méthodes, leurs partis-pris, leurs apports et leurs limites, aux professionnels de laparticipation citoyenne et à toute personne intéressée par la vie démocratique.rsonne intéressée par la vie démocratique.)
Politique de l'eau en France + (Cette vidéo réalisée par les agences de l' … Cette vidéo réalisée par les agences de l'eau à l'occasion du 6ème Forum mondial de l'eau retrace l'histoire de la politique de l'eau, les principes, les enjeux et décrit les acteurs qui la mettent en œuvre. Cette reconstruction est faite à partir des lois principales adoptées à niveau national et européen et elle essaie d'encadrer ces mesures dans l'évolution de l'économie française. La vidéo explique aussi le fonctionnement des instances de gouvernance et contrôle créées à cette fin.ouvernance et contrôle créées à cette fin.)
Manque d'eau : comment affronter la catastrophe ? + (Charlène Descollonges, hydrologue, touche … Charlène Descollonges, hydrologue, touche le problème des crises de l'eau, de plus en plus urgent en France et ailleurs dans les dernières années à cause de longues périodes de sécheresse dues au réchauffement climatique. L'hydrologue dessine des solutions possibles et des stratégies d'adaptation face à cette émergence. Cette situation risque d’augmenter encore les tensions sur la répartition de l’eau avec notamment les manifestations contre les méga bassines. Pour Descollonges « la question de l’eau est éminemment politique et démocratique », c'est pour cela qu'elle envisage une gouvernance partagée des ressources en eau.ouvernance partagée des ressources en eau.)
L’eau en partage + (Dans cet épisode titré « L'eau en partage … Dans cet épisode titré « L'eau en partage » Emeline Hassenforder et Chamseddine Harrabi nous parle du programme mis en place en Tunisie pour répondre aux problèmes liés au manque d'eau dans le secteur de l'agriculture. Ce programme lancé par le gouvernement tunisien vise à améliorer la gouvernance des ressources naturelles, en l'occurrence de l'eau, en misant sur la participation citoyenne. en misant sur la participation citoyenne.)
À la découverte des communs + (Dans cette brève vidéo de présentation de … Dans cette brève vidéo de présentation de son engagement dans les communs, l'Agence Française du Développement (AFD) propose une définition nuancée et intelligente des communs à partir de trois exemples situés dans des contextes culturels et économiques et sociaux différents. Un Fab lab à Lomé, une association qui facilite l’accès aux terres pour les agriculteurs, une association d’usagers qui organise l’accès à l’eau à Kinshasa, à travers ces trois exemples cette vidéo met en évidence les mécanismes de partage, d'interdépendance et les enjeux sociaux économiques et environnementaux.x sociaux économiques et environnementaux.)
Les Champs Captants du Sud de Lille + (Dans cette vidéo l'association « Entrelian … Dans cette vidéo l'association « Entrelianes » nous parle des enjeux environnementaux auxquels Les Champs Captants sont confrontés : défi climatique, crise de la biodiversité et crise de l'eau. Il s'agit d'un territoire qui alimente 30% de l'eau potable de la Métropole Européenne de Lille. L'expression « champs captants » définit des terres qui infiltrent directement l'eau de la pluie vers les nappes phréatiques sous-jacentes.vers les nappes phréatiques sous-jacentes.)
Accompagner la gouvernance concertée des eaux souterraines - Limaoua + (Dans cette vidéo on retrouve le travail de … Dans cette vidéo on retrouve le travail de conception des politiques de gestion de l'eau mises en place à Limaoua en Tunisie. L'idée était d'adopter une démarche participative pour arriver à une gouvernance concertées des eaux souterraines. Professionnels, agriculteurs et d'autres acteurs concernés nous expliquent les raisons qui ont motivé ce choix.quent les raisons qui ont motivé ce choix.)
Accompagner la gouvernance concertée des eaux souterraines - Aousja + (Dans cette vidéo on retrouve une rétrospéc … Dans cette vidéo on retrouve une rétrospéctive des politiques de gestion de l'eau mises en place à Aousja en Tunisie. L'idée était d'adopter une démarche participative pour arriver à une gouvernance concertées des eaux souterraines. Professionnels, agriculteurs et d'autres acteurs concernés nous expliquent les raisons qui ont motivé ce choix et comment le processus s'est déroulé.oix et comment le processus s'est déroulé.)
Hommage Silke Helfrich - 03 Intervention Benjamin Coriat + (Intervention de Benjamin Coriat lors de l'hommage à Silke Helfrich le 26/05/2023)
Hommage Silke Helfrich - 02 Intervention David Bollier + (Intervention de David Bollier lors de l'hommage à Silke Helfrich le 26/05/2023)
Hommage Silke Helfrich - 06 Intervention Frédéric Sultan + (Intervention de Frédéric Sultan lors de l'hommage à Silke Helfrich le 26/05/2023)
Hommage Silke Helfrich - 04 Intervention Sebastien Shulz + (Intervention de Sebastien Shulz lors de l'hommage à Silke Helfrich le 26/05/2023)
Hommage Silke Helfrich - 05 Intervention Sylvia Fredriksson + (Intervention de Sylvia Fredriksson lors de l'hommage à Silke Helfrich le 26/05/2023)
Maison des Utopies en Expérimentation (MUE) + (La Maison des utopies est un projet de création de lieu de refuge, de ressourcement et d'activité pour les collectifs militants engagés pour une transformation radicale.)
Journal du Portrait Nature des champs captants + (Synthèse des observations et propositions … Synthèse des observations et propositions issues du Portrait Nature des Champs Captants du Sud de Lille (2021-22). Diagnostic citoyen animé par l'association Entrelianes à partir des questions suivantes : comment mieux protéger la nappe de la craie du Sud de Lille et comment mieux la recharger ?d de Lille et comment mieux la recharger ?)
La culture des communs est-elle indispensable pour la bascule ? + (Table ronde avec plusieurs professionnels … Table ronde avec plusieurs professionnels engagés dans l'agenda du Développement Durale et de la RSE en Europe. Remettre au centre les ressources, initier de nouvelles conditions de partage, instituer la possibilité de “faire ensemble” : c'étaient les thématiques abordée lors de cette rencontre en se posant la question si la culture des communs peut être un point de départ pour faire face à ces enjeux.nt de départ pour faire face à ces enjeux.)
Entrevue David Bollier et Benjamin Coriat + (Une discussion animée entre David Bollier … Une discussion animée entre David Bollier et Benjamin Coriat en différents fichiers audio. Une recolte d'une contribution importante pour le débat sur les commons. Les fichiers audio contienent des réflexions de D.Bollier et B. Coriat sur le mouvement des communs, sur l'ambiance française, la litérature française sur les communs et l'apport sur les commons.r les communs et l'apport sur les commons.)
Atelier sur les biens communs à la Ferme des Bouillons + (À la demande de l'association de la Ferme … À la demande de l'association de la Ferme des bouillons, nous avons organisé deux jours de formation des militants autour de la notion de communs. Cette formation se déroule dans le contexte de la lutte pour la préservation de la ferme occupée. Elle s'appuie sur une mise à jour de l'histoire des communs dans les domaines de l'alimentation, du foncier, de la culture et du vivre ensemble.ncier, de la culture et du vivre ensemble.)
European Commons Assembly + (European Commons Assembly is an ongoing pr … European Commons Assembly is an ongoing process that facilitates pluralistic debate regarding the strategy and agenda for a fundamentally united political vision. It supports activists’ continued engagement in concrete, collaborative and bottom-up actions and campaigns in Europe, and ultimately helps to build a flourishing European political civil society movement for the commons. The main objectives were defined in the initial meeting CommonsWatch (see Commons Watch Report):* to stand in solidarity around our diverse struggles for the commons,* to exchange experiences, case studies and other information,* to develop and govern resources in an open, participatory and inclusive manner (funding, infrastructures...) to support our activities,* to develop policies to preserve the commons and commoners and participate in lawmaking processes,* to strenghten, gain visibility and campaign betterghten, gain visibility and campaign better)
Ateliers populaire de cartographie des communs + (Les ''Ateliers populaires de cartographie … Les ''Ateliers populaires de cartographie des communs'' sont nées dans la dynamique de coalition autour des biens communs de la rencontre Internationale "Economics and the Commons" (Berlin 2013). Celle-ci a révélé la nécessité développer une pratique d'appropriation sociale, culturelle et politique des communs avec les militants africains. Les ''Ateliers populaires de cartographie des communs'' visent à développer la capacité du continent à produire des discours savants à propos des biens communs sur la base de recherche-action susceptibles de rentrer en dialogue avec le reste de la communauté des biens communs et ainsi contribuer au développement d'un mouvement autour des biens communs en Afrique. Observations, recherches documentaires, enquêtes et études de cas, focus groupe, ... réalisés avec la population, portant sur l'alimentation, le transport, la Santé, l'environnement, l'information, l'éducation, ... défis actuels qui traversent la société africaine contemporaine, permettent de définir des projets concrets pour révéler les processus de Biens Communs en Afrique. Ces recherches-actions doivent nous permettre de dévoiler les pratiques et les enjeux des biens communs, d'articuler la recherche sur les communs, en Afrique, aux débats généraux sur les définitions et la cartographie des communs d’une part, et, d’autre part, de contribuer à enrichir l’agenda international des communs.richir l’agenda international des communs.)
Glossaire des biens communs + (Préserver et enrichir le vocabulaire des b … Préserver et enrichir le vocabulaire des biens communs en français est un double enjeu pour le mouvement des communs. En élaborant un glossaire, les acteurs des biens communs se donnent une base de définitions en même temps qu’ils proposent une grille de lecture du réel basée sur le paradigme des biens communs. En outre cette démarche contribue aussi à lutter contre les phénomènes de « commons washing » qui émergent aujourd’hui. Notre projet vise à rassembler un ensemble de termes qui sont assez largement utilisés sans que leur définition soit toujours claire. Nous nous attacherons à croiser des définitions émanent de points de vues différents (différents acteurs, différents domaines d’action ou disciplines, différents registres de définition, …) et à les mettre en regard. Enfin, nous pourrons apporter des ressources documentaires sur ces termes. ressources documentaires sur ces termes. )
TRAVAILLER ENSEMBLE en Territoire Zéro Chômeur de Longue Durée + (« TRAVAILLER ENSEMBLE EN TERRITOIRE ZÉRO C … « TRAVAILLER ENSEMBLE EN TERRITOIRE ZÉRO CHÔMEUR DE LONGUE DURÉE » est un film documentaire réalisé par l’association « Autour du Premier Mai » avec de l’Entreprise à but d’emploi « La Fabrique », en Lorraine. Ce film permet de rentrer dans le quotidien de cette expérience de retour à l’emploi pour des chômeurs de longue durée et de les entendre échanger sur le travail avec Florence Jany-Catrice, une économiste spécialiste de cette initiative.conomiste spécialiste de cette initiative.)

(Cercle de gouvernance déclaré lors de la création de l'association Remix the commons - Remix en-commun(s))

Définition des communs selon Michel Bauwens (2013) + ("Basically for me the commons is leading y … "Basically for me the commons is leading your life and always thinking about how all other beings can benefit from it; so not only humanity but actually all living beings. So just yes it has to nourish yourself, but to do it in such a way that it also nourishes and spreads the benefits to more and more people. As opposed to the way it is supposed to work in our system which is simply as a question “how does it benefit me?”, and just hoping that somehow, indirectly, others may benefit from our selfishness. So I think we have to more directly pose the necessity and idea of everything we do has to create value for all living beings".as to create value for all living beings".)
Construisons ensemble - Auto construction d'éoliennes + ("Construisons Ensemble - Un travail collec … "Construisons Ensemble - Un travail collectif d'auto-construction d'éolienne riche de sens" est le 4ème épisode de la web-série documentaire sur les alternatives (http://www.side-ways.netSideWays). En une semaine, un groupe de 10 personnes va construire deux éoliennes avec un formateur expérimenté. Tout en apprenant le travail du bois, du métal et de l'électricité, les membres vont découvrir une autre manière de travailler. découvrez le magazine multimédia : http://www.side-ways.net/episode4).Le tournage a eu lieu lors du stage organisé à Henripont (Belgique) par Peter du 28 octobre au 2 novembre 2013. Mélanie et Aurélien, un jeune couple de Moselle, vivent dans une petite maison en bois. Pour des raisons pratiques et économiques, ils souhaitent devenir autonomes en électricité. Après de nombreuses recherches, ils se rendent compte que c'est plus compliqué qu'ils ne le pensent et qu'il faut éviter les nombreuses arnaques dans ce secteur. Ils décident alors de participer à un stage d'auto-construction d'éolienne avec l'association Tripalium.'''Tripalium''' est une association fondée en 2007. Elle propose régulièrement des stages d'auto-construction d'éolienne ouverts à tous.''' Que l'on soit manuel ou non, tout le monde peut participer au stage et apprendre les différents métiers nécessaires à sa construction : travail du bois, du métal et de l'électricité.Pendant un stage d'une semaine, une ou deux éoliennes sont fabriquées par le groupe. Elles sont alors tirées au sort parmi les participants qui souhaitent l'acheter. Le coût correspond alors au prix des matériaux bruts nécessaires à la construction. Mélanie et Aurélien participent au stage qui a lieu à Henripont, un petit village belge situé à une trentaine de kilomètres de Bruxelles.Dans un habitat groupé très vivant, Peter commence à organiser des stages d'auto-construction de toutes sortes pour participer à la transmission de savoirs-faire variés. Après une brève présentation théorique, la dizaine de stagiaires aux profils et compétences très variés se met au travail avec une motivation perceptible. Il y a trois ateliers et tout le monde s'organise comme il le souhaite. Cela facilite les collaborations entre les participants et développe les échanges de savoirs. Toutes les indications sont présentes dans le guide d'auto-construction d'éolienne fourni par Tripalium dès de lundi matin. Ainsi, Jay Hudnall, le formateur, n'est qu'une personne parmi tant d'autres qui possède des connaissances spécifiques.Cette organisation collaborative correspond bien à l'esprit de Tripalium et de Ti'éole, l'entreprise d'éolienne dont Jay est également le maître d'oeuvre. Lorsqu'il monte une éolienne chez un particulier, il demande à cette personne de participer au travail. Elle est ainsi plus autonome en cas de problème.http://side-ways.net/episode4/#sthash.3F3QWeby.dpufde-ways.net/episode4/#sthash.3F3QWeby.dpuf)
08 Déplier la finance + (''Déplier la finance, retour sur le rôle d … ''Déplier la finance, retour sur le rôle de passeur de connaissances du séminaire de SSFA 1998-2018'' a été présenté lors de la Table ronde : La finance depuis le prisme des sciences sociales, organisée dans le cadre de la Semaine du Management, FNEGE 1968-2018, Session RIODD - FINANCE AUTREMENT le 25 mai 2018. RIODD - FINANCE AUTREMENT le 25 mai 2018.)
100 en 1 jour Montréal: la ville comme bien commun + (100 actions citoyennes le 5 octobre 2013 à Montréal. Un festival de création urbaine durant lequel les citoyens se réapproprient leur ville et y créent un meilleur endroit où vivre." http://www.100en1jourmontreal.com/)
How Does the Commons Work? + ( :FR Cette animation vidéo, illustre quelq … :FRCette animation vidéo, illustre quelques-unes des principales caractéristiques de la vision de David Bollier sur la façon dont nous pouvons gérer «les biens communs» de manière équitable pour transformer le système actuel sur la base du paradigme des communs.:ENHow can we use "commoning" as a process to transform the social paradigm of our current system? In this paper for our "New Systems: Possibilities and Proposals" series exploring viable political-economic alternatives to the present order, economist David Bollier suggests we rethink the traditional "tragedy of the commons" argument, moving instead toward new and innovative ways to equitably manage shared resources. In this stop-motion video animation, we illustrate some of the principal features of David Bollier’s vision for how we can manage "the commons" in an equitable fashion to transform our current system.le fashion to transform our current system. )
Chargement/Site + (<blockquote> Interview de P … <blockquote> Interview de Philippe Minard sur l’ouvrage de l’historien britannique E. P. Thompson: Whigs and Hunters : The Origin of the Black Act, traduit et publié en français en 2014.</blockquote><iframe loading="lazy" frameborder="0" width="400" height="225" src="http://www.dailymotion.com/embed/video/x1b1xbe?logo=0" allowfullscreen></iframe> <a href="http://www.dailymotion.com/video/x1b1xbe_philippe-minard-boite-a-idees_news" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Philippe Minard. Boîte à Idées</a> par <a href="http://www.dailymotion.com/Mediapart" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Mediapart</a>A propos de la Guerre des Forêts, de Edward P. ThompsonL’ouvrage, paru à Londres en 1975, est une enquête vivante d’histoire sociale : au début du XVIIIe siècle, un conflit oppose, d’un côté, les propriétaires et administrateurs de la forêt – celle de Windsor notamment – et, de l’autre, ses usagers. Au point qu’une loi promulguée en 1723 punit de mort certains des usages coutumiers : ce « Black Act », ainsi nommé parce que les braconniers se couvraient le visage de suie, est particulièrement impitoyable : si un vol de cerf est un crime capital, l’abattage de jeunes arbres ou la mutilation du bétail peuvent conduire aussi la potence. Les habitants des forêts opposent, à cette répression « sanguinaire », le droit coutumier des usages collectifs (droits de pâturage, d’extraction de tourbe, d’abattage et de ramassage du bois…).Ainsi, outre la mise en place d’une évidente « politique de classes », ce que Thompson, grande figure intellectuelle inspirée par le marxisme et pionnier de « l’histoire par le bas », nous oblige à penser, c’est un monde dans lequel survivaient, avant que le XVIIIe siècle ne les arase au profit d’une conception exclusive, des modes et des degrés de propriété fort différents : « Ce qui était en jeu, écrit-il, (…) c’était des définitions concurrentes du droit de la propriété : pour le propriétaire terrien, l’enclosure ; pour le petit paysan, les droits collectifs ; pour les autorités de la forêt, les “chasses gardées” des cerfs ; pour les habitants des forêts, le droit de prélever de la tourbe ».Selon Philippe Minard, c’est l’un des aspects les plus frappants de cet ouvrage : « Thompson nous aide à penser la diversité des régimes d’accès possibles, tout ce qui existe entre la propriété individuelle et l’absence totale de propriété. » Resurgi dans les années 1970, à la faveur de l’écologie (quand il a fallu déterminer à qui appartenaient les forêts, les océans ou encore l’atmosphère, en passe d’être durablement souillés), ce questionnement s’est poursuivi avec le développement d’Internet. Depuis la fin des années 1990, des activistes se battent contre tout ce qui entrave la circulation et l’appropriation collective des connaissances, en faisant explicitement référence aux pratiques des droits collectifs et des commons. Il se déroule sur le Net, selon eux, ce que Thompson décrivait dans les forêts anglaises : « Un conflit entre les utilisateurs et les exploiteurs. »Extrait de : A l’usage de tous. « La Guerre des forêts », d’Edward P. Thompson dans LE MONDE DES LIVRES | 23.01.2014 | Julie Clarini ;/p> Extrait de : A l’usage de tous. « La Guerre des forêts », d’Edward P. Thompson dans LE MONDE DES LIVRES | 23.01.2014 | Julie Clarini )
Chargement/Site + (<blockquote>6 months after … <blockquote>6 months after the World Social Forum, our Documentation / Card Play tool on the commons is ready to circulate, to animate conversations and to help you to move the commons close to you!</blockquote><img decoding="async" loading="lazy" class="aligncenter size-medium wp-image-4621" src="https://www.remixthecommons.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/03/IMG_0071-1024x768-300x225.jpg" alt="IMG_0071-1024x768" width="800" height="600" />C@rds in Common is a game where 2 to 5 players collaborate to build a resilient civil society that defends the commons against the forces of monopolization. Apart from the pleasure of playing, C@rds in common was conceived as a means of documenting the presence of the commons at the Commons Space, an ephemeral encounter at the World Social Forum in Montreal in August 2016. The cards that composed the game were designed by volunteers who shared their vision and experience of the commons and the game mecanism designed by Mathieu Rhéaume and his team. This experience suggests that it would be possible to use the same approach and these methodological tools to document the commons in other local contexts, alike your neighborhood, or thematics as the commons of knowledge for example. We look forward to such experiments!To learn more about the game, have a look at the <a href="http://cartesencommun.cc">website</a>.The game is released on demand by The Game Crafter in the US for $ 22.99 each plus shipping and customs via: <a href="https://www.thegamecrafter.com/games/c-rds-in-common">https://www.thegamecrafter.com</a>To reduce shipping and customs for Europeans, we are launching a bulk order and hopefully this will bring the cost of each game delivered to Europe to around US $ 30/35.If you wish to participate in this first bulk order, fill in <a href="https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfVa7DsY3rbjkxPoui-KzHqpPtmhhV1_KBstEMebKWVceaPnQ/viewform?c=0&w=1">the form</a> before March 18th at 20:00 GMT.You will also have to pay an advance corresponding only to the price of the game(s) ordered. The remainder to be paid (port and customs) will be asked when the order is completed, when we will know the costs of postage and customs.Then, be patient! The group order will be initiated on 19 March and will arrive in Paris during the month of April. As soon as they arrive in Paris, the games will be mailed to their recipients.>Then, be patient! The group order will be initiated on 19 March and will arrive in Paris during the month of April. As soon as they arrive in Paris, the games will be mailed to their recipients.)
Chargement/Site + (<blockquote>E … <blockquote>Entrevue avec Joan Subirats(1) par Alain Ambrosi Mai 2018 </blockquote><blockquote>Joan Subirats est commissaire à la culture de la ville de Barcelone, dirigée par le groupe Barcelona en comu. Il est également professeur de sciences politiques à l’Universitat autonoma de Barcelona et fondateur de l’Institut sur la gouvernance et les politiques publiques (IGOP). Dans cette interview en anglais, il présente les enjeux de la politique culturelle pour la municipalité de Barcelone actuellement dirigée par Barcelona en Comù.</blockquote><figure style="width: 800px" class="wp-caption alignleft"><img decoding="async" loading="lazy" class="size-full" src="https://s1.qwant.com/thumbr/0x380/b/4/cf4cf4f48af794bc54dc5384e88975c9e7cd020dbccf80dc35882a989230be/joan%20subirats.jpg?u=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.fepsu.es%2Fimage%2Fjoan%2520subirats.jpg&q=0&b=1&p=0&a=1" alt="Joan Subirats (UAB) Conferencia FEPSU 2016" width="800" height="400" /><figcaption class="wp-caption-text">Joan Subirats (UAB) Conferencia FEPSU 2016</figcaption></figure>AA<ul>: In your recent article in La Vanguardia(2), you set out a framework for a cultural policy, you refer to putting into practice the key community values that should underpin that policy… Maybe we could start there?</ul>JS: For me, whereas in the 20th century the defining conflict was between freedom and equality – and this marked the tension between right and left throughout the 20th century because in a way this is the frame in which capitalism and the need for social protection evolved together with the commodification of life while at the same time the market called for freedom – ie: no rules, no submission. But the need for protection demanded equality. But in the 21st century there is rejection of the notion of protection linked to statism: Nancy Fraser published an article(3) in the New Left Review, it is a re-reading of Polanyi and she claims that this double movement between commodification and protection is still valid, but that the State-based protection typical of the 20th century, where equality is guaranteed by the State, clashes since the end of the 20th century with the growing importance of heterogeneity, diversity and personal autonomy. Therefore, if in order to obtain equality, we have to be dependent on what the State does, this is going to be a contradiction…. So we could translate those values that informed the definition of policies in the 20th century, in 21st century terms they would be the idea of freedom (or personal autonomy, the idea of empowerment, not subjection, non-dependence) and at the same time equality, but no longer simply equality of opportunities but also equality of condition because we have to compensate for what is not the same (equal) in society. If you say « equal opportunities », that everyone has access to cultural facilities, to libraries, you are disregarding the fact that the starting conditions of people are not the same, this is the great contribution of Amartya Sen, no? You have to compensate for unequal starting situations because otherwise you depoliticize inequality and consider that inequality is the result of people’s lack of effort to get out of poverty. So equality yes, but the approach is different. And we must incorporate the idea of diversity as a key element in the recognition of people and groups on the basis of their specific dignity. That seems easy to say, but in reality it is complicated, especially if you relate it to culture, because culture has to do with all these things: it has to do with the construction of your personality, it has to do with equal access to culture just as cultural rights and culture have to do with the recognition of different forms of knowledge and culture – canonical culture, high culture, popular culture, everyday culture, neighbourhood culture … So for me, a cultural policy should be framed within the triple focus of personal autonomy, equality and diversity. And this is contradictory, in part, with the cultural policies developed in the past, where there is usually confusion between equality and homogeneity. In other words, the left has tended to consider that equality meant the same thing for everyone and that is wrong, isn’t it?, because you are confusing equality with homogeneity. The opposite of equality is inequality, the opposite of homogeneity is diversity. So you have to work with equality and diversity as values that are not antagonistic, but can be complementary. And this is a challenge for public institutions because they do not like heterogeneity, they find it complicated because it is simpler to treat everyone the same, as the administrative law manual used to prescribe `indifferent efficiency’: it is a way of understanding inequality as indifference, right?AA<ul>: In your article you also talk about the opposition between investing in infrastructures versus creating spaces and environments that are attractive to creators and you put an emphasis on the generation of spaces. What is being done, what has been done, what could be done about this?</ul>JS : In Barcelona we want to ensure that the city’s cultural policies do not imply producing culture itself, but rather to try to influence the values in the production processes that already exist, in the facilities, in the cultural and artistic infrastructures: the role of the city council, of the municipality, is not so much to produce culture as to contribute to the production of culture. Which is different, helping to produce culture…. Obviously, the city council will give priority to those initiatives that coincide with the values, with the normative approach that we promote. There are some exceptions, for example, the Grec festival in Barcelona(4) in July, or the Mercé(5), which is the Festa Mayor, where the city council does in fact subsidize the production of culture, so some productions are subsidised but generally what we have is a policy of aid to creators. What is being done is that 11 creative factories (fablabs) have been built, these are factories with collectives that manage them chosen through public tenders. There are now 3 factories of circus and visual arts, 2 factories of dance creation, one factory of more global creation housed at Fabra & Coats, 3 theatre factories and 2 visual arts and technology sites. So there are 11 factories of different sorts and there are plans to create others, for example in the field of feminist culture where we are in discussion with a very well consolidated group : normally all these creative factories have their management entrusted to collectives that already become highly consolidated in the process of creation and that need a space to ensure their continuity. Often the city council will cede municipal spaces to these collectives, sometimes through public competitions where the creators are asked to present their project for directing a factory. This is one aspect. Another aspect is what is called living culture, which is a programme for the promotion of cultural activities that arise from the community or from collectives in the form of cooperatives and this is a process of aid to collectives that are already functioning, or occasionally to highlight cultural activities and cultural dynamics that have existed for a long time but have not been dignified, that have not been valued, for example the Catalan rumba of the Gypsies, which is a very important movement in Barcelona that emerged from the gypsy community of El Raval, where there were some very famous artists like Peret. There we invested in creating a group to work on the historical memory of the rumba, looking for the roots of this movement, where it came from and why. Then some signposts were set up in streets where this took place, such as La Cera in El Raval, where there are two murals that symbolise the history of the Catalan rumba and the gypsy community in this area so that this type of thing is publicly visible. That is the key issue for culture: a recognition that there are many different cultures.Then there is the area of civic centres: approximately 15% of the civic centres in the city are managed by civic entities as citizen heritage, and those civic centres also have cultural activities that they decide on, and the city council, the municipality helps them develop the ideas put forward by the entities that manage those centres.So, if we put all those things together, we could talk about a culture of the urban commons. It is still early stages, this is still more of a concept than a reality, but the underlying idea is that in the end the density and the autonomous cultural-social fabric will be strong enough to be resilient to political changes. In other words, that you have helped to build cultural practices and communities that are strong and autonomous enough that they are not dependent on the political conjuncture. This would be ideal. A bit like the example I often cite about the housing cooperatives in Copenhagen, that there was 50% public housing in Copenhagen, and a right-wing government privatised 17% of that public housing, but it couldn’t touch the 33% of housing that was in the hands of co-operatives. Collective social capital has been more resilient than state assets: the latter is more vulnerable to changes in political majorities.AA<ul>: You also speak of situated culture which I think is very important: setting it in time and space. Now Facebook has announced it is coming to Barcelona so the Barcelona brand is going to be a brand that includes Facebook and its allies. But your conception of a situated culture is more about a culture where social innovation, participation, popular creativity in the community are very important…</ul>JS : Yes, it seems contradictory. In fact what you’re asking is the extent to which it makes sense to talk about situated culture in an increasingly globalized environment which is more and more dependent on global platforms. I believe that tension exists and conflict exists, this is undeniable, the city is a zone of conflict, therefore, the first thing we have to accept is that the city is a battleground between political alternatives with different cultural models. It is very difficult for a city council to set out univocal views of a cultural reality that is intrinsically plural. Talking about situated culture is an attempt to highlight the significance of the distinguishing factors that Barcelona possesses in its cultural production. This does not mean that this situated culture should be a strictly localist culture – a situated culture does not mean a culture that cuts off global links – it is a culture that relates to the global on the basis of its own specificity. What is most reprehensible from my point of view are cultural dynamics that have a global logic but that can just as well be here or anywhere else. And it’s true that the platforms generate this. An example: the other day the former minister of culture of Brazil, Lluca Ferreira, was here and talked about a program of living culture they developed, and they posted a photograph of some indigenous people where the man wore something that covered his pubic parts but the woman’s breasts were naked. So Facebook took the photograph off the site, and when the Minister called Facebook Brazil to say ‘what is going on?’, they told him that they didn’t have any duty towards the Brazilian government, that the only control over them was from a judge in San Francisco and that, therefore, if the judge in San Francisco forced them to put the photograph back, they would put it back, otherwise they wouldn’t have to listen to any minister from Brazil or anywhere else. In the end, there was a public movement of protest, and they put the photo back. The same thing happened here a few days ago, a group from a municipal theatre creation factory put up a poster with a man’s ass advertising a play by Virginia Wolff and Facebook took their entire account off the net – not just the photograph, they totally removed them from Facebook. And here too Facebook said that they are independent and that only the judge from San Francisco and so on. I believe that this is the opposite of situated culture because it is a global cultural logic, but at the same time it allows itself to be censored in Saudi Arabia, in China, that is to say it has different codes in each place. So to speak of situated culture means to speak of social transformation, of the relationship between culture and social transformation situated in the context in which you are working. But at the same time to have the will to dialogue with similar processes that exist in any other part of the world and that is the strength of a situated culture. And those processes of mutuality, of hybridization, that can happen when you have a Pakistani community here, you have a Filipino community, you have a Chinese community, you have a Gypsy community, you have an Italian community, you have an Argentinean community: they can be treated as typical folkloric elements in a theme park, or you can try to generate hybridization processes. Now at the Festival Grec this year there will be poetry in Urdu from the Pakistanis, there will be a Filipino theatre coming and a Filipino film fest at the Filmoteca – and this means mixing, situating, the cultural debate in the space where it is happening and trying to steep it in issues of cultural diversity. What I understand is that we need to strive for a local that is increasingly global, that this dialogue between the local and the global is very important.AA<ul>: Returning to social innovation and popular creativity, social innovation is also a concept taken up pretty much everywhere: how is it understood here? Taking into account that in the world of the commons, Catalonia, and especially Barcelona, is very well known for its fablabs, which are also situated in this new era. How then do you understand social innovation and how do you see the relationship between education and social innovation?</ul>JS : What I am trying to convey is that the traditional education system is doing little to prepare people and to enhance inclusive logics in our changing and transforming society, so in very broad lines I would say that if health and education were the basic redistributive policies of the 20th century, in the 21st century we must incorporate culture as a basic redistributive policy. Because before, the job market had very specific demands for the education sector: it knew very well what types of job profiles it needed because there was a very Taylorist logic to the world of work – what is the profile of a baker, of a plumber, of a miller? How many years you have to study for this kind of work. There is now a great deal of uncertainty about the future of the labour market, about how people will be able to work in the future and the key words that appear are innovation, creativity, entrepreneurship, flexibility, ability to understand a diverse world, teamwork , being open to new ideas: this has little to do with traditional educational profiles, but it has much to do with culture, with things that allow you to acquire that backpack of basic tools that will help you navigate in a much more uncertain environment. And for me, to find the right connection between culture and education is very important because it allows the educational system to constantly transform itself by taking advantage of the creative potential of an environment that is much more accessible now than before because of new technologies, and therefore to make the transition from a deductive system where there is a teacher who knows and tells people what they need to know – to an inductive system: how do we explore what we need to know in order to be able to act. And that more inductive, more experimental logic has to do with creativity whereas the traditional education system didn’t postulate creativity, it postulated your ability to learn what someone else had decided you needed to study. It’s art, it is culture that allows you to play in that field much more easily … Translated from Spanish by Nancy Thede.1 Joan Subirats is Commissioner for culture in the city government of Barcelona led by the group Barcelona en comu. He is also professor of political science at the Universitat autonoma de Barcelona and founder of the Institute on Governance and Public Policy.2 « Salvara la cultura a las ciudades? », La Vanguardia (Barcelona), Culturals supplement, 12 May 2018, pp. 20-21. https://www.lavanguardia.com/cultura/20180511/443518454074/cultura-ciudadesbarcelona-crisis.html3 Nancy Fraser, « A Triple Movement », New Left Review 81, May-June 2013. Published in Spanish in Jean-Louis Laville and José Luis Coraggio (Eds.), La izquierda del siglo XXI. Ideas y diálogo Norte-Sur para un proyecto necesario Icaria, Madrid 2018.4 Festival Grec, an annual multidisciplinary festival in Barcelona, now in its 42nd year. It is named for the Greek Theatre built for the 1929 Universal Exhibition in Barcelona: http://lameva.barcelona.cat/grec/en/.5 Barcelona’s annual ‘Festival of Festivals’ begins on Sept 24, day of Our Lady of Mercy, a city holiday in Barcelona. It especially highlights catalan and barcelonian cultural traditions and in recent years has especially featured neighbourhood cultural activities like street theatre. See: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/La_Mercè.nnual ‘Festival of Festivals’ begins on Sept 24, day of Our Lady of Mercy, a city holiday in Barcelona. It especially highlights catalan and barcelonian cultural traditions and in recent years has especially featured neighbourhood cultural activities like street theatre. See: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/La_Mercè.)
Chargement/Site + (<blockquote>E … <blockquote>Entrevue avec Joan Subirats(1) par Alain Ambrosi Mai 2018 </blockquote><blockquote>Joan Subirats est commissaire à la culture de la ville de Barcelone, dirigée par le groupe Barcelona en comu. Il est également professeur de sciences politiques à l’Universitat autonoma de Barcelona et fondateur de l’Institut sur la gouvernance et les politiques publiques (IGOP). Dans cette interview en anglais, il présente les enjeux de la politique culturelle pour la municipalité de Barcelone actuellement dirigée par Barcelona en Comù.</blockquote><figure style="width: 800px" class="wp-caption alignleft"><img decoding="async" loading="lazy" class="size-full" src="https://s1.qwant.com/thumbr/0x380/b/4/cf4cf4f48af794bc54dc5384e88975c9e7cd020dbccf80dc35882a989230be/joan%20subirats.jpg?u=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.fepsu.es%2Fimage%2Fjoan%2520subirats.jpg&q=0&b=1&p=0&a=1" alt="Joan Subirats (UAB) Conferencia FEPSU 2016" width="800" height="400" /><figcaption class="wp-caption-text">Joan Subirats (UAB) Conferencia FEPSU 2016</figcaption></figure>AA<ul>: In your recent article in La Vanguardia(2), you set out a framework for a cultural policy, you refer to putting into practice the key community values that should underpin that policy… Maybe we could start there?</ul>JS: For me, whereas in the 20th century the defining conflict was between freedom and equality – and this marked the tension between right and left throughout the 20th century because in a way this is the frame in which capitalism and the need for social protection evolved together with the commodification of life while at the same time the market called for freedom – ie: no rules, no submission. But the need for protection demanded equality. But in the 21st century there is rejection of the notion of protection linked to statism: Nancy Fraser published an article(3) in the New Left Review, it is a re-reading of Polanyi and she claims that this double movement between commodification and protection is still valid, but that the State-based protection typical of the 20th century, where equality is guaranteed by the State, clashes since the end of the 20th century with the growing importance of heterogeneity, diversity and personal autonomy. Therefore, if in order to obtain equality, we have to be dependent on what the State does, this is going to be a contradiction…. So we could translate those values that informed the definition of policies in the 20th century, in 21st century terms they would be the idea of freedom (or personal autonomy, the idea of empowerment, not subjection, non-dependence) and at the same time equality, but no longer simply equality of opportunities but also equality of condition because we have to compensate for what is not the same (equal) in society. If you say « equal opportunities », that everyone has access to cultural facilities, to libraries, you are disregarding the fact that the starting conditions of people are not the same, this is the great contribution of Amartya Sen, no? You have to compensate for unequal starting situations because otherwise you depoliticize inequality and consider that inequality is the result of people’s lack of effort to get out of poverty. So equality yes, but the approach is different. And we must incorporate the idea of diversity as a key element in the recognition of people and groups on the basis of their specific dignity. That seems easy to say, but in reality it is complicated, especially if you relate it to culture, because culture has to do with all these things: it has to do with the construction of your personality, it has to do with equal access to culture just as cultural rights and culture have to do with the recognition of different forms of knowledge and culture – canonical culture, high culture, popular culture, everyday culture, neighbourhood culture … So for me, a cultural policy should be framed within the triple focus of personal autonomy, equality and diversity. And this is contradictory, in part, with the cultural policies developed in the past, where there is usually confusion between equality and homogeneity. In other words, the left has tended to consider that equality meant the same thing for everyone and that is wrong, isn’t it?, because you are confusing equality with homogeneity. The opposite of equality is inequality, the opposite of homogeneity is diversity. So you have to work with equality and diversity as values that are not antagonistic, but can be complementary. And this is a challenge for public institutions because they do not like heterogeneity, they find it complicated because it is simpler to treat everyone the same, as the administrative law manual used to prescribe `indifferent efficiency’: it is a way of understanding inequality as indifference, right?AA<ul>: In your article you also talk about the opposition between investing in infrastructures versus creating spaces and environments that are attractive to creators and you put an emphasis on the generation of spaces. What is being done, what has been done, what could be done about this?</ul>JS : In Barcelona we want to ensure that the city’s cultural policies do not imply producing culture itself, but rather to try to influence the values in the production processes that already exist, in the facilities, in the cultural and artistic infrastructures: the role of the city council, of the municipality, is not so much to produce culture as to contribute to the production of culture. Which is different, helping to produce culture…. Obviously, the city council will give priority to those initiatives that coincide with the values, with the normative approach that we promote. There are some exceptions, for example, the Grec festival in Barcelona(4) in July, or the Mercé(5), which is the Festa Mayor, where the city council does in fact subsidize the production of culture, so some productions are subsidised but generally what we have is a policy of aid to creators. What is being done is that 11 creative factories (fablabs) have been built, these are factories with collectives that manage them chosen through public tenders. There are now 3 factories of circus and visual arts, 2 factories of dance creation, one factory of more global creation housed at Fabra & Coats, 3 theatre factories and 2 visual arts and technology sites. So there are 11 factories of different sorts and there are plans to create others, for example in the field of feminist culture where we are in discussion with a very well consolidated group : normally all these creative factories have their management entrusted to collectives that already become highly consolidated in the process of creation and that need a space to ensure their continuity. Often the city council will cede municipal spaces to these collectives, sometimes through public competitions where the creators are asked to present their project for directing a factory. This is one aspect. Another aspect is what is called living culture, which is a programme for the promotion of cultural activities that arise from the community or from collectives in the form of cooperatives and this is a process of aid to collectives that are already functioning, or occasionally to highlight cultural activities and cultural dynamics that have existed for a long time but have not been dignified, that have not been valued, for example the Catalan rumba of the Gypsies, which is a very important movement in Barcelona that emerged from the gypsy community of El Raval, where there were some very famous artists like Peret. There we invested in creating a group to work on the historical memory of the rumba, looking for the roots of this movement, where it came from and why. Then some signposts were set up in streets where this took place, such as La Cera in El Raval, where there are two murals that symbolise the history of the Catalan rumba and the gypsy community in this area so that this type of thing is publicly visible. That is the key issue for culture: a recognition that there are many different cultures.Then there is the area of civic centres: approximately 15% of the civic centres in the city are managed by civic entities as citizen heritage, and those civic centres also have cultural activities that they decide on, and the city council, the municipality helps them develop the ideas put forward by the entities that manage those centres.So, if we put all those things together, we could talk about a culture of the urban commons. It is still early stages, this is still more of a concept than a reality, but the underlying idea is that in the end the density and the autonomous cultural-social fabric will be strong enough to be resilient to political changes. In other words, that you have helped to build cultural practices and communities that are strong and autonomous enough that they are not dependent on the political conjuncture. This would be ideal. A bit like the example I often cite about the housing cooperatives in Copenhagen, that there was 50% public housing in Copenhagen, and a right-wing government privatised 17% of that public housing, but it couldn’t touch the 33% of housing that was in the hands of co-operatives. Collective social capital has been more resilient than state assets: the latter is more vulnerable to changes in political majorities.AA<ul>: You also speak of situated culture which I think is very important: setting it in time and space. Now Facebook has announced it is coming to Barcelona so the Barcelona brand is going to be a brand that includes Facebook and its allies. But your conception of a situated culture is more about a culture where social innovation, participation, popular creativity in the community are very important…</ul>JS : Yes, it seems contradictory. In fact what you’re asking is the extent to which it makes sense to talk about situated culture in an increasingly globalized environment which is more and more dependent on global platforms. I believe that tension exists and conflict exists, this is undeniable, the city is a zone of conflict, therefore, the first thing we have to accept is that the city is a battleground between political alternatives with different cultural models. It is very difficult for a city council to set out univocal views of a cultural reality that is intrinsically plural. Talking about situated culture is an attempt to highlight the significance of the distinguishing factors that Barcelona possesses in its cultural production. This does not mean that this situated culture should be a strictly localist culture – a situated culture does not mean a culture that cuts off global links – it is a culture that relates to the global on the basis of its own specificity. What is most reprehensible from my point of view are cultural dynamics that have a global logic but that can just as well be here or anywhere else. And it’s true that the platforms generate this. An example: the other day the former minister of culture of Brazil, Lluca Ferreira, was here and talked about a program of living culture they developed, and they posted a photograph of some indigenous people where the man wore something that covered his pubic parts but the woman’s breasts were naked. So Facebook took the photograph off the site, and when the Minister called Facebook Brazil to say ‘what is going on?’, they told him that they didn’t have any duty towards the Brazilian government, that the only control over them was from a judge in San Francisco and that, therefore, if the judge in San Francisco forced them to put the photograph back, they would put it back, otherwise they wouldn’t have to listen to any minister from Brazil or anywhere else. In the end, there was a public movement of protest, and they put the photo back. The same thing happened here a few days ago, a group from a municipal theatre creation factory put up a poster with a man’s ass advertising a play by Virginia Wolff and Facebook took their entire account off the net – not just the photograph, they totally removed them from Facebook. And here too Facebook said that they are independent and that only the judge from San Francisco and so on. I believe that this is the opposite of situated culture because it is a global cultural logic, but at the same time it allows itself to be censored in Saudi Arabia, in China, that is to say it has different codes in each place. So to speak of situated culture means to speak of social transformation, of the relationship between culture and social transformation situated in the context in which you are working. But at the same time to have the will to dialogue with similar processes that exist in any other part of the world and that is the strength of a situated culture. And those processes of mutuality, of hybridization, that can happen when you have a Pakistani community here, you have a Filipino community, you have a Chinese community, you have a Gypsy community, you have an Italian community, you have an Argentinean community: they can be treated as typical folkloric elements in a theme park, or you can try to generate hybridization processes. Now at the Festival Grec this year there will be poetry in Urdu from the Pakistanis, there will be a Filipino theatre coming and a Filipino film fest at the Filmoteca – and this means mixing, situating, the cultural debate in the space where it is happening and trying to steep it in issues of cultural diversity. What I understand is that we need to strive for a local that is increasingly global, that this dialogue between the local and the global is very important.AA<ul>: Returning to social innovation and popular creativity, social innovation is also a concept taken up pretty much everywhere: how is it understood here? Taking into account that in the world of the commons, Catalonia, and especially Barcelona, is very well known for its fablabs, which are also situated in this new era. How then do you understand social innovation and how do you see the relationship between education and social innovation?</ul>JS : What I am trying to convey is that the traditional education system is doing little to prepare people and to enhance inclusive logics in our changing and transforming society, so in very broad lines I would say that if health and education were the basic redistributive policies of the 20th century, in the 21st century we must incorporate culture as a basic redistributive policy. Because before, the job market had very specific demands for the education sector: it knew very well what types of job profiles it needed because there was a very Taylorist logic to the world of work – what is the profile of a baker, of a plumber, of a miller? How many years you have to study for this kind of work. There is now a great deal of uncertainty about the future of the labour market, about how people will be able to work in the future and the key words that appear are innovation, creativity, entrepreneurship, flexibility, ability to understand a diverse world, teamwork , being open to new ideas: this has little to do with traditional educational profiles, but it has much to do with culture, with things that allow you to acquire that backpack of basic tools that will help you navigate in a much more uncertain environment. And for me, to find the right connection between culture and education is very important because it allows the educational system to constantly transform itself by taking advantage of the creative potential of an environment that is much more accessible now than before because of new technologies, and therefore to make the transition from a deductive system where there is a teacher who knows and tells people what they need to know – to an inductive system: how do we explore what we need to know in order to be able to act. And that more inductive, more experimental logic has to do with creativity whereas the traditional education system didn’t postulate creativity, it postulated your ability to learn what someone else had decided you needed to study. It’s art, it is culture that allows you to play in that field much more easily … Translated from Spanish by Nancy Thede.1 Joan Subirats is Commissioner for culture in the city government of Barcelona led by the group Barcelona en comu. He is also professor of political science at the Universitat autonoma de Barcelona and founder of the Institute on Governance and Public Policy.2 « Salvara la cultura a las ciudades? », La Vanguardia (Barcelona), Culturals supplement, 12 May 2018, pp. 20-21. https://www.lavanguardia.com/cultura/20180511/443518454074/cultura-ciudadesbarcelona-crisis.html3 Nancy Fraser, « A Triple Movement », New Left Review 81, May-June 2013. Published in Spanish in Jean-Louis Laville and José Luis Coraggio (Eds.), La izquierda del siglo XXI. Ideas y diálogo Norte-Sur para un proyecto necesario Icaria, Madrid 2018.4 Festival Grec, an annual multidisciplinary festival in Barcelona, now in its 42nd year. It is named for the Greek Theatre built for the 1929 Universal Exhibition in Barcelona: http://lameva.barcelona.cat/grec/en/.5 Barcelona’s annual ‘Festival of Festivals’ begins on Sept 24, day of Our Lady of Mercy, a city holiday in Barcelona. It especially highlights catalan and barcelonian cultural traditions and in recent years has especially featured neighbourhood cultural activities like street theatre. See: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/La_Mercè.nnual ‘Festival of Festivals’ begins on Sept 24, day of Our Lady of Mercy, a city holiday in Barcelona. It especially highlights catalan and barcelonian cultural traditions and in recent years has especially featured neighbourhood cultural activities like street theatre. See: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/La_Mercè.)
Chargement/Site + (<blockquote>A must read ! & … <blockquote>A must read !</blockquote>PM Press has published the last book of Peter Linebaugh: <a href=" http://ift.tt/O62hZa ">Stop, Thief: The Commons, Enclosures, and Resistance</a>. with chapters on Karl Marx, the Luddites, William Morris, Thomas Paine, indigenous peoples, is scheduled for March 1, but it is already available in ibook also … author of Magna Carta which can be found in the introduction of<a href="http://ift.tt/AmSWqc"> Libres Savoirs </a>.Note that 2015 will be the 800th anniversary of the signing of the Magna Carta in Britain. It is a date to commemorate in 2015, while the same year will take place the COP 21 climate negotiations, the MDGs and probably, at the same time will happen the end of the negotiation of the transatlantic agreement (TAFTA). and probably, at the same time will happen the end of the negotiation of the transatlantic agreement (TAFTA). )
Chargement/Site + (<blockquote>A workshop < … <blockquote>A workshop <a href="http://mappingthecommons.net/">mapping the commons</a> will take place at Rio (Brazil) from 18 to 26 of october 2013, coordinated by <a href="http://hackitectura.net/">Pablo de Soto</a> with the collaboration of <a href="http://www.bernardogutierrez.es/">Bernardo Gutiérrez</a> and the support of MediaLab (Madrid).</blockquote><iframe loading="lazy" width="400" height="225" src="//www.youtube.com/embed/Nrtbi9gbuWw?rel=0" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen></iframe>Mapping the commons was developed by Pablo Soto. This initiative aims to produce with inhabitants, activists in the place, living maps, consisting of short video documentaries and vidéoposts. The proposed approach takes the form of an intense multi-day workshop with communication students and activists to find the Commons, define and make them visible in the territory by producing media that form the map.Pablo Soto initiated this approach around urban commons of <a href="http://mappingthecommons.net/map-of-istanbul-commons/">istanbul</a> and <a href = "http://mappingthecommons.net/map-of-athens-commons/"> Athens </ a>. See the work done about <a href="http://mappingthecommons.net/taksim-square/"> Taksim Square </a>, whose privatization was one of the starting points of protest in Turkey this year. The mapping is a strategic tool. To research of the urban commons is a process of mapping the space, that Pablo Soto understand « as proposed by Deleuze and Guattari, and used many artists and activists during the last decade, as a <a href="http://cartografiaciudadana.net/athenscommons/auto.php"> performance</a> which can be thinking, artistic work, or social change ».On 20 March 2013, a wikisprint was performed in Barcelona using the same principles and methodology . Under the title » Global P2P » , it was to map Common practices and P2P in Latin America and southern Europe. See in English <a href=" http://codigoabiertocc.wordpress.com/2013/08/07/globalp2p-the-wind-that-shook-the-net/"> # GlobalP2P , the wind that shook the net </a>.Rio next step Mapping the commons is one of the cities that comes from living like the rest of Brazil, an intense social and political mobilization against international festivities that tend to <a href= "http:// scinfolex.wordpress.com/?s=Olympic"> privatize public space </a>. Many consider these mobilizations, their claims and modes of organization fall within the paradigm of Commons. See analysis on the subject of Bernardo Gutierrez in <a href="http://blogs.20minutos.es/codigo-abierto/2013/05/23/globalp2p-el-viento-que-desordeno-las-redes/">el viento that desordeno las redes</a> and Alexandre Mendes in <a href ="http://uninomade.net/tenda/a-atualidade-de-uma-democracia-das-mobilizacoes-e-do-comum/"> A atualidade uma das democracia mobilizacoes do comum e</a>.To go further , we recommand to read the article <a href="http://www.academia.edu/2637017/Mapping_the_Commons_Workshop"> Mapping the Commons Workshop: Athens and Istanbul </a> , Pablo De Soto, Daphne Dragona , Aslihan Şenel , Demitri Delinikolas José Pérez de Lamalt;p>To go further , we recommand to read the article <a href="http://www.academia.edu/2637017/Mapping_the_Commons_Workshop"> Mapping the Commons Workshop: Athens and Istanbul </a> , Pablo De Soto, Daphne Dragona , Aslihan Şenel , Demitri Delinikolas José Pérez de Lama)
Chargement/Site + (<blockquote>Ce post est la … <blockquote>Ce post est la traduction de la présentation par David Bollier sur son <a href="http://bollier.org/blog/promise-%E2%80%9Copen-co-operativism%E2%80%9D">blog, </a>du rapport d’un atelier international de deux jours, sur le thème « Vers un Coopérativisme Ouvert, » qui s’est tenue en Août 2014 en Allemagne.</blockquote>Est-il possible d’imaginer une nouvelle sorte de synthèse ou de synergie entre le mouvcement émergent des communs et de la production entre pairs (P2P production) d’une part, et les éléments novateurs du mouvement de l’économie de coopération et de solidarité qui se développent de l’autre?C’est la question qui animait un atelier de deux jours, « Vers un Coopérativisme Ouvert, » qui s’est tenue en Août 2014 et qui fait l’objet d’un nouveau rapport rédigé par l’expert du coopérativisme en Grande bretagne, Pat Conaty et moi-même. (Pat est membre de la New Economics Foundation et un associé de recherche des coopératives Royaume-Uni, et a assisté à l’atelier.)L’atelier a été organisé parce que le mouvement des communs et de la production par les pairs partage une grande partie de leurs valeurs et de leurs approches avec les coopératives …. mais diffèrent aussi de manière profonde sur certains points. Les deux partagent la conviction profonde que la coopération sociale est une force économique et sociale constructive. Pourtant, ils tirent de leurs histoires, cultures, identités et aspirations, singulières des visions de l’avenir qui ne sont pas identiques. Il est très prometteur que ces deux mouvements cheminent plus étroitement ensemble, mais il ne faut pas ignorer les obstacles importants qui pourraient être rencontrés sur ce chemin.L’atelier a exploré ce sujet, comme capturé par le sous-titre du rapport: «Une nouvelle économie sociale fondée sur les plates-formes ouvertes, des modèles coopératifs et les communs», organisée par le Commons Strategies Group à Berlin en Allemagne, le 27 Août et 28 2014. l’atelier a été soutenu par la Fondation Heinrich Böll, et la Fondation Charles Léopold Mayer.Vous trouverez ci-dessous, l’introduction du rapport suivi par la table des matières. Vous pouvez télécharger une version PDF du rapport complet (28 pages) ici [http://bollier.org/open-co-operativism-report]. Le rapport complet est distribué sous licence Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike (BY-SA) licence 3.0, alors ne hésitez pas à le diffuser.<h1>Extrait de l’introduction</h1>Pour les personnes qui participent aux communs, à la production par les pairs ou aux coopératives, l’économie émergente présente un paradoxe frustrant du fait de l’énorme décalage entre culture coopérative d’une part et les formes d’organisation qui peuvent soutenir et faire avancer le grand bien-être de la société, d’autre part.Les nouvelles formes de production par les pairs génèrent de nouvelles de ressources en communs, de la connaissance, du code et du design et des secteurs de production et de gouvernance socio-économico-techniques entièrement nouveaux. Ce mouvement tentaculaire, éclectique, basé sur le logiciel libre, la connaissance ouverte, la conception ouverte et production ouverte repose sur la collaboration et du partage, et aspire à devenir un secteur auto-suffisant et autonome des communs.Malheureusement, parce que ces formats économiques sont généralement intégrées dans les économies capitalistes – dépendantes d’une conception fermée de la propriété intellectuelle, du modèle de financement du capital risque, de structures d’entreprises à but lucratif, et ainsi de suite – les nouveaux «modèles ouverts» sont généralement subordonnées aux marchés hyper-concurrentiel et rattrapés par la dynamique capitaliste. La revendication du potentiel libérateur de «l’économie de partage, et de la production par les pairs sur les plates-formes ouvertes pourrait se limiter à remplacer les formes plus classiques du capitalisme propriétaire par une forme hybride d’entreprise/communs qui captent divers communs pour finalement servir les intérêts du capital.Pendant ce temps, le mouvement coopératif, dans de nombreuses parties du monde, fait face à ses propres défis, en rapport avec les technologies et l’économie politique contemporaines. Certaines grandes coopératives ont acquis une envergure mondiale, et agissent sur le marché avec les cultures organisationnelles et styles de gestion correspondant. Elles ne sont pas totalement à l’abri de menaces de privatisation. Leurs gestionnaires et dirigeant fonctionnent sans véritablement impliquer les membres de la coopérative qui, souvent, ne participent plus activement ou ne partagent plus la culture coopérative. De même, pour les petites coopératives, beaucoup ont été repoussées aux marges à la fois du marché et de la société par les grandes forces dominantes. Ainsi, sans solutions créatives, ces acteurs sont incapables de soutenir la concurrence sur les grands marchés, concentrés ou adopter les technologies de réseautage qui pourraient améliorer leurs capacités coopératives.Pour ces raisons et d’autres, le mouvement coopératif, en dépit de son illustre histoire et des impressionnants modèles organisationnels et financiers, n’inspire plus l’imaginaire social populaire à l’image de l’élan des années 1890, 1920 ou 1970. Le pouvoir du capital mondial et des marchés, les technologies numériques et la culture consumériste ont fonctionnés de manière perverse pour freiner les ambitions de certaines composantes du mouvement coopératif. Cependant, ces dernières années ont vu un renouvellement de la confiance dans le secteur coopératif international. Les Nations Unies ont déclaré 2012 «Année internationale des coopératives», et dans la même année, l’Alliance coopérative internationale rajeunie, a adopté un plan ambitieux pour une «décennie de coopération » destiné à établir un leadership d’un modèle coopératif et écologique qui repose sur l’association plus étroite des parties-prenantes de l’entreprise. L’idée de l’open coopérativisme rencontre une attention croissante, comme on le voit dans le livre de Robin Murray, Coopération à l’ère de Google (Co-operation in the Age of Google), un thème qui fait écho au premier principe cardinal du mouvement coopératif, de l’adhésion « ouverte et inclusive».Ces évolutions sont les bienvenues, car un affaiblissement des coopératives diminuerait le bien-être général de la société. Le grand public a de moins en moins d’alternatives face aux grandes sociétés prédatrices dont les comportements anti-sociaux sont souvent sanctionnés par les législateurs et les bureaucraties d’État. Bien que l ‘«économie sociale» gagne du terrain dans de nombreuses régions du monde et certains secteurs d’activité, ces avantages sont souvent tués dans l’oeuf ou maintenus dans des limites strictes. Le duopole marché / Etat, qui divise la responsabilité de la production et de la gouvernance, tout en poussant un agenda de croissance économique implacable et des politiques néolibérales, continue d’être largement incontrôlé.Tout cela nous amène donc à la question: Est-il possible d’imaginer une nouvelle synthèse ou synergie entre le mouvement des communs produits entre pairs naissant d’une part, et les éléments toujours plus novateurs des mouvements de l’économie de la coopération et de la solidarité de l’autre? Les deux partagent la conviction profonde que la coopération sociale puise être une force économique et sociale constructive. Pourtant, ils tirent de leurs histoires, cultures, identités et aspirations, singulières des visions de l’avenir qui ne sont pas identiques. Il est très prometteur que ces deux mouvements cheminent plus étroitement ensemble, mais il ne faut pas ignorer les obstacles importants qui pourraient être rencontrés sur ce chemin.<h1>Explorer les possibilités d’un Open Coopérativisme</h1>Cet atelier a exploré la question suivante : Comment la coopération sociale dans la vie contemporaine peut-elle être structurée de façon à mieux servir les intérêts des coopérateurs / commoners et la société en général, dans une économie de techno/politique qui favorise actuellement l’appropriation de la plus-value par le capital privé ?Les commoners ont tendance à aborder cette question à travers une perspective et une vision historique différentes de celle du mouvement coopératif. Cela résulte par exemple, du fait que les commoners ont tendance à occuper un espace à l’extérieur des marchés, alors que les coopératives sont généralement elles-mêmes des entités du marché. Les commoners ont tendance à avoir peu de ressources institutionnelles ou sources de revenus, mais plutôt à compter sur de puissants réseaux de collaboration basés sur des plates-formes ouvertes.En revanche, les coopératives constituent aujourd’hui une partie importante de l’économie moderne. Il y a plus d’un milliard de coopérateurs dans 2,6 coopératives à travers le monde, et ils génèrent un revenu annuel estimé à 2,98 milliards de Dollar. A l’échelle des états, cette économie serait le cinquième plus grande économie dans le monde, après l’Allemagne. Pourtant, l’impact transformateur de ce pouvoir économique est plus faible que ce que sa taille suggère. Là où il y a une présence de coopérative forte, comme dans le secteur de la banque locale en Allemagne, le logement en Suède ou l’agriculture en Inde, les coopératives peuvent changer les effets du marché. Mais là où elles sont un minoritaires, en dehors de cas singuliers de coopératives particulièrement innovantes, de nombreuses coopératives se sont tout simplement adaptées aux pratiques et à l’éthique de l’économie capitaliste et à la politique de concurrence, plutôt que d lutter pour réinventer le modèles du « commonwealth coopératif» de notre temps. Leur influence sur la vie politique nationale n’est plus ce qu’elle a put être de par le passé, ni comme vecteur d’une vision progressiste et novatrice, ni comme axe d’amélioration du sort des citoyens ordinaires. Il y a plusieurs raisons à cela : l’échelle des anciennes entreprises coopératives, la distance entre les gestionnaires et les membres bénéficiaires, les termes passéistes de la législation existante sur les coopératives, et les affinités culturelles entre les «nouvelles coopératives» et le mouvement de l’économie sociale et solidaire.Le but de cet atelier était d’explorer les possibilités d’efforts convergence entre les commoners et les coopérateurs, en particulier dans le rencontre du savoir-faire institutionnel et financier des coopératives avec la puissance explosive des technologies numériques et des réseaux ouverts. Pouvons-nous trouver de nouvelles façons de marier les éthiques participatives novatrices de la production par les pairs, à l’expérience historique et la sagesse du mouvement coopératif ? Quelles fructueuses convergences entre ces deux formes de coopération sociale pourrions-nous identifier et de cultiver? Quelles sont les possibilités pour la réalisation de nouvelles formes «d’accumulation de coopération », dans lequel les contributions des individus aux communs seraient couplés avec des services à valeur ajoutée qui génèrent des revenus et des moyens en nature pour les coopérateurs/commoners ?Un projet de l’open coopératisme aborderait deux importantes questions non résolues : 1) le problème des moyens de subsistance d’une économie des communs numériques (comment l’économie peut-elle se renouveler et initier une logique sociale et économique différente, si tout le monde travaille sans rémunération); et 2) le défi des coopératives et de l’économie solidaire est de savoir tirer parti de l’énorme potentiel des nouvelles technologies de l’information et de la communication, tout en évitant la subordination à la logique et à la discipline du capital.«L’accumulation coopérative» pourrait occuper un espace entre les communs, qui ont peu ou pas d’engagements sur les marchés, et les entreprises capitalistes, qui cherchent à extraire des bénéfices privés et accumuler du capital. Cette forme intermédiaire, ouverte de coopérativisme, pourrait constituer un nouveau secteur dans lequel les commoners pourraient gérer leurs ressources en communs, les allouer de façon équitable et durable, et gagner leur vie en tant que membres de coopératives – plus ou moins à l’extérieur des marchés capitalistes classiques. Ce que nous envisageons ici, est la création et la gouvernance de nouveaux types de marchés non capitalistes ou post-capitaliste qui réintègrent en leur sein les communautés sociales et les structures de responsabilisation.La clé, bien sûr, est de savoir comment conceptualiser et mettre en œuvre cette convergence. Comme nous le verrons ci-dessous [dans le rapport], un certain nombre d’idées prometteuses ont été proposées, comme les entrepreneurs coopératifs co-producteurs de communs ; les coalitions d’entrepreneurs éthiques qui utiliseraient des licences de droit d’auteur pour créer des zones de production protégée du capital et les marchés traditionnels; et de nouveaux modèles de production locale distribuée reliés à des réseaux de connaissance partagée à l’échelle mondiale. D’autres idées intrigantes mais encore peu développées, telles que le rôle potentiel que la gouvernance coopérative pourrait jouer dans la production par les pairs basée sur les communs et, inversement, la façon dont l’auto-gouvernance largement expérimentée dans les secteurs numériques, pourraient être appliquée dans la coopérative et l’économie sociale et solidarité. Etant donné que ce rapport est le résultat d’un dialogue au sein de l’atelier, de nombreux points de vue différents sont représentés, de nombreuses idées suggérées sont incomplètes . Ce n’est donc pas un plan clair pour savoir comment aller de l’avant. Notre espoir, cependant, est que ce rapport stimulera utilement la recherche, le débat, l’innovation et une nouvelle convergence des mouvements.Traduction : Frédéric Sultan)
Chargement/Site + (<blockquote>Comment traduir … <blockquote>Comment traduire les communs en processus de transformation systématique de la société ? L’équateur lance une initiative qui vise à faire se rencontrer les hackers et les communautés indigènes autour du partage de la connaissance.</blockquote>Traduction de l’<a href="http://floksociety.org/2013/09/18/michel-bauwens-arriba-al-ecuador/">article original : Michel Bauwens arriba al Ecuador</a>.FLOK Society souhaite la bienvenue à Michel Bauwens en Equateur. Michel Bauwens, l’un des fondateurs de la Fondation P2P, est arrivé à Quito le 17 septembre pour participer au projet de réinvention fondamentale de l’Equateur. Bauwens dirigera une équipe de recherche qui se propose de déclencher un processus participatif mondial avec une mise en œuvre immédiate en Equateur. Le processus vise à retourner aux racines de l’économie équatorienne, pour déclencher une transition vers une société de la connaissance libre et ouverte.Au cours du premier semestre de 2014, Michel Bauwens participera à la mise en place d’un réseau mondial de chercheurs sur la transition. La Fondation P2P est un réseau mondial de chercheurs qui documente le passage à des pratiques ouvertes, participatives et basées sur les communs dans tous les domaines de l’activité humaine, et plus particulièrement dans celui de la connaissance et du code ouvert, et le passage à la coopération en matière de conception ouverte, de production ouverte, de science ouverte, de gouvernement ouvert, d’agriculture ouverte et production ouverte qui ont un fort potentiel d’amélioration des processus agricoles et industriels durables.L’Equateur est le premier pays à s’engager dans la création d’une société basée sur la connaissance ouverte comme biens communs. Afin de réaliser la transition vers un « bien savoir », ou une société de «bonne connaissance» <a href="http://plan2009.senplades.gob.ec/web/en" rel="nofollow">http://plan2009.senplades.gob.ec/web/en</a>, qui est une extension de la stratégie officielle pour une société basée sur le « buen vivir ». L’Institut d’études avancées (IAEN sigle espagnol ) à Quito, Équateur, dirigé par le recteur Carlos Prieto, a lancé un processus stratégique, appelé Project Society FLOK, qui vise à organiser une conférence internationale en Mars 2014 et produire 10 documents stratégiques proposant des politiques de transition vers une société de la bonne connaissance, qui sera présenté aux citoyens équatoriens à travers des processus participatifs intensifs, semblables à ceux qui ont eu lieu lors de la rédaction de la nouvelle Constitution et les plans nationaux ambitieux, qui fixent les orientations de la politique du gouvernement.Alors que le Buen Vivir vise à remplacer l’accumulation aveugle de la croissance économique par une forme de croissance qui profite directement au bien-être du peuple équatorien. Buen Saber vise à créer des communs de la connaissance ouvert qui faciliteront une telle transition. FLOK signifie « Free Libre and Open Knowledge ». Pour établir ces nouvelles orientations et documents, IAEN s’est mis en lien avec le mouvement international hacker et logiciels libres, mais aussi avec ses extensions à travers les nombreuses initiatives pairs à pairs qui ont pour objectif de constituer un corps de connaissance pour la production physique dans l’agriculture et l’industrie.La base de connaissances de la Fondation P2P met également l’accent sur la documentation des nouvelles politiques et des cadres juridiques mis en place par les villes ouvertes au partage, telles que Séoul, San Francisco, et Naples, et les régions telles que Bordeaux, Open Commons Region de Linz, en Autriche, au Soudan du Sud, le Cabineto Digital de Rio del Sur, et plus encore. La base de données de 22.000 initiatives sur les communs à travers le monde a été vu près de 25 millions de fois et attire 25.000 chercheurs, activistes, utilisateurs et des lecteurs chaque jour. Michel Bauwens est également l’auteur d’une synthése de l’économie collaborative, l’expert externe pour l’Académie pontificale des sciences sociales, un membre du Forum Hangwang à Chengdu qui étudie la viabilité industrielle, et s’est engagé dans un projet de recherche de l’Université Leuphana sur la démocratie liquide numérique. En tant que membre fondateur et partenaire du Commons Strategies Group, il a co-organisé deux réunions mondiales sur les biens communs, la dernière en mai 2013 à Berlin a été dédiée au domaine émergent de l’Économie basée sur les communs.En Mars 2013, la Fondation P2P a organisé un « wikisprint hispanique mondiale» , avec l’aide de l’activiste ispano-brésilien Bernardo Gutierrez, au cours de laquelle plus de 500 participants individuels et collectifs, dans plus de 60 villes et 23 pays, ont cartographié les initiatives P2P, de partage et de biens communs dans leur région et les zones d’activités , permettant l’interconnexion d’un réseau de militants et d’universitaires latino-américains.IAEN estime que la collaboration entre les communautés hacktivistes, la Société FLOK et les réseaux mondiaux et hispaniques actifs dans la construction des biens communs ouverts sera essentielle pour créer une synergie avec les acteurs locaux de la société équatorienne, et aidera à atteindre le but que le pays s’est donné.Traduction de l’article <a href="http://floksociety.org/en/2013/09/18/michel-bauwens-arriba-al-ecuador/">Michel Bauwens arrives in Ecuador</a> par F. Sultan)
Chargement/Site + (<blockquote>From the 15th-1 … <blockquote>From the 15th-17th of November 2016 a European Commons Assembly will take place in Brussels. The commoners will convene, discuss, showcase, and reclaim Europe. On the afternoon of the 16th, around 150 will partcipate in a meeting in the European Parliament, organized in cooperation with the EP intergroup on Common Goods and Public Services (Led by Marisa Matias, Dario Tamburrano, Ernesto Urtasun, Sergio Cofferati). A variety of other events (and local assemblies) will take place outside Parliament, both in Brussels and across Europe.</blockquote><H1>Networking, unity and policy around the commons paradigm </H1>On September 26, a group of nonprofits, foundations, and other civil society organizations jointly publish a “Call for a European Commons Assembly” (https://europeancommonsassembly.eu/#section1). The collectively drafted document, which continues to garner signatures from groups and individuals around Europe, serves as a declaration of purpose for a distributed network of “commoners.” <img decoding="async" loading="lazy" src="https://www.remixthecommons.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/09/ECA-300x212.jpg" alt="eca" width="900" height="636" class="aligncenter size-medium wp-image-4561" /> Author: TILL GENTZSCHThe Assembly seeks to unite citizens in trans-local and trans-european solidarity to overcome Europe’s current challenges and reinvigorate the political process for the 21st century. The commons can be understood as a bridging paradigm that stresses cooperation in management of resources, knowledge, tools, and spaces as diverse as water, Wikipedia, a crowdfund, or a community garden. Their Call describes commoning as:<ul>…the network-based cooperation and localized bottom-up initiatives already sustained by millions of people around Europe and the world. These initiatives create self-managed systems that satisfy important needs, and often work outside of dominant markets and traditional state programmes while pioneering new hybrid structures.</ul> The Assembly emerged in May from a diverse, gender balanced pilot community of 28 activists from 15 European countries, working in different domains of the commons. New people are joining the Assembly every week, and ECA is inclusive and open for others to join, so that a broad and resilient European movement can coalesce. It seeks to visibilize acts of commoning by citizens for citizens, while promoting interaction with policy and institutions at both the national and European levels. <H1>Part of a broader movement</H1> The rapid embrace of commons as an alternative holistic, sustainable and social worldview is in part an expression of unease with the unjust current economic system and democratic deficiencies. The commons movement has exploded in recent years, following the award of the Nobel Prize in Economics to Elinor Ostrom in 2009 for her work on managing common resources. It has also seen overlap with other movements, such as the Social and Solidarity and Sharing Economy movements, peer to peer production, and Degrowth.Michel Bauwens, part of the ECA who is also a prominent figure in the peer-to-peer movement, explains: All over the world, a new social movement is emerging, which is challenging the ‘extractive’ premises of the mainstream political economy and which is co-constructing the seed forms of a sustainable and solidary society. Commoners are also getting a voice, for example through the Assemblies of the Commons that are emerging in French cities and elsewhere. The time is ripe for a shoutout to the political world, through a European Assembly of the Commons.The Call includes an open invitation to Brussels from November 15 to 17, 2016 for three days of activities and shared reflection on how to protect and promote the commons. It will include an official session in the European Parliament, hosted by the Intergroup on Common Goods and Public Services, on November 16 (limited capacity). You can read and sign the full text of the Call, also available in French, Spanish, and soon other European languages, on the <a href="http://europeancommonsassembly.eu">ECA website</a>. There is an <a href="http://europeancommonsassembly.eu/sign-call/">option to sign</a> as an individual or an organization.For more information, visit <a href="http://europeancommonsassembly.eu/">http://europeancommonsassembly.eu/ </a> or follow @CommonsAssembly on Twitter for regular updates.Media Contact: Nicole Leonard contact@europeancommonsassembly.eu Keywords: Commons, European, Citizens, Parliament, Participatory Democracy, Civil Society/ </a> or follow @CommonsAssembly on Twitter for regular updates. Media Contact: Nicole Leonard contact@europeancommonsassembly.eu Keywords: Commons, European, Citizens, Parliament, Participatory Democracy, Civil Society)
Chargement/Site + (<blockquote>How commons cou … <blockquote>How commons could be the base of a transition of the society? The equator is launching an initiative to bring together hackers and indigenous communities around the sharing of knowledge.</blockquote>Original article published <a href="http://floksociety.org/en/2013/09/18/michel-bauwens-arriba-al-ecuador/">here</a>The FLOK Society welcomes Michel Bauwens to Ecuador. Bauwens, a founder of the P2P Foundation, flew into Quito on Sept. 17 to begin collaborating towards a fundamental reimagination of Ecuador.Bauwens will lead a research team that is proposing to unleash a participatory, global process with an immediate implementation in Ecuador. The process will remake the roots of Ecuador’s economy, setting off a transition into a society of free and open knowledge.In the first semester of 2014, Bauwens will assist in setting up a global network of transition researchers. The P2P Foundation is a global network of researchers that is documenting the shift towards open, participatory and commons-oriented practices in every domain of human activity, but especially also the shift from collaboration on open knowledge and code, towards cooperation in open design, open hardware, open science, open government, and the shift towards open agricultural and open machining practices that have great potential for increasing the productivity and sustainability of farming and industrial processes.Ecuador is the first country in the world which is committing itself to the creation of a open commons knowlege based society. In order to achieve the transition to a ‘buen saber’, or ‘good knowledge’ society, which is an extension of the official strategy towards a ‘buen vivir’-based society, the Advanced Studies Institute (IAEN by its ]Spanish initials) in Quito, Ecuador, led by the rector Carlos Prieto, has initiated a strategic process, called the FLOK Society Project, which aims to organize a major international conference in March 2014, and will produce 10 strategic documents proposing transition policies towards the good knowledge society, which will be presented to the Ecuadorian citizens through intensive participatory processes, similar to those that took place for the establishment of the new Constitution and the ambitious National Plans, which set the guidelines for government policy.While Buen Vivir aims to replace mindless accumulative economic growth to a form of growth that directly benefits the wellbeing of the Ecuadorian people, Buen Saber aims to create the open knowledge commons which will facilitate such a transition. FLOK stands for ‘Free Libre and Open Knowledge. In order to establish these transition policies and documents, IAEN has connected itself with the global hacker and free software movement, but also with its extension in the many peer to peer initiatives that directly aim to create a body of knowledge for physical production in agriculture and industry.The P2P Foundation knowledge base has also focused on documenting new policy and legal frameworks being set up by sharing cities such as Seoul, San Francisco, and Naples ; and regions such as Bordeaux, Open Commons Region Linz in Austria, South Sudan, the Cabineto Digital of Rio del Sur, and more. It’s database of 22,000 global commons initiatives has been viewed nearly 25 million times and attracts 25,000 researchers, activists, users and readers on a daily basis. Michel Bauwens is also the author of a Synthetic Overview of the Collaborative Economy, an external expert for the Pontifical Academy of Social Sciences, a member of the Hangwang Forum in Chengdu that works on industrial sustainability, and engaged in a research project for Leuphana University on digital liquid democracy. As a founding member and partner of the Commons Strategies Group, he co-organized two global meetings on the commons, the last one in May 2013 in Berlin was dedicated to the emerging field of Commons-oriented Economics.In March, the P2P Foundation organized a ‘global hispanic wikisprint’, with the help of Spanish-Brazilian activist Bernardo Gutierrez, in which more than registered 500 individuals and collectives, in more than 60 cities and 23 countries, mapped the open, p2p, sharing and commons initiatives in their region and areas of activities, resulting in a Latin American network of connected activists and scholars.IAEN believes that the connection between the hacktivism communities, the FLOK Society, and the global and hispanic networks active in constructing open commons will be vital to create a synergy with the local actors of Ecuadorian society, and will help us accomplish the mayor goal we have set for ourselves as a country.g open commons will be vital to create a synergy with the local actors of Ecuadorian society, and will help us accomplish the mayor goal we have set for ourselves as a country.)
Chargement/Site + (<blockquote>Interview Joan … <blockquote>Interview Joan Subirats(1) by Alain Ambrosi May 2018</blockquote><figure style="width: 700px" class="wp-caption alignleft"><img decoding="async" loading="lazy" class="size-full" src="https://s1.qwant.com/thumbr/0x380/b/4/cf4cf4f48af794bc54dc5384e88975c9e7cd020dbccf80dc35882a989230be/joan%20subirats.jpg?u=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.fepsu.es%2Fimage%2Fjoan%2520subirats.jpg&q=0&b=1&p=0&a=1" alt="Joan Subirats (UAB) Conferencia FEPSU 2016" width="700" height="400" /><figcaption class="wp-caption-text">Joan Subirats (UAB) Conferencia FEPSU 2016</figcaption></figure>AA<ul>: In your recent article in La Vanguardia(2), you set out a framework for a cultural policy, you refer to putting into practice the key community values that should underpin that policy… Maybe we could start there?</ul>JS: For me, whereas in the 20th century the defining conflict was between freedom and equality – and this marked the tension between right and left throughout the 20th century because in a way this is the frame in which capitalism and the need for social protection evolved together with the commodification of life while at the same time the market called for freedom – ie: no rules, no submission. But the need for protection demanded equality. But in the 21st century there is rejection of the notion of protection linked to statism: Nancy Fraser published an article(3) in the New Left Review, it is a re-reading of Polanyi and she claims that this double movement between commodification and protection is still valid, but that the State-based protection typical of the 20th century, where equality is guaranteed by the State, clashes since the end of the 20th century with the growing importance of heterogeneity, diversity and personal autonomy. Therefore, if in order to obtain equality, we have to be dependent on what the State does, this is going to be a contradiction…. So we could translate those values that informed the definition of policies in the 20th century, in 21st century terms they would be the idea of freedom (or personal autonomy, the idea of empowerment, not subjection, non-dependence) and at the same time equality, but no longer simply equality of opportunities but also equality of condition because we have to compensate for what is not the same (equal) in society. If you say « equal opportunities », that everyone has access to cultural facilities, to libraries, you are disregarding the fact that the starting conditions of people are not the same, this is the great contribution of Amartya Sen, no? You have to compensate for unequal starting situations because otherwise you depoliticize inequality and consider that inequality is the result of people’s lack of effort to get out of poverty. So equality yes, but the approach is different. And we must incorporate the idea of diversity as a key element in the recognition of people and groups on the basis of their specific dignity. That seems easy to say, but in reality it is complicated, especially if you relate it to culture, because culture has to do with all these things: it has to do with the construction of your personality, it has to do with equal access to culture just as cultural rights and culture have to do with the recognition of different forms of knowledge and culture – canonical culture, high culture, popular culture, everyday culture, neighbourhood culture … So for me, a cultural policy should be framed within the triple focus of personal autonomy, equality and diversity. And this is contradictory, in part, with the cultural policies developed in the past, where there is usually confusion between equality and homogeneity. In other words, the left has tended to consider that equality meant the same thing for everyone and that is wrong, isn’t it?, because you are confusing equality with homogeneity. The opposite of equality is inequality, the opposite of homogeneity is diversity. So you have to work with equality and diversity as values that are not antagonistic, but can be complementary. And this is a challenge for public institutions because they do not like heterogeneity, they find it complicated because it is simpler to treat everyone the same, as the administrative law manual used to prescribe `indifferent efficiency’: it is a way of understanding inequality as indifference, right?AA<ul>: In your article you also talk about the opposition between investing in infrastructures versus creating spaces and environments that are attractive to creators and you put an emphasis on the generation of spaces. What is being done, what has been done, what could be done about this?</ul>JS : In Barcelona we want to ensure that the city’s cultural policies do not imply producing culture itself, but rather to try to influence the values in the production processes that already exist, in the facilities, in the cultural and artistic infrastructures: the role of the city council, of the municipality, is not so much to produce culture as to contribute to the production of culture. Which is different, helping to produce culture…. Obviously, the city council will give priority to those initiatives that coincide with the values, with the normative approach that we promote. There are some exceptions, for example, the Grec festival in Barcelona(4) in July, or the Mercé(5), which is the Festa Mayor, where the city council does in fact subsidize the production of culture, so some productions are subsidised but generally what we have is a policy of aid to creators. What is being done is that 11 creative factories (fablabs) have been built, these are factories with collectives that manage them chosen through public tenders. There are now 3 factories of circus and visual arts, 2 factories of dance creation, one factory of more global creation housed at Fabra & Coats, 3 theatre factories and 2 visual arts and technology sites. So there are 11 factories of different sorts and there are plans to create others, for example in the field of feminist culture where we are in discussion with a very well consolidated group : normally all these creative factories have their management entrusted to collectives that already become highly consolidated in the process of creation and that need a space to ensure their continuity. Often the city council will cede municipal spaces to these collectives, sometimes through public competitions where the creators are asked to present their project for directing a factory. This is one aspect. Another aspect is what is called living culture, which is a programme for the promotion of cultural activities that arise from the community or from collectives in the form of cooperatives and this is a process of aid to collectives that are already functioning, or occasionally to highlight cultural activities and cultural dynamics that have existed for a long time but have not been dignified, that have not been valued, for example the Catalan rumba of the Gypsies, which is a very important movement in Barcelona that emerged from the gypsy community of El Raval, where there were some very famous artists like Peret. There we invested in creating a group to work on the historical memory of the rumba, looking for the roots of this movement, where it came from and why. Then some signposts were set up in streets where this took place, such as La Cera in El Raval, where there are two murals that symbolise the history of the Catalan rumba and the gypsy community in this area so that this type of thing is publicly visible. That is the key issue for culture: a recognition that there are many different cultures.Then there is the area of civic centres: approximately 15% of the civic centres in the city are managed by civic entities as citizen heritage, and those civic centres also have cultural activities that they decide on, and the city council, the municipality helps them develop the ideas put forward by the entities that manage those centres.So, if we put all those things together, we could talk about a culture of the urban commons. It is still early stages, this is still more of a concept than a reality, but the underlying idea is that in the end the density and the autonomous cultural-social fabric will be strong enough to be resilient to political changes. In other words, that you have helped to build cultural practices and communities that are strong and autonomous enough that they are not dependent on the political conjuncture. This would be ideal. A bit like the example I often cite about the housing cooperatives in Copenhagen, that there was 50% public housing in Copenhagen, and a right-wing government privatised 17% of that public housing, but it couldn’t touch the 33% of housing that was in the hands of co-operatives. Collective social capital has been more resilient than state assets: the latter is more vulnerable to changes in political majorities.AA<ul>: You also speak of situated culture which I think is very important: setting it in time and space. Now Facebook has announced it is coming to Barcelona so the Barcelona brand is going to be a brand that includes Facebook and its allies. But your conception of a situated culture is more about a culture where social innovation, participation, popular creativity in the community are very important…</ul>JS : Yes, it seems contradictory. In fact what you’re asking is the extent to which it makes sense to talk about situated culture in an increasingly globalized environment which is more and more dependent on global platforms. I believe that tension exists and conflict exists, this is undeniable, the city is a zone of conflict, therefore, the first thing we have to accept is that the city is a battleground between political alternatives with different cultural models. It is very difficult for a city council to set out univocal views of a cultural reality that is intrinsically plural. Talking about situated culture is an attempt to highlight the significance of the distinguishing factors that Barcelona possesses in its cultural production. This does not mean that this situated culture should be a strictly localist culture – a situated culture does not mean a culture that cuts off global links – it is a culture that relates to the global on the basis of its own specificity. What is most reprehensible from my point of view are cultural dynamics that have a global logic but that can just as well be here or anywhere else. And it’s true that the platforms generate this. An example: the other day the former minister of culture of Brazil, Lluca Ferreira, was here and talked about a program of living culture they developed, and they posted a photograph of some indigenous people where the man wore something that covered his pubic parts but the woman’s breasts were naked. So Facebook took the photograph off the site, and when the Minister called Facebook Brazil to say ‘what is going on?’, they told him that they didn’t have any duty towards the Brazilian government, that the only control over them was from a judge in San Francisco and that, therefore, if the judge in San Francisco forced them to put the photograph back, they would put it back, otherwise they wouldn’t have to listen to any minister from Brazil or anywhere else. In the end, there was a public movement of protest, and they put the photo back. The same thing happened here a few days ago, a group from a municipal theatre creation factory put up a poster with a man’s ass advertising a play by Virginia Wolff and Facebook took their entire account off the net – not just the photograph, they totally removed them from Facebook. And here too Facebook said that they are independent and that only the judge from San Francisco and so on. I believe that this is the opposite of situated culture because it is a global cultural logic, but at the same time it allows itself to be censored in Saudi Arabia, in China, that is to say it has different codes in each place. So to speak of situated culture means to speak of social transformation, of the relationship between culture and social transformation situated in the context in which you are working. But at the same time to have the will to dialogue with similar processes that exist in any other part of the world and that is the strength of a situated culture. And those processes of mutuality, of hybridization, that can happen when you have a Pakistani community here, you have a Filipino community, you have a Chinese community, you have a Gypsy community, you have an Italian community, you have an Argentinean community: they can be treated as typical folkloric elements in a theme park, or you can try to generate hybridization processes. Now at the Festival Grec this year there will be poetry in Urdu from the Pakistanis, there will be a Filipino theatre coming and a Filipino film fest at the Filmoteca – and this means mixing, situating, the cultural debate in the space where it is happening and trying to steep it in issues of cultural diversity. What I understand is that we need to strive for a local that is increasingly global, that this dialogue between the local and the global is very important.AA<ul>: Returning to social innovation and popular creativity, social innovation is also a concept taken up pretty much everywhere: how is it understood here? Taking into account that in the world of the commons, Catalonia, and especially Barcelona, is very well known for its fablabs, which are also situated in this new era. How then do you understand social innovation and how do you see the relationship between education and social innovation?</ul>JS : What I am trying to convey is that the traditional education system is doing little to prepare people and to enhance inclusive logics in our changing and transforming society, so in very broad lines I would say that if health and education were the basic redistributive policies of the 20th century, in the 21st century we must incorporate culture as a basic redistributive policy. Because before, the job market had very specific demands for the education sector: it knew very well what types of job profiles it needed because there was a very Taylorist logic to the world of work – what is the profile of a baker, of a plumber, of a miller? How many years you have to study for this kind of work. There is now a great deal of uncertainty about the future of the labour market, about how people will be able to work in the future and the key words that appear are innovation, creativity, entrepreneurship, flexibility, ability to understand a diverse world, teamwork , being open to new ideas: this has little to do with traditional educational profiles, but it has much to do with culture, with things that allow you to acquire that backpack of basic tools that will help you navigate in a much more uncertain environment. And for me, to find the right connection between culture and education is very important because it allows the educational system to constantly transform itself by taking advantage of the creative potential of an environment that is much more accessible now than before because of new technologies, and therefore to make the transition from a deductive system where there is a teacher who knows and tells people what they need to know – to an inductive system: how do we explore what we need to know in order to be able to act. And that more inductive, more experimental logic has to do with creativity whereas the traditional education system didn’t postulate creativity, it postulated your ability to learn what someone else had decided you needed to study. It’s art, it is culture that allows you to play in that field much more easily … Translated from Spanish by Nancy Thede.1 Joan Subirats is Commissioner for culture in the city government of Barcelona led by the group Barcelona en comu. He is also professor of political science at the Universitat autonoma de Barcelona and founder of the Institute on Governance and Public Policy.2 « Salvara la cultura a las ciudades? », La Vanguardia (Barcelona), Culturals supplement, 12 May 2018, pp. 20-21. https://www.lavanguardia.com/cultura/20180511/443518454074/cultura-ciudadesbarcelona-crisis.html3 Nancy Fraser, « A Triple Movement », New Left Review 81, May-June 2013. Published in Spanish in Jean-Louis Laville and José Luis Coraggio (Eds.), La izquierda del siglo XXI. Ideas y diálogo Norte-Sur para un proyecto necesario Icaria, Madrid 2018.4 Festival Grec, an annual multidisciplinary festival in Barcelona, now in its 42nd year. It is named for the Greek Theatre built for the 1929 Universal Exhibition in Barcelona: http://lameva.barcelona.cat/grec/en/.5 Barcelona’s annual ‘Festival of Festivals’ begins on Sept 24, day of Our Lady of Mercy, a city holiday in Barcelona. It especially highlights catalan and barcelonian cultural traditions and in recent years has especially featured neighbourhood cultural activities like street theatre. See: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/La_Mercè.vals’ begins on Sept 24, day of Our Lady of Mercy, a city holiday in Barcelona. It especially highlights catalan and barcelonian cultural traditions and in recent years has especially featured neighbourhood cultural activities like street theatre. See: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/La_Mercè.)
Chargement/Site + (<blockquote>L’Assemblée Eur … <blockquote>L’Assemblée Européenne des Communs (ECA) est un <a href="http://europeancommonsassembly.eu">réseau de personnes engagées dans les communs</a> sur le terrain en Europe. Ce réseau s’est donné rendez-vous au Medialab Prado, Madrid du 25 au 27 octobre prochain. Cette rencontre se déroule en parallèle du Festival Transeuropa, lui-même une vaste réunion autour des alternatives politiques, sociales et environnementales. L’appel à participer est ouvert jusqu’au 4 août. [voir ici le <a href="https://goo.gl/forms/9vID21eSIojQsffk1">formulaire d’inscription</a>] </blockquote><a data-flickr-embed="true" data-footer="true" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/medialab-prado/28100107155/" title="18.05.16 Taller"><img decoding="async" loading="lazy" src="https://farm8.staticflickr.com/7379/28100107155_1659853c90_c.jpg" width="800" height="500" alt="18.05.16 Taller"></a><script async src="//embedr.flickr.com/assets/client-code.js" charset="utf-8"></script>L’Assemblée Européenne des Communs (ECA) a été lancée en novembre 2016 lors du <a href="https://europeancommonsassembly.eu/process/">premier événement public</a> sur les communs qui s’est déroulé au Parlement Européen et au centre social Zinneke à Bruxelles, en Belgique. Cette réunion a rassemblé plus de 150 commoners européens pour faire valoir la nécessité de politiques publiques pour les communs en Europe et développer les réseaux pour inscrire cette démarche dans la durée. La rencontre de Madrid se structure autour d’ateliers thématiques sur les communs urbains, d’une rencontre avec les acteurs politiques de madrilènes et d’autres villes espagnoles, et de temps de délibération sur le futur de ECA à l’horizon 2018/2019. Les ateliers thématiques, au coeur du processus de cette rencontre, permettront, à partir des échanges avec les initiatives madrilènes et espagnoles, d’expérimenter et de proto-typer les outils utiles au développement des communs urbains en Europe. Les premiers participants inscrits ont proposés de travailler sur dans thèmes tels que : Espace public, Migrations et réfugiés, Participation citoyenne à la politique urbaine, Culture, Aliments, Logement, Santé, Devise et financement pour les communs, Lois et mécanismes juridiques pour protéger les communs, Technologie pour la citoyenneté. Vous pouvez également proposer un thème qui ne figure pas déjà dans cette liste. Un processus d’agglutination permettra de définir la liste définitive des ateliers dans la limite de 8 atleirs. Pour cela remplissez le formulaire et proposez l’organisation d’un atelier spécifique et / ou de participer à l’un des ateliers déjà identifié qui vous intéresse.Chaque atelier sera l’occasion de collaborations entre une ou plusieurs initiatives communautaires locales espagnoles et d’autres venant d’ailleurs en Europe engagées sur le thème de l’atelier. Ces ateliers seront conçus pour permettre le partage et l’exploration des connaissances et des stratégies fruits de ces expériences. À cette fin, l’équipe de coordination de ECA à Madrid organisera plusieurs vidéoconférences pour relier les différentes initiatives et co-concevoir les contenus de l’atelier avant la rencontre avec les participants. La méthodologie de facilitation sera aussi conçue pour inclure les participants dans la démarche structuration de la documentation des travaux collectifs afin de ressortir de la rencontre avec une boite à outils partagée sur les communs urbains. Coté logistique, lorsque vous remplissez le formulaire, vous pouvez indiquer si vous avez besoin de faire couvrir vos frais de déplacement et / ou d’hébergement par l’organisation (dans le cas où il n’est pas possible de couvrir ces dépenses d’une autre manière). Pour plus d’informations, contactez nicole.leonard [at] sciencespo.fr ou bien retrouvez plus d’informations sur le<a href="https://europeancommonsassembly.eu/"> site Web de ECA</a>.assembly.eu/"> site Web de ECA</a>.)
Chargement/Site + (<blockquote>L’Assemblée Eur … <blockquote>L’Assemblée Européenne des Communs (ECA) est un <a href="http://europeancommonsassembly.eu">réseau de personnes engagées dans les communs</a> sur le terrain en Europe. Ce réseau s’est donné rendez-vous au Medialab Prado, Madrid du 25 au 27 octobre prochain. Cette rencontre se déroule en parallèle du Festival Transeuropa, lui-même une vaste réunion autour des alternatives politiques, sociales et environnementales. L’appel à participer est ouvert jusqu’au 4 août. [voir ici le <a href="https://goo.gl/forms/9vID21eSIojQsffk1">formulaire d’inscription</a>] </blockquote><a data-flickr-embed="true" data-footer="true" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/medialab-prado/28100107155/" title="18.05.16 Taller"><img decoding="async" loading="lazy" src="https://farm8.staticflickr.com/7379/28100107155_1659853c90_c.jpg" width="800" height="500" alt="18.05.16 Taller"></a><script async src="//embedr.flickr.com/assets/client-code.js" charset="utf-8"></script>L’Assemblée Européenne des Communs (ECA) a été lancée en novembre 2016 lors du <a href="https://europeancommonsassembly.eu/process/">premier événement public</a> sur les communs qui s’est déroulé au Parlement Européen et au centre social Zinneke à Bruxelles, en Belgique. Cette réunion a rassemblé plus de 150 commoners européens pour faire valoir la nécessité de politiques publiques pour les communs en Europe et développer les réseaux pour inscrire cette démarche dans la durée. La rencontre de Madrid se structure autour d’ateliers thématiques sur les communs urbains, d’une rencontre avec les acteurs politiques de madrilènes et d’autres villes espagnoles, et de temps de délibération sur le futur de ECA à l’horizon 2018/2019. Les ateliers thématiques, au coeur du processus de cette rencontre, permettront, à partir des échanges avec les initiatives madrilènes et espagnoles, d’expérimenter et de proto-typer les outils utiles au développement des communs urbains en Europe. Les premiers participants inscrits ont proposés de travailler sur dans thèmes tels que : Espace public, Migrations et réfugiés, Participation citoyenne à la politique urbaine, Culture, Aliments, Logement, Santé, Devise et financement pour les communs, Lois et mécanismes juridiques pour protéger les communs, Technologie pour la citoyenneté. Vous pouvez également proposer un thème qui ne figure pas déjà dans cette liste. Un processus d’agglutination permettra de définir la liste définitive des ateliers dans la limite de 8 atleirs. Pour cela remplissez le formulaire et proposez l’organisation d’un atelier spécifique et / ou de participer à l’un des ateliers déjà identifié qui vous intéresse.Chaque atelier sera l’occasion de collaborations entre une ou plusieurs initiatives communautaires locales espagnoles et d’autres venant d’ailleurs en Europe engagées sur le thème de l’atelier. Ces ateliers seront conçus pour permettre le partage et l’exploration des connaissances et des stratégies fruits de ces expériences. À cette fin, l’équipe de coordination de ECA à Madrid organisera plusieurs vidéoconférences pour relier les différentes initiatives et co-concevoir les contenus de l’atelier avant la rencontre avec les participants. La méthodologie de facilitation sera aussi conçue pour inclure les participants dans la démarche structuration de la documentation des travaux collectifs afin de ressortir de la rencontre avec une boite à outils partagée sur les communs urbains. Coté logistique, lorsque vous remplissez le formulaire, vous pouvez indiquer si vous avez besoin de faire couvrir vos frais de déplacement et / ou d’hébergement par l’organisation (dans le cas où il n’est pas possible de couvrir ces dépenses d’une autre manière). Pour plus d’informations, contactez nicole.leonard [at] sciencespo.fr ou bien retrouvez plus d’informations sur le<a href="https://europeancommonsassembly.eu/"> site Web de ECA</a>.assembly.eu/"> site Web de ECA</a>.)
Chargement/Site + (<blockquote>Un CommonsCamp … <blockquote>Un CommonsCamp aura lieu à Grenoble (France) du 22 au 26 août, lors de l’<a href="https://ue2018.org/">Université d’été des mouvements sociaux français</a>.</blockquote><figure style="width: 275px" class="wp-caption aligncenter"><img decoding="async" loading="lazy" class="size-full" src="https://wiki.remixthecommons.org/images/thumb/Flyer_CommonsCamp_VF.1-1.jpg/723px-Flyer_CommonsCamp_VF.1-1.jpg" alt="CommonsCamp programme" width="275" height="390" /><figcaption class="wp-caption-text">CommonsCamp programme</figcaption></figure>Rassemblement ouvert et auto-organisé, cet événement est structuré en 3 modules: COMMUNS, MUNICIPALISME et DROITS À LA VILLE et CARTOGRAPHIE et SYNERGY, deux réunions dédiés à la fabrication d’outils numériques pour les commoners. Le CommonsCamp se terminera par un atelier destiné à identifier les suites possibles ou les prochaines étapes. Deux expositions seront organisées lors de l’événement: « <a href="https://wiki.remixthecommons.org/index.php?title=Expo_sur_les_communs">Les communs</a> » et « <a href="https://www.facebook.com/events/1651602484889455/">Les voies de la démocratie</a>« .Ce CommonsCamp se concentrera sur le partage des connaissances et des compétences pratiques déployées dans le domaine des communs urbains. Il vise à stimuler l’émergence et la réalisation de projets concrets et de collaborations futures entre les commoners.Pour plus d’informations, jetez un oeil au programme: en <a href="https://hackmd.lescommuns.org/s/ryZjgnXZm#">ANGLAIS</a> ou bien en <a href="https://hackmd.lescommuns.org/s/SyLhb9ff7">FRANÇAIS</a>, à la liste des <a href="https://hackmd.lescommuns.org/s/By5srebX7#">contributeurs / participants</a>.Toutes les informations (programme, préparation, contributeurs, actions, budget sont accessibles <a href="https://frama.link/commonscamp2018-sommaire">en ligne</a>.Le CommonsCAmp bénéficie d’une interprétation en FR et EN lors des réunions plénières. Pour les autres activités, les organisateurs et le facilitateur feront en sorte que tout le monde soit en mesure de participer (ex: interprétation en chuchotant).La documentation (prise de notes, photos, audio / vidéo) sera un effort collectif, chacun étant invité à contribuer à notre récolte collective de connaissances. Un groupe de bénévoles assistera quotidiennement à la récolte et à la publication du contenu sur le Web.Vous pouvez déjà commencer à contribuer en envoyant des messages à cette liste, en éditant un pad ou en envoyant des demandes ou du matériel à Mélanie Pinet <pinet.melanie75@gmail.com> ou FrédéricSultan: fredericsultan@gmail.com.Bel été à tous !buer en envoyant des messages à cette liste, en éditant un pad ou en envoyant des demandes ou du matériel à Mélanie Pinet <pinet.melanie75@gmail.com> ou FrédéricSultan: fredericsultan@gmail.com. Bel été à tous !)
Chargement/Site + (<blockquote>Une session de … <blockquote>Une session de <a href="http://mappingthecommons.net/">mapping the commons</a> se déroulera à Rio du 18 to 26 october 2013 coordonnée par <a href="http://hackitectura.net/">Pablo de Soto</a> en collaboration avec <a href="http://www.bernardogutierrez.es/">Bernardo Gutiérrez</a> et le soutien de MediaLab (Madrid).</blockquote><iframe loading="lazy" width="400" height="225" src="//www.youtube.com/embed/Nrtbi9gbuWw?rel=0" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen></iframe>Mapping the commons est un projet développé par Pablo de Soto. Cette initiative vise à produire avec les habitants, les activistes dans le territoire, des cartographies vivantes, composées de courtes vidéos documentaires et de vidéoposts. La démarche proposée prend la forme d’un intense atelier de plusieurs jours avec des étudiants en communication et des activistes pour rechercher les communs, les définir et rendre visible sur le territoire en produisant les médias qui constitueront la carte.Pablo de Soto a initié cette approche autour des biens communs urbains d’<a href="http://mappingthecommons.net/map-of-istanbul-commons/">istambul</a> et <a href="http://mappingthecommons.net/map-of-athens-commons/">Athènes</a>, On peut voir en particulier qu’un travail avait été conduit sur <a href="http://mappingthecommons.net/taksim-square/">Taksim Square</a>, dont la privatisation a été l’un des points de départ de la contestation en Turquie cette année. La cartographie est un outil stratégique. Mais la recherche des biens communs est un processus de cartographie de l’espace urbains qui doit se comprendre, bien sur « ainsi que le proposent Deleuze et Guattari, et l’ont utilisé de nombreux artistes et activistes durant la dernière décade, comme une <a href="http://cartografiaciudadana.net/athenscommons/auto.php">performance</a> qui peut devenir réflexion, travail artistique, ou action de transformation sociale » (Pablo Soto).Le 20 mars 2013 un wikisprint a été réalisé à Barcelone utilisant les mêmes principes et méthodologie. Sous le titre de « Global P2P », il s’agissait de cartographier les pratiques de Communs et de P2P en Amérique latine et en Europe du sud. Voir en anglais <a href=" http://codigoabiertocc.wordpress.com/2013/08/07/globalp2p-the-wind-that-shook-the-net/">#GlobalP2P, the wind that shook the net</a>. Rio, prochaine étape de Mapping the commons, est l’une des villes qui vient de vivre, comme le reste du Brésil, des mobilisations sociales et politiques intenses contre des festivités internationales à venir qui tendent à <a href="http://scinfolex.wordpress.com/?s=olympique">privatiser l’espace public</a>. Beaucoup considèrent que ces mobilisations, leurs revendications et leurs modes d’organisation relèvent du paradigme des Communs. Voir les analyses sur le sujet de Bernardo Guttierez dans <a href="http://codigoabiertocc.wordpress.com/2013/05/23/globalp2p-el-viento-que-desordeno-las-redes/">globalp2p el viento que desordeno las redes</a> et d’Alexandre Mendes dans <a href="http://uninomade.net/tenda/a-atualidade-de-uma-democracia-das-mobilizacoes-e-do-comum/"> A atualidade de uma democracia das mobilizacoes e do comum/</a>Pour aller plus loin, lire l’article <a href="http://www.academia.edu/2637017/Mapping_the_Commons_Workshop">Mapping the Commons Workshop: Athens and Istanbul</a>, Pablo De Soto, Daphne Dragona, Aslıhan Şenel, Demitri Delinikolas, José Pérez de Lama"http://www.academia.edu/2637017/Mapping_the_Commons_Workshop">Mapping the Commons Workshop: Athens and Istanbul</a>, Pablo De Soto, Daphne Dragona, Aslıhan Şenel, Demitri Delinikolas, José Pérez de Lama)
Chargement/Site + (<blockquote>italiano sotto& … <blockquote>italiano sotto</blockquote>Festival International des communs, Chieri, Italie, Dimanche, 12 juillet, de 12:00 à 18:00. Salle : Sala conferenze della bibliotecaReconquérir, protéger et créer des communs dans nos quartiers et dans nos villes, les communs urbains, contribue à la réalisation effective et quotidienne de droits fondamentaux et de droits sociaux.En pratique, ces luttes prennent des formes multiples. Toutes sont confrontées à la nécessité de la création et de l’usage d’instruments juridiques originaux qui permettent d’administrer des ressources partagées en communs en vue de répondre à un besoin spécifique au sein d’une communauté. Chacune de ces créations juridiques est singulière. Elle correspond à un contexte, à une vision, à une culture.Elle nous renseigne sur l’inventivité et l’imagination créative des commoners et sur la relation qu’ils entretiennent avec l’État à l’échelle locale, nationale ou même international.La connaissance de ces expériences juridiques permet d’enrichir celles des autres commoners. L’analyse des pratiques qui les ont produites ou inspirées, est un facteur potentiel de développement et de multiplication des communs. Dans le cadre du Festival des communs de Chieri, nous proposons un atelier pour élaborer collaborativement un outil d’analyse des instruments juridiques, des statuts, des chartes et des règlements pour les communs. Cet outil, l’Atlas des chartes des communs urbains, servira à connaître la nature, comprendre le fonctionnement, les effets et les conditions de développement des instruments juridiques favorables aux communs. Ce sera une ressource opérationnelle et critique pour les échanges et les collaborations entre collectifs de commoners engagés dans la revendication de communs urbains, dans des projets de différentes natures, situés dans différents contextes culturels, droits locaux et nationaux.L’atelier sera organisé en deux temps distincts auxquels il est possible de participer indépendamment :De 12:00 à 15:00. – le premier atelier permettra de faire l’inventaire et de partager toutes les démarches et les expériences qui valorisent les instruments juridiques des communs urbains, afin de faciliter la coopération entre les militants, les initiatives et les organisations engagées;De 15:00 à 18:00. – le deuxième temps permettra une mise en pratique de l’analyse d’instruments juridiques, statuts, délibération, règlements et chartes des communs urbains, à partir d’une première grille de lecture qui servira de matrice à l’Atlas des chartes des communs urbains. L’objectif sera de réaliser une première itération de cette grille d’analyse, afin de pouvoir l’améliorer. Il s’agira aussi élaborer un ou plusieurs scénario d’usage de cet outil correspondant à des besoins identifiés.Les deux ateliers seront animés par : Alain Ambrosi, Irene Favero, Daniela Festa, Frédéric SultanInscription recommandées afin de faciliter l’organisation de l’atelier : <a href=" http://doodle.com/9myczsrttbb7mvu8">http://doodle.com/9myczsrttbb7mvu8</a>Contact : <a href="mailto:ambrosia@web.net">Alain Ambrosi</a> <a href="mailto:irenefavero@reseauculture21.fr">Irene Favero</a> <a href="mailto:festadaniela@gmail.com">Daniela Festa</a> <a href="mailto:fredericsultan@gmail.com">Frédéric Sultan </a><blockquote>ITALIANO</blockquote><h2>WORKSHOP: Creazione di un Atlante degli statuti dei Commons Urbani</h2>Festival Internazionale dei Beni Comuni, Domenica 12 luglio dalle 12:00 alle 18:00. Sala conferenze della bibliotecaRivendicare, proteggere e creare commons nei nostri quartieri e nelle le nostre città contribuisce all’attuazione effettiva e quotidiana di diritti fondamentali e di diritti sociali.Nella pratica, le lotte per i beni comuni urbani possono assumere forme eterogenee. Tutte si trovano confrontate, tuttavia, alla necessità di usare o creare regole e strumenti giuridici che permettano di governare risorse condivise per rispondere a esigenze specifiche di un comunità. Tali strumenti hanno caratteri propri. Corrispondono a determinati contesti e visioni e sono espressioni di determinate culture. Forniscono informazioni sull’inventività e l’immaginazione creativa dei commoners e la relazione che questi hanno con lo Stato a livello locale, nazionale, internazionale.La conoscenza di queste esperienze giuridiche può arricchire gli altri commoners. L’analisi delle pratiche che le hanno prodotte o ispirate è un potenziale fattore di sviluppo e moltiplicazione dei commons. Nel contesto del Festival dei beni comune di Chieri, proponiamo un workshop per elaborare collettivamente uno strumento di analisi di statuti, dichiarazioni e regolamenti che si sono prodotti a partire dai beni comuni. Questo strumento, “Atlante degli statuti dei commons urbani”, servirà a comprenderne la natura, analizzarne il funzionamento e gli effetti e individuare le condizioni e le premesse per lo sviluppo di strumenti giuridici che possano favorire i commons. Sarà una risorsa critica e operativa per gli scambi e la cooperazione tra i collettivi di commoners impegnati nella rivendicazione dei diversi beni comuni urbani situati in diversi contesti culturali e giuridici.Il workshop sarà organizzato in due momenti diversi ai quali è possibile partecipare in modo indipendente:Delle 12:00 alle 15:00: – Il primo workshop si propone di individuare e condividere le pratiche e le esperienze ascrivibili alle rivendicazioni di urban commons per facilitare la cooperazione tra attivisti, esperienze e realtà presenti;Dalle 15:00 alle 18:00: – Il seconda workshop consentirà di sperimentare l’analisi dei diversi strumenti giuridici elaborati: statuti, regolamenti, delibere, linee guida a partire da una prima griglia di lettura che servirà da matrice per L’Atlante degli statuti dei commons urbani.L’obiettivo è quello di realizzare una prima sperimentazione della griglia d’analisi per correggerla e migliorarla e di proporre uno o più scenari di utilizzo dello strumento corrispondente alle necessità emerse durante l’insieme dei lavori.Entrambi i laboratori saranno condotti da: Alain Ambrosi, Irene Favero, Daniela Festa, Frédéric SultanRegistrazione raccomanda di facilitare lo svolgimento del workshop : <a href=" http://doodle.com/9myczsrttbb7mvu8">http://doodle.com/9myczsrttbb7mvu8</a>Contact : <a href="mailto:ambrosia@web.net">Alain Ambrosi</a> <a href="mailto:irenefavero@reseauculture21.fr">Irene Favero</a> <a href="mailto:festadaniela@gmail.com">Daniela Festa</a> <a href="mailto:fredericsultan@gmail.com">Frédéric Sultan </a>/doodle.com/9myczsrttbb7mvu8">http://doodle.com/9myczsrttbb7mvu8</a> Contact : <a href="mailto:ambrosia@web.net">Alain Ambrosi</a> <a href="mailto:irenefavero@reseauculture21.fr">Irene Favero</a> <a href="mailto:festadaniela@gmail.com">Daniela Festa</a> <a href="mailto:fredericsultan@gmail.com">Frédéric Sultan </a>)
Chargement/Site + (<h2>Interview with Joan Subirats – B … <h2>Interview with Joan Subirats – Barcelona, April 20, 2017</h2>Alain Ambrosi and Nancy Thede <blockquote>The pro-independence government of Catalonia recently sparked a political crisis in Spain by proposing to call a referendum on independence by the end of 2017 with or without the approval of the central government. In contrast, « Catalonia in common » defines itself as an innovative political space of the Catalan left. Initiated by Barcelona in Comú a little less than a year after its election to city hall, the initiave was launched in October 2016. A short manifesto explained its raison-d’être and presented an « ideario politico » (a political project) of some 100 pages for broad discussion over 5 months which culminated in a constituent assembly last April 8.This new political subject defines itself as « a left-wing Catalan organisation that aims to govern and to transform the economic, political and social structures of the present neo-liberal system. » Its originality in the political panorama of Catalonia and of Spain is its engagement with « a new way of doing politics, a politics of the commons where grassroots people and communities are the protagonists. » In response to those who see its emergence only in the context of the impending referendum, it affirms: « We propose a profound systemic, revolutionary change in our economic, social, environmental and political model. » We interviewed Joan Subirats a few days after the Constituent Assembly of Catalunya en Comú took place. Joan is an academic renowned for his publications and his political engagement. A specialist in public policy and urban issues, he has published widely on the Commons and on the new municipalism. He is one of the artisans of Barcelona in Comú and has just been elected to the coordinating body of the new space named recently « Catalunya en comú ».</blockquote><h3>The Genesis of a New Political Subject</h3>NT — Tell us about the trajectory of the development of this new initiative: a lot of people link it to the 15-M, but I imagine that it was more complex than that and started long before.<img decoding="async" loading="lazy" class="aligncenter size-full wp-image-4740" src="https://www.remixthecommons.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/06/Joan_Subirats_2013_cropped.jpg" alt="Joan_Subirats_2013_(cropped)" width="423" height="526" /> <a href="https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File%3AJoan_Subirats_2013_(cropped).jpg">By Directa (youtube) [CC BY 3.0 (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0)], via Wikimedia Commons</a>JS — At the outset there was Guanyem, which was in fact the beginning of Barcelona en Comú: the first meetings were in February-March 2014. Who was involved? this is quite simultaneous with the decision by Podemos to compete in the European Parliament elections in May 2014. Podemos organises in February 2014; Guanyem begins organising in February- March 2014 to compete in the municipal elections of May 2015.Going farther back, there is a phase of intense social mobilisation against austerity policies between 2011 and 2013. If we look at the statistics of the Ministry of the Interior on the number of demonstrations, it is impressive, there were never as many demonstrations as during that period, but after mid-2013 they start to taper off. There is a feeling that there are limits and that demonstrations can’t obtain the desired changes in a situation where the right-wing Popular Party (PP) holds an absolute majority. So the debate emerges within the social movements as to whether it’s a good idea to attempt to move into the institutions.Podemos chooses the most accessible scenario, that of the European elections, because these elections have a single circonscription, so all of Spain is a single riding, with a very high level of proportionality, so with few votes you get high representation because there are 60-some seats, so with one million votes they obtained 5 seats. And people vote more freely in these elections because apparently the stakes are not very high, so they are elections that are good for testing strategies. In contrast, here in Barcelona, we chose the municipal elections as the central target because here there is a long history of municipalism.So this sets the stage for the period that began in 2014 with Guanyem and Podemos and the European elections and in May 2015 with the municipal elections where in 4 of the 5 major cities – Barcelona, Madrid, Valencia and Zaragoza – alternative coalitions win that are not linked to either of the two major political parties (PP and the Socialist Party – PSOE) that have dominated the national political scene since the return to democracy in 1977. And in the autonomous elections<a href="#cite_note-1">[1]</a>, a new political cycle also begins, in which we still are. If we go farther back, to 2011 – there are a couple of maps that show the correlation between the occupation of plazas in the 15-M with the number of alternative citizen canadidacies at the municipal level.So Podemos and all the alternative citizen coalitions all refer to the 15M as their founding moment. But the 15M is not a movement, it was a moment, an event. You must have heard the joke about the stranger who arrives and wants to talk to the 15M – but there is no 15M, it has no spokespersons and no address. But everyone considers it very important because it transformed the political scene in its wake . But what was there before the 15M?There were basically 4 major trends that converged in the 15-M : First the anti-globalisation movement, the oldest one, very interesting because a large number of the new political leaders have come out of it, with forms of political mobilisation different from the traditional ones.Then there was the « Free Culture Forum » linked to issues regarding internet which was very important here in Barcelona – with Simona Levy and Gala Pin, who is now a municipal councillor – that is important because here digital culture, network culture, was present from the very beginning, something that didn’t occur in other places.The third movement was the PAH (Platform for People Affected by Mortgages) which emerges in 2009 and had precedents with Ada Colau and others who organised « V for vivienda » (like the film « V for vendetta », but in this case vivienda – housing), an attempt to demonstrate that young people were excluded from social emancipation because they didn’t have access to housing. Their slogan was « you’ll never have a house in your whole f’king life ». And the forms of mobilisation were also very new, for example, they occupied IKEA because at that time IKEA’s advertising slogan was « the independent republic of your home », so they occupied it and slept in the beds there. So this was more youthful, alternative, more of a rupture, but then in 2009 with the creation of the PAH they started to try to connect with the immigrant sector and people who were losing their houses because of the mortgage hype, it was very important because it’s the movement that tries to connect with sectors outside of youth: the poor, immigrants, working class… with the slogan ‘this is not a crisis, it’s a sting’. So the PAH is very important because it’s the movement that connects with sectors of the population outside of youth: workers, immigrants, the elderly… For example, here in Plaza Catalunya in 2011 the only major poster rallying people who weren’t youth was that of the PAH.And the fourth movement – the most ‘authentic’ 15M one – was that of the « Youth without future ». People who organised mainly in Madrid, typical middle-class university sector with post-grad studies, who suddenly realised that they wouldn’t find jobs, that it wasn’t true that their diplomas would open doors for them, they were in a precarious situation.So those were the four major currents that converged in the basis of the 15M. But what made it ‘click’ was not just those 4 trends, but the fact that huge numbers of other people recognised the moment and converged on the plazas and overwhelmed the movements that started it. The most surprising thing about the moment was that those 4 movements – that were not all that important – were rapidly overwhelmed by success of the movement they started and new people who spontaneously joined. That was what really created the phenomenon, because if it had been just those 4 movements, if it had been like ‘Nuit debout’ in Paris where people occupied the plaza but without the sensation that people had steamrollered the leaders. So, when the plazas are evacuated, the idea becomes ‘Let’s go to the neighbourhoods’. So all of a sudden, in the neighbourhoods of Barcelona and Madrid, assemblies were organised where there was a mixture of the old neighbourhood associations that were no longer very active and whose members were older (my generation) and new people who brought new issues like ecology, energy, bicycle transport, cooperatives, water and a thousand different things and who created new spaces of articulation where people who had never thought that they would meet in the neighbourhoods began to converge.I think this explains the re-emergence of municipalism that followed: people begin to see the city as a place where diverse social changes can be articulated on a territorial basis: many mobilisations are taking place in isolation, in a parallel manner and don’t have a common meeting-point. Water as a common good, energy transition, sustainable transport, public health, public space, infant education… All of a sudden there was something that brought people together which was to discuss the city, the city we want – David Harvey mentions in an article that the modern-day factory is the city. That is, we no longer have factories, the city is now the space where conflicts appear and where daily life becomes politicised: issues like care, food, schooling, transport, energy costs – and this creates a new space for articulating these issues that hadn’t been previously envisaged.So I think this is the connection : 15-M as a moment of overwhelming, the end of a cycle of mobilisation – remember that there had been a petition of a million and a half signatures to change the mortgage legislation, that Ada Colau presented in the national Congress, where she accused the PP deputies of being assassins because of what they were doing – but that mobilisation had no effect in the law. A PP deputy declared ‘If these people want to change things, then they should get elected’. So people started thinking ‘OK, if that’s the way it is, then let’s get ourselves elected’. This is the initial change of cycle in 2014. So the 4 movements were present in the meetings of Guanyem and BComun, as well as some progressive intellectuals and people from other issue areas like water, transport, energy etc. That was the initial nucleus here in Barcelona – in Madrid it was different. There the Podemos generation had a different logic. Here, from the beginning, we wanted to create a movement from the bottom up and to avoid a logic of coalition of political parties, this was very clear from the outset. We didn’t want to reconstruct the left on the basis of an agreement amongst parties. We wanted to build a citizen movement that could impose its own conditions on the parties. In the case of Podemos it was different: it was a logic of a strike from above – they wanted to create a strong close-knit group with a lot of ideas in a very short period and as a result an electoral war machine that can assault the heavens and take power. Here, on the other hand, we foresaw a longer process of construction of a movement where we would start with the municipalities and after that, we’ll see.So Guanyem was created in June 2014, 11 months prior to the municipal elections, with a minimal program in 4 points:<ol><li>we said, we want to take back the city, it’s is being taken away from the citizens, people come here to talk about a ‘business-friendly global city’ and they are taking it away from the citizens, we have lost the capacity to control it, as the first point;</li><li>there is a social emergency where many problems don’t get a response;</li><li>we want people to be able to have decision-making capacity in what happens in the city, so co-production of policy, more intense citizen participation in municipal decisions;</li><li>moralisation of politics. Here the main points are non-repetition of mandates, limits on salaries of elected officials, anti-corruption and transparency measures, etc.</li></ol>So we presented this in June 2014 and we decided that we would give ourselves until September to collect 30,000 signatures in support of the manifesto and if we succeeded, we would present candidates in the municipal elections. In one month we managed to get the 30,000 signatures! Besides getting the signatures on internet and in person, we held a lot of meetings in the neighbourhoods to present the manifesto – we held about 30 or 40 meetings like that, some of them small, some more massive, where we went to the neighbourhoods and we said « We thought of this, what do you think? We thought of these priorities, etc’. » So, in September of 2014 we decided to go ahead; once we decided that we would present a slate, we began to discuss with the parties – but with the strength of all that support of 30,000 people backing us at the grassroots, so our negotiating strength with respect to the parties was very different. In Dec 2014 we agreed with the parties to create Barcelona en Comun – we wanted to call it Guanyem but someone else had already registered the name, so there was a lot of discussion about a new name, there were various proposals: Revolucion democratica, primaria democratica, the term Comu – it seemed interesting because it connected with the Commons movement, the idea of the public which is not restricted to the institutional and that was key. It was also important that in the previous municipal elections in 2011 only 52% of people had voted, in the poorer neighbourhoods a higher number of people abstained and that it was in the wealthier neighbourhoods where a larger proportion of people had voted. So we wanted to raise participation by 10% in the poor neighbourhoods more affected by the crisis and we thought that would allow us to win. And that was what happened. In 2015, 63% voted, but in the poor areas 40% more people voted. In the rich areas, the same people voted as before.So it was not impossible to think we could win. And from the beginning the idea was to win. We did not build this machine in order to participate, we built it in order to win. We didn’t want to be the opposition, we wanted to govern. And as a result, it was close, because we won 11 of 41 seats, but got the most votes so we head the municipal council, the space existed. From the moment Guanyem was created in June 2014, other similar movements began to be created all over Spain – in Galicia, in Andalucia, in Valencia, Zaragoza, Madrid… One of the advantages we have in Barcelona is that we have Ada Colau, which is a huge advantage, because a key thing is to have an uncontested leader who can articulate all the segments of the movement – ecologists, health workers, education professionals…. If you don’t have that it’s very difficult, and also the sole presence of Ada Colau explains many things. In Madrid they found Manuela Carmena, who is great as an anti-franquista symbol, with her judicial expertise, very popular but who didn’t have that tradition of articulating movements, and as a result now they are having a lot more problems of political coordination than here.<h3>A New Political Subject for a New Political Era</h3>AA — So now Catalunya en comu defines itself as a new political space on the left for the whole of Catalonia. But in recent Catalan history that’s nothing really new: there have been numerous political coalitions on the left, such as the PSUC<a href="#cite_note-2">[2]</a> in 1936 followed by many others. So what is different about this initiative?JS — If we open up our perspective and look at things more globally, I think that what justifies the idea that this is a new political space is the fact that the moment is new, we’re in a new phase so it’s very important to understand that if this new political moment reproduces the models and the conceptual paradigms of the old left and of the Fordism of the end of the 20th century, we won’t have moved ahead at all. The crisis of social democracy is also a crisis of a way of understanding social transformation with codes that no longer exist. As a result the measure of success of this new political space is not so much in to what extent it can bring together diverse political forces, but rather its capacity to understand this new scenario we find ourselves in – a scenario where digital transformation is changing everything, where we no longer know what ‘labour’ is, where heterogeneity and social diversity appear as factors not of complexity but of values, where the structure of age no longer functions as it used to – where everything is in transformation, so we can no longer continue to apply ideas – to use a phrase coined by Ulrich Beck – ‘zombie concepts’, living dead, no?, we forge ahead with our backpacks full of 20th-century concepts, applying them to realities that no longer have anything to do with them. It’s easy to see the defects of the old, traditional concepts, but it’s very difficult to construct new ones because we don’t really know what is happening nor where we are headed. The example of the debate in France between Valls and Hamon – at least, I read the summary in Le Monde, where Valls maintained that it would be possible to come back to a situation of full employment and Hamon said that is impossible, that it’s necessary to work towards the universal basic income; in the end, Hamon is closer to the truth than Valls, but Hamon isn’t capable of explaining it in a credible way – and it is very difficult to explain it in a credible way.Here, we are working at one and the same time on the Commons and the non-institutional public sphere, we are demanding greater presence of the public administration when probably it wouldn’t really be necessary, but since we don’t have a clear idea of how to construct this new thing, we are still acting sort of like slaves of the old. So that’s where I think the concept of the Commons, of the cooperative, the collaborative, new ideas regarding the digital economy, are more difficult to structure, because we’re also conscious that capitalism is no longer only industrial or financial but now it’s digital capitalism, and it controls all the networks of data transmission and at the same time the data themselves, probably the wealth of the future. So, sure we can do really interesting things in Barcelona, out of Barcelona en Comun, but we have GAFAM (Google, Apple, Facebook, Amazon and Microsoft), and GAFAM has its own logics and that complicates things. So we have to create a new political subject – and it’s obvious that we need something new – but what isn’t so obvious is what are the concepts we need to create this new subject. So if you look at the documents published by Un Pais en Comu<a href="#cite_note-3">[3]</a> that’s what you’ll see: a bit of different language, a different way of using concepts, but at the same time a trace of the heritage of the traditional left. The journal ‘Nous Horitzons’ has just published a new issue on ‘Politics in Common’<a href="#cite_note-4">[4]</a> which brings together a lot of these elements. The impression that some of us had in the assembly the other day in Vall d’Hebron (the inaugural assembly of the movement) was that the old ways were still weighing us down, that there was a difficulty to generate an innovative dynamic.NT — That was clear in the composition of the audience.JS — Yes, well, the Podemos people weren’t there, of course… they didn’t come for various reasons, because probably not everybody was in agreement with Albano-Dante<a href="#cite_note-5">[5]</a> but they saw there was a lot of disagreement and so they preferred not to come, and that’s a type of public that, as well as filling the hall, also changes the type of dynamic – so it was more the traditional-style organisations that were there (Iniciativa or EUIA<a href="#cite_note-6">[6]</a>), there was more of the old than the new probably. Perhaps that’s inevitable, but what we have to do now is to see if we can change that dynamic.AA — When one reads the ‘Ideario politico’ (the political project of Un Pais en Comu) it’s a sort of lesson in political economy, political philosophy as well, but also a vast programme, and the left has never put forward this type of Commons-inspired programme before, be it in Catalunya or in Spain or probably internationally. How do you see its contribution in the context of the Commons ecosystem? There have been experiences of the Commons without the Commons label, as in Latin America …JS — Yes, in Catalunya the anarcho-sindicalist movement…AA — Of course, but more recently, the idea of ‘Buen Vivir’ …JS — Yes, but when you go to Latin America and you talk about that, it all revolves around the State. But here, we try not to be state-centric. We are trying to avoid the idea that the only possible transformation needs to depend on the State.AA — But in the ‘Ideario’ a lot of discussion is devoted to public services as well, this implies that the State has to exist. And in the Commons vocabulary there is the concept of the ‘partner-state’, but it doesn’t appear in the Ideario…JS — Yes, there’s a margin there: the resilience of the new politics depends more on the capacity to create ‘muscled’ collective spaces – public, collective, common – than on the occupation of the institutions. But without the occupation of the institutions, it’s very difficult to construct those spaces. The example that comes to mind for me is from Copenhagen: there it was the cooperatives of the workers’ unions that built the big housing coops that exist now; also, the municipal government when the left was in power built a lot of public housing; then when a right-wing government came to power, it privatised all the public housing but it couldn’t privatise the cooperatives. So in the end, things that are strictly state-based are more vulnerable than when you build collective strength. So if we are able to benefit from these spaces in order to build ‘collective muscle’, using our presence in the institutions, this will end up being more resilient, more stable over time than if we put all our eggs in the State basket. So the Barcelona city government has civic social centres that are municipal property, but what is important is to succeed in ensuring that these centres are controlled by the community, that each community make them its own despite the fact that the property is officially that of the municipality, but they must be managed through a process of community management. So you need to build in the community a process of appropriation of institutions that ends up being stronger than if it were all in the hands of the State.Now we are discussing citizen heritage, how the city government can use its property – houses, buildings – and it can cede them for a certain period in order to construct collective spaces. For example, 8 building sites that belong to the municipality have been put up for auction on 100-year leases for community organisations to build housing cooperatives. This doesn’t take property away from the public sphere and at the same time it generates collective strength. But a certain sector of the political left here, the CUP, criticises this as privatisation of public space. They think Barcelona en Comun should build public housing instead, state-owned housing. That’s a big difference. And people are aware of that, but at the same time there are doubts about whether this makes sense, whether there is sufficient strength within the community so that this can work. Or, for example, the most common criticism is that “you have an idea of the public, the collective, the Commons, that implies capacities in the community that are only present in the middle classes that have the knowledge, the organisational capacity… so it’s a very elitist vision of the collective because the popular sectors, without the backing of the State, won’t be able to do this. » Well, we’re going to try to combine things so it can work, but we don’t want to keep converting the public into the ‘state’.Nancy Fraser wrote an article on the triple movement – looking at Polanyi’s work on the ‘double movement’ in the Great Transformation, that is the movement towards mercantilisation, and the opposite movement it stimulated towards protection. Polanyi talks about the confrontation of these 2 movements in the early 20th century, and the State – in its soviet form or in its fascist form – as a protectionist response of society which demands protection when faced with the uncertainty, the fragility the double movement engenders. Nancy Fraser says that all that is true, but we’re no longer in the 20th century, we’re in the 21st century where factors like individual emancipation, diversity, feminism are all very important – so we shouldn’t be in favour of a protectionist movement that continues to be patriarchal and hierarchical. We need a movement for protection that generates autonomy – and there resides what I think is one of the keys of the Commons movement. The idea of being able to get protection – so, a capacity of reaction against the dynamics of the market attacks – without losing the strength of diversity, of personal emancipation, of feminism, the non-hierarchical, the non-patriarchal, the idea that somebody decide for me what I need to do and how I will be protected. Let me self-protect myself too, let me be a protagonist too of this protection. And this is contradictory with the state-centric tradition.<h3>A Commons Economy, Participation and Co-production of Policy</h3>AA — The first theme of the ‘Ideario’ is the economy – you are an economist, amongst other things – how do you see this proposal in terms of the Commons? For example, there is a lot of discussion now about ‘open cooperativism’, etc. What you were saying about the cooperative movement here, that it is very strong but not sufficient…JS — In some aspects no. For example, the city wanted to open a new contract for communications (telephone, internet) – now there are the big companies Telefonica, Movistar, Vodafone, Orange, etc: there’s a cooperative called ‘Som Connexion’ (We are connection)- or ‘Som Energia’ (We are energy) that’s a lot bigger – it has 40,000 members – but these cooperatives, it would be fantastic if the city were to give them the contract for energy or for communication, but they aren’t capable of managing that at the moment. So if they take it, we’d all have big problems: faulty connections, lack of electrical power – because they’re growing for sure but they don’t yet have the ‘muscle’, the capacity they need to take this on.So we have to continue investing in this, it’s not going to take care of itself. On the other hand, in other areas, like home services for the elderly, we do have very strong cooperatives, Abacus for example is a cooperative for book distribution that has 800 000 members, so that is a coop that’s very powerful, and there are others. But in general, the more powerful the coop, the less politicised it is – they tend to transform themselves into big service companies. But now they are understanding that perhaps it would be in their interest to have a different vision; there has been a very politicised movement in the grassroots level coops that is contradictory with the entrepreneurial trend in the big coops. So we’re in this process right now: yes, there are very big, very strong coops and there are also smaller, more political ones but they don’t have sufficient muscle yet.AA — When we look at issues of participation, co-production of policy and such, it is also a question of culture, a culture of co-production that doesn’t exist. In the neighbourhoods, yes there is a trend to revamping participation, but when we talk to people in the local-level committees they say ‘Sure, people come to the meetings, but because they want a tree planted here…’ and they don’t have that vision of co-creation. So first there has to be a sort of cultural revolution ?JS — There are places where there has been a stronger community tradition that could well converge with this. Some neighbourhoods like Roquetes for example, Barceloneta or Sants, have very strong associational traditions. If you go to Roquetes to the meeting of the community plan, everybody is there: the people from the primary medical services centre, the doctors, the schools are there, the local police, the social workers – and they hold meetings every 2 weeks and they know everything that goes on in the area, and they transfer cases amongst themselves: “we detected this case, how do we deal with it?” etc. The community fabric in those neighbourhoods functions really well. So what can you add to that fabric so that it can go a bit further? On the other hand, in other neighbourhoods like Ciutat Meridiana, in 5 years 50% of the population has changed, so it’s very difficult to create community where the level of expulsion or change is so high. In Sants, in Ca Batlló, there was a very interesting experience where people want to create a cooperative neighbourhood – it’s a bit polemical – they want to create a public school without using public funds, instead using money from the participants themselves, because the coop tradition in Sants is very anarchist, libertarian – so they promote the idea of a public school, open to all, but not using public funds. And it would have its own educational philosophy, that wouldn’t have to submit to standard educational discipline. And groups have appeared in different neighbourhoods dedicated to shared child-raising where there are no pre-schools for children between 0 and 3 years, or people prefer not to take the kids to public pre-schools because they find them too rigid, so they prefer generating relationships amongst parents. So what should the role of the city government be with respect to such initiatives? Should it facilitate or not? There’s a debate about how to position the municipality with respect to these initiatives that are interesting but then when, inside Barcelona en Comú or Catalunya en Comú, the person who is in charge of these issues comes with a more traditional union perspective and says “This is crazy, what we need to do is to create public schools with teachers who are professional civil servants. These experiments are fine for gentrified zones, but in reality…’” And they are partly right. So we’re in that sort of situation, which is a bit ambivalent. We’re conscious that we need to go beyond a state-centric approach, but at the same time we need to be very conscious that if we don’t reinforce the institutional role, the social fragilities are very acute.<h3>The Commons and Issues of Sovereignty, Interdependence and the « Right to Decide »</h3>AA — Another high-profile issue is that of sovereignty. The way it’s presented in the Ideario is criticised both by those who want a unified Spain and by those who want Catalan independence. Sovereignty is simply another word for independence in the view of many people. But the way it’s presented in the Ideario is more complex and comprehensive, linked to autonomy at every level …JS — Exactly: it’s plural, in lower case and plural: sovereignties. The idea is a bit like what I said earlier about the city, that we want to take back the city. We want to recover the collective capacity to decide over what affects us. So it’s fine to talk about the sovereignty of Catalonia, but we also need to talk about digital sovereignty, water sovereignty, energy sovereignty, housing sovereignty – sovereignty in the sense of the capacity to decide over that which affects us. So we don’t have to wait until we have sovereignty over Catalonia in order to grapple with all this. And this has obvious effects: for example, something we are trying to develop here: a transit card that would be valid on all forms of public transit – like the “Oyster” in London, and many other cities have them – an electronic card that you can use for the train, the metro, the bus: the first thing the Barcelona city government did on this was to ask the question “Who will own the data? “. That’s sovereignty. The entity that controls the data on who moves and how in metropolitan Barcelona has an incredible stock of information with a clear commercial value. So will it belong to the company that incorporates the technology? or will the data belong to the municipality and the municipality will do with it what it needs? At the moment, they are installing digital electricity metres and digital water metres: but to whom do the data belong? because these are public concessions, concessions to enterprises in order that they provide a public service – so who owns the data?This is a central issue. And it is raised in many other aspects, like food sovereignty. So, we want to ensure that in the future Barcelona be less dependent on the exterior for its food needs, as far as possible. So you need to work to obtain local foodstuffs, control over the products that enter – and that implies food sovereignty, it implies discussing all this. So, without saying that the sovereignty of Catalonia isn’t important, we need to discuss the other sovereignties. Because, suppose we attain the sovereignty of Catalonia as an independent state, but we are still highly dependent in all the other areas. We need to confront this. I don’t think it’s a way of avoiding the issue, it’s a way of making it more complex, of understanding that today the Westphalian concept of State sovereignty no longer makes much sense. I think we all agree on that. We are very interdependent, so how do we choose our interdependencies? That would be real sovereignty, not to be independent because that’s impossible, but rather how to better choose your interdependencies so that they have a more public content.AA — Talking of interdependence, there is the issue as well of internationalism. Barcelona en Comú puts a lot of emphasis on that, saying ‘There is no municipalism without internationalism’ etc. From the very outset of her mandate, Ada Colau in 2015 in her inaugural speech as mayor said that ‘we will work to build a movement of cities of the Mediterranean’, and as time goes on the approach is becoming clearer, for example with the participation of Colau and the vice-mayor Gerardo Pisarello in the major international city conferences. What do you see as the importance of this internationalism within the Commons ecosystem?JS — There are 2 key aspects for me. First, cities are clearly the most global political space and zone of social convergence that exists. Apparently when we talk about cities we’re talking about something local, but cities are actually very globalised. Benjamin Barber wrote a book about ‘Why Mayors should govern the world’. And he set out an example I think is very good: if the mayor of Montreal meets with Ada and the mayor of Nairobi and the mayor of Santiago de Chile and the mayor of say Hong-Kong, after 5 minutes together they’ll all be talking about the same things. Because the problems of cities are very similar from one place to another despite their different sizes. Questions of energy, transport, water, services, food… If we try to imagine that same meeting between Heads of State, the complexity of the political systems, cultural traditions, constitutional models and all will mean that the challenge of coming to a common understanding will be much more complex. That doesn’t mean that cities are the actors that will resolve climate change, but certainly the fact that Oslo, Copenhagen, Amsterdam, Barcelona and Paris agree that in 2025 there will no longer be cars circulating that use diesel will have more impact than a meeting of Heads of State. With AirBnB Barcelona is in constant confrontation, the city has fined them 600 000 euros, but Barcelona on its own can’t combat AirBnB. But New York, Paris, London, Amsterdam and Barcelona have come to an agreement to negotiate jointly with AirBnb: those 5 cities together can negotiate with them. But it isn’t the problem for States, it’s much more a problem for cities than for States. And AirBnB uses digital change to enter spaces where there is a lack of precision – it’s what happens too with Uber, Deliveroo and other platforms of so-called ‘collaborative economy’, which is really extractive economy, but which use the reglamentary voids. The people who work for Uber or Deliveroo aren’t employees, they are independent entrepreneurs but they work in 19th century conditions. Tackling this problem from the level of the city can produce new solutions.I think when we decided in 2014-2015 to attempt to work at the municipal level in Barcelona, we were aware that Barcelona isn’t just any city: Barcelona has an international presence and we wanted to use Barcelona’s international character to exert an influence on urban issues worldwide. Ada Colau participated in the Habitat conference in Quito in October 2016, before that in the meeting of local authorities in Bogota, she is now co-president of the World Union of Municipalities. So there’s an investment that didn’t start just with us but that started in the period when Maragall<a href="#cite_note-7">[7]</a> was mayor, a very high investment by Barcelona in participating in this international sphere of cities. This reinforces Barcelona in its confrontations with the State and with private enterprise as well. It plays an important role. There is an international commission within Barcelona en Comú, they are constantly working with other world cities – they have been in France, they have a strong link with Grenoble and will be going to a meeting of French cities in September to talk about potential collaboration, they often go to Italy, they’ve gone to Belgrade, to Poland. In June they’re organising a meeting of Fearless Cities, with the participation of many mayors from major cities in Europe and around the world. So there is a very clear vision of the global aspect. So the global dimension is very present, and at the level of Spain as well. The problem there is that there is political interference, for example in Madrid, which is very important as a city, but within the municipal group “Ahora Madrid” they’re very internally divided, so sometimes you speak to one and the others don’t like it. We have really good relations with Galicia: A Coruña and Santiago de Compostela, also with Valencia, but Valencia also has its own dynamic. Zaragoza. Each city has its own dynamic, so sometimes it’s complicated to establish on-going relations.AA — What about Cadiz?JS — Of course, Cadiz is also part of this trend, but the group there is part of the Podemos anti-capitalist faction, so there are nuances.NT — You mentioned 2 points regarding internationalism…JS — Yes, first there was the general global perspective on cities and the second is Barcelona’s own concrete interest. So the first is more global, that is, any city in the world today has many more possibilities if it looks at its strategic global role and if it wants to strengthen its position, it has to work on the global level. In the case of Barcelona specifically, there is also a will that’s partly traditional, because it was begun by Maragall, you have to remember that here in Barcelona there are 10 districts, and during the war of the Balkans, Maragall created District 11, which was Sarajevo: city technicians went to Sarajevo to work with them, and still today there are municipal technicians who travel regularly to Gaza to work there, or with La Havana – in other words there’s a clearly established internationalist stance in the municipality. Also, the headquarters of the World Union of Local Governments is in Barcelona. The international headquarters of Educating Cities is in Barcelona, so there has constantly been a will to be present on the international scene since Maragall, and now this is continuing but with a new orientation as well. Perhaps there used to be the idea of exporting the Barcelona model, branding Barcelona, but that is no longer the case. There’s very intense organisation globally, probably if Ada accepted all the invitations she receives, she’d be travelling all the time.AA — Coming back to the issue of sovereignty vs independence and “the right to decide”, how does this play out?JS — The issue of independence is internally very complex with different positions. I think there is a general agreement on 3 things, ie:<ol><li>Catalonia has its own demos and therefore is a political subject which must be recognised,</li><li>it has to be able to decide how to articulate itself with the other political subjects in Spain and in Europe, it has to have the right, the capacity to decide;</li><li>this requires the construction of a State of its own.</li></ol>It is on the fourth point that we are not in agreement: whether that State should be independent or whether it should be in some way linked, allied, confederated with the rest of the Iberian Peninsula or with Europe. These 3 initial points are sufficiently important and they are the basis for the fact that Catalunya en Comú or Barcelona en Comú is part of the broad sovereigntist space in Catalonia. What it isn’t part of is the independentist space in Catalonia. Despite the fact that I would say some 30-40% of the members are pro-independence, but the rest not. And that is an issue which divides us. But what we are trying to do is to work out this debate on the basis of our own criteria, not on those of other movements. The criteria of the others are ‘you are independentist or you are not independentist’. Our own criteria are: yes, we are sovereigntists, we discuss sovereignties and we’ll see. Since we agree on what is the most important (that is – an autonomous political subject, the right to decide, an autonomous State), let’s discuss how we can articulate. We have fraternal relations with 4 million people in the rest of Spain who agree with us on the first 3 criteria. So the key question probably would be: Does Catalonia want to separate from the rest of Spain or from this Spain? The standard response would be “We have never known any other. We’ve always seen the same Spain, so there is no other Spain”. So the debate we can have is over “Yes, another Spain is possible”. Sort of like the debate right now over whether to leave Europe: do we want to leave Europe of leave this Europe? But is another Europe possible or not?<h3>The Challenges of Scale</h3>NT — I am struck by the fact that every time we refer to the initiative of Catalunya en Comú, you respond by giving the example of what’s happening in Barcelona: do you see Barcelona as the model for Un Pais en Comú?JS — No, it’s not that it’s the model, there is even some reticence within Barcelona en Comú that this new political initiative may have negative consequences for Barcelona en Comú. The Barcelona in Comú experiment has worked really well: within BeC political parties continue to exist (Podemos, Iniciativa, EUIA, Guanyem) and all agree that it’s necessary to create this subject, because it’s clear – there’s a phrase by a former mayor of Vitoria in the Basque country who said “Where my capacities end, my responsibilities begin” – that is, clearly, cities are developing roles that are more and more important, but their capacities continue to be very limited and especially their resources are very limited – so there’s an imbalance between capacities and responsibilities. Between what cities could potentially do and what they really can do. Refuge-cities – a thousand things. So within Barcelona en Comú there is an understanding of the interest of creating Catalunya en Comú in order to have influence in other levels of government. And to present candidates in elections in Spain with En Comú Podem because to be represented in Madrid is also important. But of course, sometimes this expansion can make us lose the most original aspect, that is the emphasis on municipalism, in the capacity to create these spaces – so there’s a certain tension. And obviously, when you go outside Barcelona in Catalonia, the local and territorial realities are very different, you find… you no longer control what kind of people are joining and so you can end up with surprises – good and bad ones – so there are some doubts, some growing pains. You have to grow, but how will that affect what we have so far? our ways of working and all that… I always refer to Barcelona en Comú because we have existed for longer, we have a sort of ‘tradition’ in the way we work, and on the contrary, the other day we held the founding assembly of Catalunya en Comú and – where are we headed? how long will we be able to maintain the freshness, avoid falling into the traditional vices of political parties? Xavi (Domenech) is a very good candidate, he has what I call a Guanyem DNA, but it’s not evident that we can pull this through. That’s the doubt.NT — How do you assess the results of the founding assembly of Catalunya en Comú? Are you happy with what came out of it?JS — Yes, I’m satisfied, although I don’t think the results were optimal, but we are squeezed by a political calendar that we don’t control. It’s very probable that there will be elections this year in Catalonia, so if that happens… what would have been preferable? To reproduce the Barcelona en Comú model, take more time and work more from the bottom up, hold meetings throughout the territory – we did hold about 70 or 80, but a lot more would have been better – do things more slowly and look around, build links with local movements, the same ones as in Barcelona but on the level of Catalonia – energy, water, etc: reconstruct the same process. But sure, they’re going to call elections or a referendum in 2 days. What is clear is that we can’t do the same thing as with ‘Catalunya si que es pot’<a href="#cite_note-8">[8]</a>, which was a coalition but it didn’t work. So all this has meant that the process – despite the fact that I think it has been carried out well, is not optimal: within the realm of the possible, I think it was done with great dignity.NT — And with respect to the deliberative process that was used to arrive at the final document?JS — Basically the same thing: it could have been done better, with deeper debates in each area, it was done very quickly, a lot of issues in a short period of time. The task was very complex, and I think the result is worthy. We tried to avoid standardised jargon and parameters, to make it a bit different. So now we’ll see – yesterday the Executive met for the first time, and on May 13 will be the first meeting of the coordinating group of 120 people<a href="#cite_note-9">[9]</a>. So we’ll have to see how this all is gotten underway. I am not convinced that it will all be functional in time for the Catalan elections, for me the key date is May 2019 which are the next municipal elections. Then we’ll see if this has really jelled and if we can have a significant presence throughout the territory. This territorial vision is very important in order to avoid a top-down construction. The key thing in Catalonia is to do it with dignity and not to become entrapped in this dual logic of independence or not, to be capable of bringing together a social force that is in that position.<div class="" style="font-size: .8em;">NOTES<ol class="references"><li id="cite_note-1"><a href="#cite_ref-1">↑</a> Autonomous elections are those held in the 17 Autonomous Communities of Spain created by the 1978 Constitution. Catalunya is one of them.</li><li id="cite_note-2"><a href="#cite_ref-2">↑</a> The Unified Socialist Party of Catalonia or PSUC: Founded in 1936, it allied the main parties of the Catalan left around the Communist Party. It was dissolved in 1987.</li><li id="cite_note-3"><a href="#cite_ref-3">↑</a> « A country in common ». The process, carried out in a transparent and well-documented manner, began with a negotiation with certain left-wing parties and movements, and encouraged discussion and new proposals at popular assemblies throughout the region and in online discussion open to the public. More than 3,000 people participated in 70 assemblies and more than 1,700 proposals and amendments were made online with the webpage registering nearly 130,000 hits. The Assembly discussed and voted on the various amendments and agreed on a transitional structure composed of a coordinating body of 120 members and an executive committee of 33 members, each with a one-year mandate to propose an ethical code, statutes, an organizational structure and political options in the unfolding conjuncture. </li><li id="cite_note-4"><a href="#cite_ref-4">↑</a> « La Politica de Comù » in Nous horitzons (New Horizons) No. 215, 2017. Originally titled Horitzons, the magazine was founded in 1960 in clandestinity and published in Catalan abroad by intellectuals linked to the PSUC. It has been published in Catalonia since 1972. It recently opened its pages to other progressive political tendencies. </li><li id="cite_note-5"><a href="#cite_ref-5">↑</a> Albano Dante Fachin, member of the Catalan parliament, is the head of Podem (the Catalan wing of the Podemos party). He opposed the participation of his party in the constituent assembly of Un Pais en Comù thus creating a crisis in the ranks of Podemos at both the Catalan and national levels. Party leader Pablo Iglesias did not disown him, but delegated his national second-in-command Pablo Echenique to represent him in the assembly. </li><li id="cite_note-6"><a href="#cite_ref-6">↑</a> Coalitions of the Catalan left since the transition period of the 1970s have been numerous and complex for the uninitiated. « Iniciativa for Catalonia Verts » dates from 1995 and was composed of the Green party with Iniciativa for Catalonia, itself a 1987 coalition of the left parties around the PSUC and the former Catalan Communist Party. EUIA (United and Alternative Left) is another coalition in 1998 which includes the first two and all the small parties of the radical left. EUIA is the Catalan branch of Izquierda Unida (United Left) the new name of the Spanish Communist Party. </li><li id="cite_note-7"><a href="#cite_ref-7">↑</a> Pasqual Maragall, member and later president of the Catalan Socialist Party, became mayor of Barcelona in 1982 with the support of the elected members of the Unified Socialist Party of Catalonia (PSUC). He remained in this position for almost 15 years without ever having a majority in the municipal council. He then became President of the Catalan government in 2003.</li><li id="cite_note-8"><a href="#cite_ref-8">↑</a> Catalunya Sí que es Pot (CSQP, « Yes Catalonia Is Possible ») is a left-wing coalition created in view of the Catalan elections in the autumn of 2015. Barcelona en Comù, itself a municipal coalition, was elected in May 2015 but decided not to run in the autonomous elections. </li><li id="cite_note-9"><a href="#cite_ref-9">↑</a> The election result was no surprise: ‘A country in common’ founder Xavier Domenech will preside the Executive Committee and Ada Colau, the current mayor of Barcelona, is president of the coordinating body. The membership, via an internet vote, chose on May 20 a new name preferring « Catalunya en Comù » to « En Comú podem », thus distinguishing itself from the 2015 Catalan coalition with Podemos, also called « En comu podem » and signalling a reinforcement of the « Barcelona en Comù » wing with respect to the supporters of Podemos in the new entity. The rejection of the earlier name ‘Un Pais en Comu’ may also denote a desire to distance itself from a pro-independence stance.</li></ol></div>i> </ol> </div>)
Chargement/Site + (Les voies maritimes< … Les voies maritimes, a beautiful idea of video about a project of protected sea area. <iframe loading="lazy" frameborder="0" width="400" height="225" src="//www.dailymotion.com/embed/video/xu8azp" allowfullscreen></iframe> By <a href="http://www.aires-marines.fr/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Aires-marines-protegees</a>Three photographers have traveled for months Normand Breton Gulf stretching from the island of Brehat to Cape of La Hague and which is the subject of a proposed marine park. Rodolphe Marics, Denis Bourges and Xavier Desmier propose an X-ray of the marine space in three different and complementary points of view: aerial photos, hiking and underwater.Les voies maritimes was born of a partnership between the Agency for Marine Protected Areas and the association Les champs photographiques.maritimes was born of a partnership between the Agency for Marine Protected Areas and the association Les champs photographiques.)
Chargement/Site + (<iframe loading="lazy" src="// … <iframe loading="lazy" src="//www.youtube.com/embed/a0J2gj80EVI?rel=0" width="400" height="225" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe>« Sans Lendemain », est un film d’animation sur l’exploitation des énergies fossiles et des ressources naturelles et leurs conséquences sur la vie humaine sur la planète. Il est réalisé par Dermot O’ Connor et produit par Incubate Pictures. en 35 minutes, il aborde de façon très intelligible toute une série de problématiques liées à la croissance de notre système économique et à notre façon de consommer.Réalisation : Dermot O’ Connor (35 minutes, 2012).<a href="http://www.idleworm.com">http://www.idleworm.com</a> <a href="http://www.incubatepictures.com">http://www.incubatepictures.com</a> – <a href="http://www.angryanimator.com">http://www.angryanimator.com</a>Information et documentation sur le site <a href="http://sansLendemain.mpOC.be">http://sansLendemain.mpOC.be</a>.Titre original étasunien : There’s no tomorrow. <a href="https://www.youtube.com/redirect?q=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.youtube.com%2Fwatch%3Fv%3DVOMWzjrRiBg&redir_token=PRF4kw9bwKfWe7SJ5S33XwpWSiZ8MTQwMTM2NzY0MEAxNDAxMjgxMjQw">https://www.youtube.com</a>Version française 2013 due à l’initiative du groupe de Liège du mpOC, Mouvement politique des objecteurs de croissance (le mpOC n’est pas un parti politique).Avec le soutien de : Amis de la Terre Belgique, ASPO.be (section belge de l’Association for the Study of Peak Oil and Gas), GRAPPE (Groupe de Réflexion et d’Action Pour une Politique Ecologique), IEW (Inter-Environnement Wallonie), Imagine demain le monde, mpOC.Traduction : Francis Leboutte. Voix : Caroline Lamarche. Mixage voix : Margarida Guia. Sous-titres en néerlandais, allemand, anglais, français, espagnol et italien.aduction : Francis Leboutte. Voix : Caroline Lamarche. Mixage voix : Margarida Guia. Sous-titres en néerlandais, allemand, anglais, français, espagnol et italien.)
Chargement/Site + (<iframe loading="lazy" title=" … <iframe loading="lazy" title="Claiming the Commons - Food for All on Haultain Boulevard" width="880" height="660" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/25F_KbTz39o?feature=oembed" frameborder="0" allow="accelerometer; autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture" allowfullscreen></iframe>Peak Moment 185: Rainey Hopewell’s crazy idea has ended up feeding a neighborhood and creating community. She and Margot Johnston planted vegetables in the parking strip in front of their house. They offer them free for the taking ? to anyone, anytime ? with messages chalked on the sidewalk noting when particular vegies are ready to pick. Neighboring children and adults are joining in to work on the garden, harvesting fun along with food, and even handing fresh-picked vegies to passers-by.Mise en ligne le 20 nov. 2010Licence YouTube standardgt; Mise en ligne le 20 nov. 2010 Licence YouTube standard)
Chargement/Site + (<iframe loading="lazy" title=" … <iframe loading="lazy" title="Tragedies, comedies and other dramas of the Commons by Bonnie McCay #IASC #Japan2013" width="880" height="660" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/fbzUurdT_EY?feature=oembed" frameborder="0" allow="accelerometer; autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture" allowfullscreen></iframe><a href="http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fbzUurdT_EY">Tragedies, comedies and other dramas of the Commons by Bonnie McCay #IASC #Japan2013 – YouTube</a>.ramas of the Commons by Bonnie McCay #IASC #Japan2013 – YouTube</a>.)
Chargement/Site + (<iframe loading="lazy" title=" … <iframe loading="lazy" title="Claiming the Commons - Food for All on Haultain Boulevard" width="880" height="660" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/25F_KbTz39o?feature=oembed" frameborder="0" allow="accelerometer; autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture" allowfullscreen></iframe>Espace urbain – Théories & Pratiques (Co-production) de SchoolofCommoningPeak Moment 185: Rainey Hopewell’s crazy idea has ended up feeding a neighborhood and creating community. She and Margot Johnston planted vegetables in the parking strip in front of their house. They offer them free for the taking ? to anyone, anytime ? with messages chalked on the sidewalk noting when particular vegies are ready to pick. Neighboring children and adults are joining in to work on the garden, harvesting fun along with food, and even handing fresh-picked vegies to passers-by.Mise en ligne le 20 nov. 2010Licence YouTube standardX CanadaX FoodX GardenX JardinX nourritureX Permaculturelt;p>Licence YouTube standard X CanadaX FoodX GardenX JardinX nourritureX Permaculture)
Chargement/Site + (<img decoding="async" loading= … <img decoding="async" loading="lazy" class="aligncenter size-full wp-image-4963" src="https://www.remixthecommons.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/07/pla_barcelona_digital_city_in-2.jpg" alt="" width="600" height="300" /> In the last elections in May, Barcelona en Comù has formed an alliance with the Catalan Socialist Party to form a new municipal government with a common agenda and Ada Colau was re-elected for another 4-year term. The first term of office 2015-2019 was held with a minority government and in a regional and national context that was politically and ideologically unfavourable to the development of a « new municipalism of the commons » and an « alternative way of doing politics » that Barcelona claimed to be « en Comù ».The time has come to take stock and, of course, many will have something to say about the achievements made by comparing them to the initial programme. But when we see on the one hand the concrete achievements that often go beyond or question the competences of a municipality (housing, mobility, civic income, health, immigration, tourism, feminisation of politics, energy and technological sovereignty, etc) and on the other hand, what has been done to put transparency in the relationship between the institution, the social movements and the neighbourhood assemblies and the research, for a co-production of policies, we can affirm that the results are generally positive.The commons movement members and the supporters of a new municipalism, can be pleased that, thanks to a coalition of social movements, that has had the courage (and it is necessary) to invest an institution impregnated with neo-liberal practices and a logic of political parties fights, that is often far from the needs and realities of residents, Barcelona remains one of the most dynamic laboratories of urban commons and a model to which to refer.The <a href="https://ajuntament.barcelona.cat/digital/sites/default/files/pla_barcelona_digital_city_in.pdf_barcelona_digital_city_in.pdf">review of the digital plan</a> implemented during the first mandate proposed here is characteristic of the achievements, critical path and creativity of this laboratory.Here is how the city summarizes the principles of its action:<blockquote>Establish itself as a global reference point as a city of commons and collaborative production End privatisation and transfer of public assets in private hands, while promoting remunicipalisation of critical urban infrastructures Massively reduce the cost of basic services like housing, transport, education and health, in order to assist those in the most precarious strata of the population Institute a citizens basic income focused on targeting proverty and social exclusion Barcelona Digital City Plan (2015-2019) Build data-driven models of the economy, with real inputs (using real time data analytics) so that participatory democracy could model complex decisions Prefer and promote collaborative organisations over both the centralised state and the market solutions (start investing higher percentages of public budget in innovative SMEs and the cooperative sector) Build city data commons: decree that the networked data of the population generated in the context of using public services cannot be owned by services operators</blockquote>These principles are embodied in an action programme, the effects of which are detailed in this document. In addition to the emblematic 13,000 policy proposals from the inhabitants, of which 9.245 (72%) have been accepted, there have been 126 cases of corruption reported through the Transparency mailbox since 2017 or the inclusion of gender differences in the STEAM education and technological training programme.Finally, Barcelona, here as in other areas, is building on and strengthening city networks. It initiated – with New York and Amsterdam – the Coalition of Cities for Digital Rights and launched the campaign « 100 Cities in 100 Days » to defend 5 principles of digital policy:<blockquote><ul><li>Equal and universal access to Internet and computer literacy Barcelona Digital City Plan (2015-2019)</li><li>Privacy, data protection and security</li><li>Transparency, accountability and non-discrimination in data, content and algorithms</li><li>Participatory democracy, diversity, and inclusion</li><li>Open and ethical digital service standards</li></ul></blockquote>The cities of the Coalition are developing common roadmaps, laws, tools, actions and resources to protect the digital rights of residents and visitors.Alain Ambrosi and Frédéric SultanFor a more exhaustive assessment see the sector-by-sector assessment on the <a href="https://barcelonaencomu.cat/es">Barcelona Joint Site (in Spanish)</a> protect the digital rights of residents and visitors. Alain Ambrosi and Frédéric Sultan For a more exhaustive assessment see the sector-by-sector assessment on the <a href="https://barcelonaencomu.cat/es">Barcelona Joint Site (in Spanish)</a> )
Chargement/Site + (Alain AmbrosiAvant même le dénouement de la crise dans laquelle se trouvent les Catalans après l’ultimatum lancé par le gouvernement espagnol, il est important de faire circuler dans l’écosystème des communs la tournure des événements en Catalogne et la position que prennent les organismes, institutions et associations catalanes qui se réclament des communs.Rappelons les faits : après avoir réprimé violemment les manifestations pacifiques des Catalans partisans de la tenue d’un référendum qu’ils soient pour ou contre l’indépendance, le gouvernement de Mariano Rajoy vient d’emprisonner Jordi Sànchez et Jordi Cuixart sous l’accusation de sédition pour avoir appelé à ces manifestations pacifiques. Par ce geste, le gouvernent espagnol viole les droits fondamentaux d’expression et de manifestation consignés dans la Déclaration des droits de l’homme en 1948 et reproduits depuis dans nombre de conventions dont celle de l’Europe sur la Protection des droits humains et des libertés fondamentales de 1950. Cette escalade dans la répression de revendications pacifiques dans un cadre démocratique est appuyée sans hésitations par les partis espagnols de droite (Parti Populaire) et de centre droit (Ciudadanos) et les sociaux démocrates du PSOE (Parti socialiste ouvrier espagnol) ce qui présage mal pour la suite des événements qui, selon l’Article 155 de la constitution, pourrait mettre fin au statut d’autonomie de la Catalogne.Sans être indépendantistes ni pour la tenue d’un référendum unilatéral, Barcelona en Comù (l’organisation de la maire de Barcelone Ada Colau minoritaire au conseil de ville de Barcelone depuis 2015) et Catalunya en Comù (le nouvel espace politique catalan créé en avril de cette année) avaient appelé, au nom du « droit à décider », à la mobilisation populaire lors du référendum du 1er octobre et aux manifestations pacifiques qui l’ont précédé et suivi. Après l’arrestation des deux dirigeants indépendantistes, les deux organisations ont annulé leurs activités courantes et <a href="https://www.barcelonaencomu.cat/ca/premsa/barcelona-en-comu-considera-un-atac-gravissim-la-democracia-i-als-drets-basics-lempresonament">ont condamné vertement</a> ce geste anti-démocratique et appelé la population à se joindre aux manifestations pacifiques prévues le 17 octobre. Le communiqué de Catalunya en Comù l’exprime ainsi : Il est absolument intolérable dans toute démocratie d’emprisonner des représentants de la société civile pour leurs idées politiques et des manifestations pacifiques. Nous exigeons la liberté immédiate de ceux qui sont désormais des prisonniers politiques et demandons à toutes les forces politiques de ne pas être complices de cette attaque aux libertés fondamentales. Nous appelons à participer aux manifestations d’aujourd’hui [heures et lieux].De nombreuses autres organisations de la société civile se joignent à cette position dont en particulier le Réseau de l’Économie Solidaire (<a href="http://xes.cat/2017/10/17/comunicat-rebuig-detencio-dels-presidents-lanc-omnium/">Xarxa de Economia Solidaria</a>) qui est partie prenante de l’économie coopérative en plateforme dans l’écosystème catalan des communs aux côtés de la mairie de Barcelone.De son côté, la mairie de Barcelone publie <a href="http://eldigital.barcelona.cat/es/declaracion-institucional-de-rechazo-al-encarcelamiento-de-jordi-sanchez-y-jordi-cuixart_563009.html">une déclaration institutionnelle</a> condamnant les arrestations et appelant la population à manifester pacifiquement. Il est à noter que cette déclaration est signée par tous les partis sauf les partis de droite et centre droit (Parti Populaire, Ciudadanos) ainsi que le PSC Parti socialiste Catalan – qui en prenant cette position confirme son alignement sur le PSOE national et met en question l’appui qu’il donnait à Barcelona en Comù au sein de la municipalité.Au lendemain des impressionnantes manifestations aux chandelles effectuées dans le calme pour la libération des deux accusés, une nouvelle coalition vient de se former pour coordonner les manifestations pacifiques. Sous le nom de <a href="https://www.vilaweb.cat/noticies/neix-en-peu-de-pau-una-iniciativa-per-coordinar-les-mobilizaciones-pacifiques/">« En Peu de Pau »</a> (littéralement « En pied de paix »), ce regroupement initié par douze organismes réunit des entités qui vont des Collectifs de pompiers aux Universités pour la démocratie. Il inclut également les deux organisations des accusés, l’ANC et Omnium Cultural. Dans la présentation, la philosophe Marina Garces, connue entre autres pour ses écrits et son engagement sur les Communs, voit cette nouvelle initiative comme « un espace d’intelligence collective basé sur la confiance contre le mécanisme de la peur ».Pour vous donner une idée de la répression et de l’attitude des manifestants, je propose la <a href="https://www.vilaweb.cat/noticies/a-video-denounces-spains-authoritarianism-help-catalonia-save-europe/">un vidéo</a> qui donne une idée de la répression et de l’attitude des manifestants. Il est réalisé par <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Òmnium_Cultural">Omnium Cultural</a>, l’organisation dirigée Jordi Cuixart. Omnium est une organisation culturelle qui promeut la culture et la langue catalanes depuis 1960. Elle n’est devenue indépendantiste qu’en 2012. Si Rajoy continue sa répression aveugle, il va convertir à l’indépendantisme beaucoup d’autres organisations et individus aujourd’hui non partisans d’une révision de la constitution espagnole et d’une république catalane associée ou non avec l’Espagne.: large;">Omnium Cultural</a>, l’organisation dirigée Jordi Cuixart. Omnium est une organisation culturelle qui promeut la culture et la langue catalanes depuis 1960. Elle n’est devenue indépendantiste qu’en 2012. Si Rajoy continue sa répression aveugle, il va convertir à l’indépendantisme beaucoup d’autres organisations et individus aujourd’hui non partisans d’une révision de la constitution espagnole et d’une république catalane associée ou non avec l’Espagne.)
Chargement/Site + (Glossary of the com … Glossary of the commonsThe aim is to have a definition exercice, in French, of the vocabulary used in our community. The Glossary will be multi-dimensional using multimedia tools and different level of meanings. We intend also to work as well with non french speaking people to set up the list of terms. It will use Charlotte Hess mapping approach to classify terms into different fields.See more information in the<a href="https://www.remixthecommons.org/2013/08/un-chantier-po…-biens-communs/"> french version</a> of this post.mmons.org/2013/08/un-chantier-po…-biens-communs/"> french version</a> of this post.)
Chargement/Site + (How to equip the in … How to equip the inhabitants with tools and methods that allow them to claim the consideration of a joint management of the social, cultural and economic resources of urban life? We believe that knowledge and mastery of legal mechanisms that allow urban commons to prosper, is an essential part of the answer to this question.Atlas of the Charters of the Urban Commons is to provide socio-technical device to appropriate these tools, by articulating three actions:<ol><li>achieve and maintain an open and interactive inventory of legal mechanisms dedicated to the implementation of urban commons.</li><li>provide a collective space for analysis and interpretation of the governance mechanisms of the urban commons that will produce a new shared knowledge among commoners in a cross-cultural perspective.</li><li>provide a space for exchange and mutual aid around the development of charters and legal instruments for the regeneration or creation of urban commons.</li></ol>Analysis of the Bologna regulation :<iframe style="width: 900px; height: 500px; border: 1px solid black;" src="https://framindmap.org/c/maps/198701/embed?zoom=1"> </iframe>To contribute to this work, please use <a href="https://framindmap.org/c/maps/198701/edit">framindmap.org</a> (You need to be identified)<a href="https://wiki.remixthecommons.org/index.php/Atlas_des_chartes_des_communs_urbains">More information</a> p.org</a> (You need to be identified) <a href="https://wiki.remixthecommons.org/index.php/Atlas_des_chartes_des_communs_urbains">More information</a> )
Chargement/Site + (Appel à idées ! <p&g … Appel à idées !Soumettez une idée qui encourage l’Europe en laquelle nous croyons : une Europe fondée sur la solidarité et l’ouverture, façonné et nourrie par le peuple.Nous vivons et travaillons dans un environnement de plus en plus complexe. À travers l’Europe et ses pays voisins, un nombre croissant de personnes sont confrontées quotidiennement à la discrimination et à l’exclusion, que ce soit sur un plan économique, politique ou culturel. Un tel phénomène a pour conséquence une fragmentation croissante des sociétés, une montée de l’extrémisme et une division toujours plus grande entre les peuples, mais aussi entres les individus et les institutions qui les gouvernent.Les mouvements migratoires, la méfiance envers les institutions traditionnelles et l’écart grandissant entre l’idée d’une Europe démocratique et la réalité d’un continent divisé sont parmi les plus grands défis auxquels nous sommes aujourd’hui confrontés. Ces défis ne sont pas nouveaux, mais ils ont atteint un degré qui affecte directement les systèmes et les politiques existantes, tant au niveau national qu’au niveau européen. La troisième édition de l’Idea Camp portée par l’European Cultural Foundation (ECF) et intitulée « Communautés en mouvement », s’attachera à mettre en lumière les mouvements de résistance qui s’attachent à contrer des pratiques anti-démocratiques. Organisé en collaboration avec Platoniq, l’Idea Camp aura lieu du 1er au 3 Mars 2017 en Espagne et réunira 50 participants dont les idées novatrices démontrent la ferme volonté d’encourager l’imagination politique, favoriser la construction de liens et contribuer au développement d’une société fondée sur le principe de justice sociale. Basé sur des valeurs de partage, d’inclusion et d’ouverture, l’Idea Camp offre aux participants une occasion unique de rencontrer des pairs venus de toute l’Europe et de ses pays voisins, dont les pratiques sont porteuses devisions différentes. Suite à l’appel à idées, 50 participants sont sélectionnés sur critères. ECF couvrira, pour la durée de l’Idea Camp, les frais de déplacement et de séjour en Espagne d’un représentant pour chaque idée. Après l’Idea Camp, les participants seront invités à soumettre une proposition concrète de recherche ou d’implémentation de leur idée. 25 propositions seront retenues et recevront une bourse de recherche et développement d’un montant maximum de 10.000 €. Initié en 2014, l’Idea Camp est organisé dans le cadre de « Connected Action for the Commons », un programme d’action et de recherche développé par ECF en collaboration avec six organisation culturelles implantées dans toute l’Europe: Culture 2 Commons (Croatie), Les Têtes de l’Art (France), KrytykaPolityczna (Pologne), Oberliht (Moldavie), Platoniq – Goteo (Espagne) et Subtopia (Suède).Pour soumettre votre idée, remplissez le formulaire en ligne suivant : http://www.culturalfoundation.eu/idea-camp-call/ivant : http://www.culturalfoundation.eu/idea-camp-call/)
Chargement/Site + (Because the practices of commonin … Because the practices of commoning fly in the face of market culture, they are frequently misunderstood. What is this process of committed collaboration toward shared goals? people may wonder. How does it work, especially when many industries want to privatize control of the resource or prevent competition via commoning?Matthieu Rhéaume, a commoner and game designer who lives Montreal, decided that a card game could be a great vehicle for introducing people to the commons. The result of his efforts is “C@rds in Common: A Game of Political Collaboration.” “I see playfulness as a sense-making tool,” Matthieu told me. “People can play casually and be surprised by the meta-learning [about the commons] that results.”It all began at the World Social Forum (WSF) conference in Montreal in August 2016. Rhéaume decided to use the opportunity to synthesize viewpoints about the commons from a group of 50 participants and use the results to develop the card game. He persuaded the Charles Léopold Mayer Foundation and Gazibo, both based in France, to support development of the game. Fifty commoners more or less co-created the game with the help of several colleagues. (The process is described here.)<iframe loading="lazy" title="Les communs en jeu ... de cartes" width="880" height="495" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/ISGk4-pf2Ww?feature=oembed" frameborder="0" allow="accelerometer; autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; gyroscope; picture-in-picture" allowfullscreen></iframe>As a game designer, Rhéaume realized that successful, fun games must embody a certain “procedural rhetoric” and reward storytelling. He had enjoyed playing “Magic: The Gathering,” a popular multiplayer card game, and wondered what that game would feel like if it were collaborative.At the WSF, Rhéaume asked participants to share their own insights about the commons by submitting suggested cards in six categories. The first four categories consist of “commoners cards” featuring “resources,” “action cards,” “project cards” and “attitude cards.” Two other types of cards — “Oppressive Forces” cards with black backs – give the game its kick by applying “negative effects” to the “Political Arena” of play. The two negative effects are “enclosures” and “crises,” to which commoners must collectively organize and respond in time.Intended for two to five players, the game usually lasts between 60 and 90 minutes. It has enough of a basic storyline to be easily understood, but enough complexity and sophisticated twists to be unpredictable and interesting. The key objective of the game is to “create a Political Arena resilient enough to defend the commons against encroaching enclosures.” The players win when there are no more enclosure cards in the Political Arena. They lose if there are more than five enclosures present at any one time.The backs of the Oppressive Forces cards feature a conquistador with a spear and text reading, “I am here to take the commons.” One of the Oppressive Force card is “Trump Elected!” which demobilizes every commons campaign underway. Another OF card, “Old Inner Culture,” prohibits the discarding of “attitudes” cards (which might otherwise hasten commoning). A “Fear of the Unknown” card prohibits players from drawing new cards for one cycle.By contrast, the commoner cards feature such things as urban gardens, First Nations, degrowth and independent media. A series of “Attitude” cards affect a player’s capacity to cooperate.WSF participants submitted a wild diversity of 240 cards to Rhéaume giving many perspectives on commoning and enclosure. Rheaume used 120 of cards and his own knowledge of game design to produce the game, printing at a local printer. He tested C@rds in Common through 25 games and four design iterations, attempting to achieve a 50% failure rate (the forces of enclosure win). Players discovered that the complexities of cooperation grow as new enclosures introduce new variables. A game booklet describes how players can make winning more difficult (by accelerating the rate of enclosure threats and reducing the time allowed to build civil society).Rhéaume concedes that the first play of C@rds in Common can be challenging, but there are YouTube videos to help new players learn the game. (See this video introduction to the game as a project, and this « how to play » video tutorial.)Rhéaume would like to refine the game further – it still has elements of the WSF event, including some French-only cards – but he is pleased that the game helps introduce players into the commons worldview and start deeper conversations about it. Following most games, players reflect on what happened and tell stories about the successful collaborations that emerged and enclosures that prevailed.The game was released in February, first with a European launch overseen by Fréderic Sultan of Gazibo. There are now more than 70 decks of C@rds in Common (in French, C@rtes en Communs) circulating there [actually more than 100 are .The Canadian launch of the game will take place in Montreal on May 11 at 17:30 to 20:30 at 5248 Boulevard Saint-Laurent in Montreal. To register for the (free) event, here is a link on Brown Paper Tickets.A deck of the game can be bought directly, at cost, via a commercial distributor, Game Crafters, at https://www.thegamecrafter.com/games/c-rds-in-common, for $22.40. Until May 31, Canadians can acquire the game more cheaply by signing up for a bulk order at this webpage; Rhéaume et al. will then distribute the games to individual buyers.Let me add a charming historical footnote that Rhéaume sahred with me. On the back of each commoner card, there is a drawing of a farmer with the text, “Give me my leather coat and my purse in a groat. That’s some habit for a husbandman.”Those lines are from a song in a medieval mummers play, « The Seven Champions of Christendom. » The lyrics are a heated discussion between a servingman to the king and a free and independent husbandman (commoner) about the merits and liabilities of their respective stations in life. (The song originated from Symondsbury, near Bridport, Dorset, in England — so a shout-out to STIR magazine, which is based there!).A sample exchange between the servingman and the husbandman:[Servingman] But then we do wear the finest of grandeur, My coat is trimmed with fur all around; Our shirts as white as milk and our stockings made of silk: That’s clothing for a servingman.[Husbandman] As to thy grandeur give I the coat I wear Some bushes to ramble among; Give to me a good greatcoat and in my purse a grout [coarse meal], That’s clothing for an husbandman.The full lyrics of the song can be found here.. [Husbandman] As to thy grandeur give I the coat I wear Some bushes to ramble among; Give to me a good greatcoat and in my purse a grout [coarse meal], That’s clothing for an husbandman. The full lyrics of the song can be found here.)
Chargement/Site + (By Samantha Slade By Samantha Slade« From where I stand today, one of the challenges of advancing an emerging movement such as the commons lies in how we build the community and how we meet in ways that embody the values of commoning. This involves the thorny question: How can we honour the vast experience and expertise on the commons and come together inclusively and equitably in a participatory commoning fashion? The Art of Hosting certainly has something to offer here, but also, and most importantly, those that are consciously living and doing the daily work of commoning, in all its complexity, have deep learnings to share to the benefit of building our collective capacity. »see the <a href="http://www.percolab.com/2014/01/art-of-hosting-the-commons/">whole article </a>ww.percolab.com/2014/01/art-of-hosting-the-commons/">whole article </a>)
Chargement/Site + (Call for Ideas ! <p& … Call for Ideas !Please submit an idea that fosters the Europe we believe in: a Europe of solidarity and openness, shaped and nurtured by people.We are living and working in an increasingly complex environment. Across Europe and its neighbouring countries, more and more people are confronted with discrimination and exclusion on a daily basis – whether economically, politically or culturally. As a result, societies are becoming increasingly fragmented, extremism is on the rise, and the divisions between people – and between individuals and institutions – are growing ever wider.Migration, distrust towards traditional institutions and the widening gap between the idea of a democratic Europe and the reality of a divided continent are among the biggest challenges that we are facing at present. These challenges are not new, but they have reached a degree that directly affects existing systems and policies, both at national and European levels.Living with a constant flow of images and information that sustains a ‘permanent state of emergency’, we often adopt defeat, the feeling that there’s-nothing-to-be-done. However, in this worrying situation, it is heartening to see citizens gathering together and taking action: countless bottom-up local, national, and transnational initiatives are enthusiastically showing that there-is-something-to-be-done, and that a more democratic, inclusive, egalitarian, and caring society is not only desired but possible.In this continent of rapidly changing communities, building bridges to help us live alongside each other is an urgent imperative. We need to reinvent and jointly value our present and develop our future together. We need to recreate shared common values and foster open and inclusive communities and societies – with a focus on social justice and human rights.Co-hosted by Platoniq in Spain, ECF’s third Idea Camp will take place from 1 to 3 March 2017. Following local elections in May 2015, which have seen several major cities and smaller towns now governed by citizen lists of candidates, Spain is on track to reinvent itself amidst a hive of social, cultural, and political activism. The many exciting new challenges this hive of activity has raised include a more inclusive and participatory society, ‘a home for all’. Although not free from contradictions, there are many tangible examples across different sectors (cultural, political, economical and social) that interweave inspiring institutional and grassroots actions. The myriad of different cross-sectoral practices in Spain constitute a resourceful laboratory for sharing and highlighting ways in which communities can promote change in Europe.Organized in collaboration with Platoniq, Idea Camp will be held from 1 to 3 March 2017 in Spain and will bring together 50 participants whose innovative ideas demonstrate a firm commitment to encourage political imagination, encourage building links and contribute to the development a society based on the principle of social justice. Based on shared values, inclusion and openness, Idea Camp offers participants a unique opportunity to meet peers from all over Europe and its neighboring countries, whose practices are different carrier chatted. Following the call for ideas, 50 participants are selected on criteria. ECF cover for the duration of the Idea Camp, the cost of travel and living in Spain a representative for each idea. After the Idea Camp, participants will be invited to submit a concrete proposal for research or implementation of their idea. 25 proposals will be selected and will receive a fellowship and development to a maximum of € 10,000.Initiated in 2014, Idea Camp is organized within the framework of « Connected Action for the Commons », an action and research program developed by ECF in collaboration with six cultural organization established in Europe: Culture 2 Commons (Croatia), Les Têtes de l’Art (France), KrytykaPolityczna (Poland), Oberliht (Moldavia), Platoniq – Goteo (Spain) et Subtopia (Sweden).To submit your idea, please fill in the application form here: http://www.culturalfoundation.eu/idea-camp-call/et Subtopia (Sweden). To submit your idea, please fill in the application form here: http://www.culturalfoundation.eu/idea-camp-call/)
Chargement/Site + (Defining « the commons » … Defining « the commons »<iframe loading="lazy" src="http://www.youtube.com/embed/aXzbcgj9F54?rel=0" width="420" height="315" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe>The importance of « the commons »<iframe loading="lazy" src="http://www.youtube.com/embed/rbTuUMCNZvg?rel=0" width="420" height="315" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe>IASC Projects, goals and dreams<iframe loading="lazy" src="http://www.youtube.com/embed/3v8ApjhECwc?rel=0" width="420" height="315" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe>The achievements of IASC<iframe loading="lazy" src="http://www.youtube.com/embed/QVv5_GM1RPs?rel=0" width="420" height="315" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe>Main challenges of IASC<iframe loading="lazy" src="http://www.youtube.com/embed/bAv0FaAPEP8?rel=0" width="420" height="315" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe>The agenda of IASC<iframe loading="lazy" src="http://www.youtube.com/embed/YJcJGf6I7Sc?rel=0" width="420" height="315" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe>The future of IASC<iframe loading="lazy" src="http://www.youtube.com/embed/qQZ_lyZq--U?rel=0" width="420" height="315" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe>Work to be done<iframe loading="lazy" src="http://www.youtube.com/embed/TC3Rcm7ctcE?rel=0" width="420" height="315" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe> ight="315" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe> Work to be done <iframe loading="lazy" src="http://www.youtube.com/embed/TC3Rcm7ctcE?rel=0" width="420" height="315" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe> )
Chargement/Site + (Defining « the commons » … Defining « the commons »<iframe loading="lazy" src="http://www.youtube.com/embed/aXzbcgj9F54?rel=0" width="420" height="315" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe>The importance of « the commons »<iframe loading="lazy" src="http://www.youtube.com/embed/rbTuUMCNZvg?rel=0" width="420" height="315" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe>IASC Projects, goals and dreams<iframe loading="lazy" src="http://www.youtube.com/embed/3v8ApjhECwc?rel=0" width="420" height="315" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe>The achievements of IASC<iframe loading="lazy" src="http://www.youtube.com/embed/QVv5_GM1RPs?rel=0" width="420" height="315" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe>Main challenges of IASC<iframe loading="lazy" src="http://www.youtube.com/embed/bAv0FaAPEP8?rel=0" width="420" height="315" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe>The agenda of IASC<iframe loading="lazy" src="http://www.youtube.com/embed/YJcJGf6I7Sc?rel=0" width="420" height="315" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe>The future of IASC<iframe loading="lazy" src="http://www.youtube.com/embed/qQZ_lyZq--U?rel=0" width="420" height="315" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe>Work to be done<iframe loading="lazy" src="http://www.youtube.com/embed/TC3Rcm7ctcE?rel=0" width="420" height="315" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe> ight="315" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe> Work to be done <iframe loading="lazy" src="http://www.youtube.com/embed/TC3Rcm7ctcE?rel=0" width="420" height="315" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="allowfullscreen"></iframe> )
Chargement/Site + (La Charte de la Forêt – <a hre … La Charte de la Forêt – <a href="http://www.nationalarchives.gov.uk/education/resources/magna-carta/charter-forest-1225-westminster/">Carta de Foresta</a> – publiée en 1217, est reconnue comme le premier acte officiel qui étend les protections et les droits essentielles de la <a href="https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Magna_Carta">Magna Carta</a> aux commoners anglais contre les abus de l’aristocratie. En vertu de cette charte, le peuple se voit garantir le droit l’accès aux ressources des forêts. L’impact de cette charte a été révolutionnaire. Elle est généralement considérée comme une des pierres angulaires de la Constitution Britannique et <a href="https://www.americanbar.org/groups/public_services/law_library_congress/charter_of_the_forest.html">inspiration de la Constitution Américaine</a>. Elle a permi de rendre de vastes étendues de terres aux paysans, de s’opposer au pillage des biens communs par la monarchie et l’aristocratie. Au 17ème siècle, elle inspire les Diggers et les Levellers et par la suite les protestations contre l’enclosure des terres par la bourgeoisie capitaliste. Mais elle sera abrogée en 1971, par un gouvernement conservateur, permettant ainsi la privatisation de ressources comme l’eau au bénéfice d’entreprises multinationales.Aujourd’hui, les forêts demeurent des ressources essentielles pour l’habitat, la souveraineté alimentaire, et sont essentielles pour lutter contre les crises environnementales. Une <a href="http://charteroftheforest800.org/">campagne</a> de célébration de la Charte de la Forêt a commencé en Grande Bretagne au mois de Septembre et se poursuit en Novembre. La Lincoln Record Society a organisé une conférence internationale sur la Charte de la Forêt qui a débuté par un voyage en péniche sur la Tamise de Windsor à Runnymede, lieu de signature de la Magna Carta. Des experts ont présenté la Charte de la Forêt, son histoire et ses implications contemporaines. Les participants ont également pu voir l’un des exemplaires originaux et participer à une visite guidée de la Forêt de Sherwood que nous connaissons à travers l’histoire de Robin des Bois.Aujourd’hui même, 7 novembre, se déroule un débat présidé par John McDonnell, Député et soutien de Jeremy Corbyn, les professeurs Peter Linebaugh et Guy Standing, et Julie Timbrell de <a href="https://thenewputneydebates.com/">New Putney Debates</a>. Ce débat fait parti d’un <a href="http://charteroftheforest800.org/november-2017/">programme </a> étalé sur une semaine qui appelle à la création d’un nouveau <a href="https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Domesday_Book">Domesday Book</a>, un recensement national des propriétaires terriens britanniques et l’identification des communs ainsi qu’à une nouvelle Charte des communs et des Chartes locales. Il s’agit d’interroger la notion de propriété foncière dans un pays où elle est l’une des plus concentrée des pays occidentaux et d’élaborer des propositions politiques, y compris à travers une taxe sur la propriété foncière, pour une meilleure répartition des droits et des responsabilités sur les terres,Merci à Yves Otis de m’avoir signalé l’article <a href="https://www.nakedcapitalism.com/2017/11/youve-never-heard-charter-important-magna-carta.html">Why You’ve Never Heard of a Charter as Important as the Magna Carta </a>Transcription de la Charte de la Forêt : <a href="http://www.constitution.org/eng/charter_forest.html">http://www.constitution.org/eng/charter_forest.html</a>constitution.org/eng/charter_forest.html</a>)
Chargement/Site + (La Charte de la Forêt – <a hre … La Charte de la Forêt – <a href="http://www.nationalarchives.gov.uk/education/resources/magna-carta/charter-forest-1225-westminster/">Carta de Foresta</a> – publiée en 1217, est reconnue comme le premier acte officiel qui étend les protections et les droits essentielles de la <a href="https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Magna_Carta">Magna Carta</a> aux commoners anglais contre les abus de l’aristocratie. En vertu de cette charte, le peuple se voit garantir le droit l’accès aux ressources des forêts. L’impact de cette charte a été révolutionnaire. Elle est généralement considérée comme une des pierres angulaires de la Constitution Britannique et <a href="https://www.americanbar.org/groups/public_services/law_library_congress/charter_of_the_forest.html">inspiration de la Constitution Américaine</a>. Elle a permi de rendre de vastes étendues de terres aux paysans, de s’opposer au pillage des biens communs par la monarchie et l’aristocratie. Au 17ème siècle, elle inspire les Diggers et les Levellers et par la suite les protestations contre l’enclosure des terres par la bourgeoisie capitaliste. Mais elle sera abrogée en 1971, par un gouvernement conservateur, permettant ainsi la privatisation de ressources comme l’eau au bénéfice d’entreprises multinationales.Aujourd’hui, les forêts demeurent des ressources essentielles pour l’habitat, la souveraineté alimentaire, et sont essentielles pour lutter contre les crises environnementales. Une <a href="http://charteroftheforest800.org/">campagne</a> de célébration de la Charte de la Forêt a commencé en Grande Bretagne au mois de Septembre et se poursuit en Novembre. La Lincoln Record Society a organisé une conférence internationale sur la Charte de la Forêt qui a débuté par un voyage en péniche sur la Tamise de Windsor à Runnymede, lieu de signature de la Magna Carta. Des experts ont présenté la Charte de la Forêt, son histoire et ses implications contemporaines. Les participants ont également pu voir l’un des exemplaires originaux et participer à une visite guidée de la Forêt de Sherwood que nous connaissons à travers l’histoire de Robin des Bois.Aujourd’hui même, 7 novembre, se déroule un débat présidé par John McDonnell, Député et soutien de Jeremy Corbyn, les professeurs Peter Linebaugh et Guy Standing, et Julie Timbrell de <a href="https://thenewputneydebates.com/">New Putney Debates</a>. Ce débat fait parti d’un <a href="http://charteroftheforest800.org/november-2017/">programme </a> étalé sur une semaine qui appelle à la création d’un nouveau <a href="https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Domesday_Book">Domesday Book</a>, un recensement national des propriétaires terriens britanniques et l’identification des communs ainsi qu’à une nouvelle Charte des communs et des Chartes locales. Il s’agit d’interroger la notion de propriété foncière dans un pays où elle est l’une des plus concentrée des pays occidentaux et d’élaborer des propositions politiques, y compris à travers une taxe sur la propriété foncière, pour une meilleure répartition des droits et des responsabilités sur les terres,Merci à Yves Otis de m’avoir signalé l’article <a href="https://www.nakedcapitalism.com/2017/11/youve-never-heard-charter-important-magna-carta.html">Why You’ve Never Heard of a Charter as Important as the Magna Carta </a>Transcription de la Charte de la Forêt : <a href="http://www.constitution.org/eng/charter_forest.html">http://www.constitution.org/eng/charter_forest.html</a>constitution.org/eng/charter_forest.html</a>)
Atlas des chartes des communs urbains/Atlas des chartes des communs urbains (projet) + (Le projet s’inscrit dans une pers … Le projet s’inscrit dans une perspective de long terme qui vise à : * élaborer avec les « commoners » des outils et des méthodologies qui permettent la création de mécanismes juridiques (les chartes des communs urbains) afin de reconnaître et développer les communs urbains. * comparer les expériences politiques et les méthodologies qui sont développées dans l’action citoyenne orientée vers la transition écologique et sociale afin de mettre en exergue les potentiels à l’oeuvre dans les initiatives concrètes de commoning, * interroger les effets de la reconfiguration des processus de production du droit par les « commoners » sur le partage du pouvoir et la légitimité des acteurs dans l’espace public. * contribuer à l’élaboration de propositions et de stratégies de politiques publiques et d’un cadre éthique pour le partage de la souveraineté entre les acteurs producteurs de la ville.ouveraineté entre les acteurs producteurs de la ville.)
Chargement/Site + (Les voies maritimes, une belle id … Les voies maritimes, une belle idée de vidéo autour d’un projet d’aire maritime à protéger<iframe loading="lazy" frameborder="0" width="400" height="225" src="//www.dailymotion.com/embed/video/xu8azp" allowfullscreen></iframe> Par <a href="http://www.aires-marines.fr/" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Aires-marines-protegees</a>Trois photographes ont sillonné pendant plusieurs mois le golfe normand breton qui s’étend de l’île de Bréhat au Cap de La Hague et qui fait l’objet d’un projet de parc naturel marin. Rodolphe Marics, Denis Bourges et Xavier Desmier proposent une radiographie de cet espace marin selon trois points de vue différents et complémentaires : photos aériennes, pédestres et sous-marines. Les voies maritimes est né d’un partenariat entre l’Agence des aires marines protégées et l’association Les champs photographiques. des aires marines protégées et l’association Les champs photographiques. )
Chargement/Site + (Maxime Combes produced a <a hr … Maxime Combes produced a <a href="http://www.boell.de/en/2014/01/21/valuing-natural-capital-or-devaluing-nature"> report on the first « Global Forum on natural capital » </a> which took place in late November 2013 in Edinburgh (Scotland).The document decrypts the process of developing new tools for natural capital accounting based on the valuation of the natural and ecosystemic services in large-scale capital. This approach is a very concrete translation of the consequences of Rio +20 results and the green economy that continues to be justified with the argument of the tragedy of the commons.We are facing a major challenge for so-called natural commons. It confirms the importance of defining the tools of accounting and management principles that preserve commons and nature.Report for the Heinrich Boll Foundation hat preserve commons and nature. Report for the Heinrich Boll Foundation )
Chargement/Site + (Original publication from <a h … Original publication from <a href="https://blog.p2pfoundation.net/european-commons-assembly-at-medialab-prado/2017/07/24">P2P Fondation blog</a><blockquote>The European Commons Assembly (ECA) is a network of grassroots initiatives promoting commons management practices at the European level. The next stop for the network will be Medialab Prado, Madrid. These activities are part of the Transeuropa Festival program, a large meeting of political, social and environmental alternatives.</blockquote>The call to participate in the Madrid workshops will be open until August 4th.Form<a title="18.05.16 Taller" href="https://www.flickr.com/photos/medialab-prado/28100107155/" data-flickr-embed="true" data-footer="true"><img decoding="async" loading="lazy" src="https://farm8.staticflickr.com/7379/28100107155_1659853c90_c.jpg" alt="18.05.16 Taller" width="800" height="500" /></a><script async src="//embedr.flickr.com/assets/client-code.js" charset="utf-8"></script>The European Commons Assembly was launched in November 2016 with public events that took place in several spaces in Brussels, Belgium, including the Zinneke social center and European Parliament. This meeting gathered from different parts of Europe more than 150 commoners to promote public policies for the commons at the European level and to develop mutual support networks that enable long-term sustainability..The call to participate in the Madrid workshops will be open until August 4th. Proposed topics related to the urban commons include:<ul><li>Public space Migrations and refugees Citizen participation in urban politics Culture Food Housing Health Currency and financing for the commons Laws and legal mechanisms to protect the commons Technology for citizenship.</li></ul>You may also propose a topic not already on this list; fill out the form to propose the organization of a specific workshop, and/or to participate in any of the workshops that you find interesting.Each workshop will be co-organized by both a local and an international community project around the proposed topic. Workshops will be coordinated to offer valuable knowledge and strategies to apply to other, ongoing experiences. To this end, the ECA Madrid coordination team will hold several video conferences to connect the different initiatives and develop the workshop contents prior to the meeting. Workshops will employ facilitation methodology designed to guide the coordination team members in structuring and eventual documentation of the contents generated.When completing the form, you may indicate if you need the organization to cover travel and / or accommodation if it will not be possible to cover these expenses another way. For more information, contact nicole.leonard [at] sciencespo.fr.You can find more information on the European Commons Assembly website or fill out the form.the organization to cover travel and / or accommodation if it will not be possible to cover these expenses another way. For more information, contact nicole.leonard [at] sciencespo.fr. You can find more information on the European Commons Assembly website or fill out the form.)
Chargement/Site + (Project « Justice transitionnelle … Project « Justice transitionnelle: l’expérience Marocaine » plans to share those extremely important Moroccan experiences about transitional justice and community reparation. In Morocco, from 1959 to 1999, Former King Hassan II often ruled his country with an iron fist. That period is called as the years of lead in Morocco, during which those who were considered a threat to the regime were subject to a wide range of human rights violations. Thousands were subjected to arbitrary arrest, torture, and enforced disappearance, leaving behind a bitter legacy.However, starting in the early 1990s, a gradual process of dealing with the past began to take root, culminating most recently in the work of the Moroccan Equity and Reconciliation Commission (Instance Équité et Réconciliation (IER)), established by the successor to the throne, King Mohammed VI.On January 7, 2004, the IER was created, which is the first truth commission in the Arab world. This also has been hailed internationally as a big step forward, and an example to the Arab world. Since that, the IER has been working on addressing the terrible legacy of this era by investigating some of the worst abuses in Morocco and arranging reparations for victims and their families.Over the duration of its mandate, the IER has amassed an archive of more than 20,000 personal testimonies from victims and their families, which has been organized in a central database in Rabat. It has conducted a range of meetings, conferences, and seminars around a multitude of issues that are keys to understanding Morocco’s past and present.It has also taken the monumental step of holding public hearings to give victims a platform from which to share their sufferings. Throughout its work, the Commission has aimed to document, preserve, and analyze the roots of the crisis in an attempt to help Morocco come to terms with its past. Project Justice transitionnelle: l’expérience Marocaine aims to share videos about this process of transitional justice and community reparation. For Morocco, the Community Reparation Project is a huge project contributed to transitional justice. A total sum of 159 million Dirhams was mobilized and total number of completed projects was 149.These videos talked about how to preserve memory of victim communities during “the years of lead” in Morocco and what kinds of public hearings took place, in fact those hearings gave the highlight of an extensive process of citizen deliberation, compassion and free expression in Morocco. They also talked about lots of stories about how community reparation project aimed to improve the living conditions of the people in victim communities and empower them. In fact, those materials mainly focused on women and children.Project Justice transitionnelle: l’expérience Marocaine believes Moroccan experiences in transitional justice as commons are useful and valuable to other countries, especially to Arabic countries have the similar history of transitional justice, such as Iraq, Egypt, Tunisia, Syria, Lebanon, Palestine, Algeria and so on.As open resources, these documentaries, videos and reports are free to use for the public goods. <h3>Futur development</h3>In the next step, Project Justice transitionnelle: l’expérience Marocaine will keep on sharing more historical videos and materials about experiences in transitional justice, such as the videos of public hearings, the videos of public seminars and conferences, historical pictures and final reports of the community reparation project.<h3>People involved</h3>Ning and Mohamed Leghtas, from Alternatives Forum in Morocco(FMAS) and Portail E-joussour take in charge of this project, which both based in Rabat, Morroco.<h3>Ressources</h3>The project Transitional Justice: the Moroccan experience is financed by the funds of the Equity and Reconciliation Commission (IER)<h3>Contribution to the projet « Justice transitionnelle</h3>Alternatives Forum in Morocco(FMAS) and Portail E-joussour take in charge of this project, which both based in Rabat, Morroco.IER) <h3>Contribution to the projet « Justice transitionnelle</h3> Alternatives Forum in Morocco(FMAS) and Portail E-joussour take in charge of this project, which both based in Rabat, Morroco.)
Chargement/Site + (Publication originale : <a hre … Publication originale : <a href="https://blogs.mediapart.fr/gkrikorian/blog/260920/refuser-de-financer-la-recherche-vaccinale-en-double-aveugle">Refuser de financer la recherche vaccinale en «double aveugle»</a> 26 sept. 2020. <blockquote>L’ampleur de l’épidémie de COVID a entraîné des engagements publics aussi conséquents que rapides. Plus de 10 milliards ont notamment été débloqués en quelques mois pour la recherche vaccinale. Investissements publics et risques pris collectivement devraient aller de pair avec une totale transparence de l’usage des fonds et des résultats de la recherche. La réalité est pourtant bien différente.</blockquote>Ces milliards témoignent de façon plus médiatisée que d’ordinaire de l’implication majeure de la puissance publique dans la recherche médicale. Elle le fait généralement au travers du financement de programmes de recherche, d’institutions publiques de recherche, de partenariats avec des firmes privées, de crédit d’impôts, et naturellement de l’achat ou du remboursement des produits de santé. Dans le cas de la recherche pour un vaccin contre le Covid, ce financement est massif et fulgurant. De quoi justifier que les éventuels vaccins efficaces mis au point soient considérés et traités comme des biens communs, c’est-à-dire une ressource essentielle développée grâce à un effort collectif, dont la production et l’accès devrait être organisés et gouvernés de façon transparente et collective.Pourtant, l’opacité et la mainmise de quelques acteurs, qui prévalent d’ordinaire au sein de l’économie pharmaceutique, restent de mise. D’un côté, les pays disposant de plus de ressources cherchent à s’accaparer les premiers (meilleurs) futurs vaccins à travers la signature de contrats bilatéraux avec les firmes : Etats-Unis, France, Royaume Uni, Italie, etc. ont signé des accords avec AstraZeneca, BioNTech et Pfizer, Novavax, Moderna, GSK, Johnson & Jonhson, etc. Ils souhaitent se couvrir politiquement en sécurisant un accès aux éventuels vaccins pour une partie de leur population, mais ne se sentent visiblement tenus d’aucun compte à rendre concernant l’utilisation des ressources publiques. Ils transfèrent massivement de l’argent public vers l’industrie tout en lui laissant des droits de propriété sur les futurs produits.De l’autre côté, les grandes firmes pharmaceutiques font, quant à elles, preuves de toutes les audaces et profitent du contexte pour avancer leur agenda de lobbying. Outre des financements publics colossaux de la R&D, elles requièrent l’achat à l’avance de grandes quantités des potentiels vaccins qui seront développés. Elles exigent également des dispositifs allégés d’enregistrement des produits qui les dispensent de fournir l’ensemble des données d’efficacité et d’innocuité d’ordinaire nécessaire, souhaitent être déresponsabilisées voire dédommagées par les Etats en cas d’apparition d’effets secondaires, tout en clamant la nécessité d’une confidentialité des contrats, des résultats des essais cliniques, des coûts de fabrication et des structures de prix des futurs vaccins, ce au nom du secret des affaires.Les firmes souhaitent « dérisquer » au maximum leur action tout en assurant leurs profits. Le public lui devrait assumer les risques, financiers comme sanitaires. Il finance, il fournit les hôpitaux, le personnel médical, les volontaires par centaines de milliers à travers le monde.[2] Il investit ses ressources sans aucune garantie sur l’efficacité ou les effets secondaires dangereux, ni même sur le contrôle de l’efficacité ou des effets secondaires dangereux (puisque les exigences des agences du médicament sont revues à la baisse. La FDA a ouvert la voie[3] et l’Agence européenne du médicale (EMA) semble bien déterminée à en faire autant). Le public auquel nous appartenons tous n’a pas la capacité d’apprécier ce que devraient être les prix – puisqu’il n’a accès ni aux données sur les coûts, ni aux sommes exactes qui sont accordées aux différentes firmes, aux conditions dans lesquelles ces sommes sont allouées, ou même au CV de la poignée « d’experts » qui négocient avec les industriels.Les dirigeants de nombreux pays occidentaux condamnent ou raillent les prises de position de Donald Trump, ils dénoncent celles des complotistes et démagogues de tous poils et se revendiquent comme les tenants de la science, la vraie, celle qui s’appuie sur des preuves et des méthodes validées (« evidence based »). Pourtant au prétexte de l’urgence, les exigences sont rabotées, la transparence au sein du champs pharmaceutique qui a émergé ces dernières années comme une demande sociale impérative et une nécessité politique est écartée[4]. Les risques collectifs que la population mondiale prend actuellement pour le développement de vaccins justifieraient un accès public aux résultats des essais vaccinaux en temps réels, pour permettent au plus grand nombre de scientifiques (du public, du privé, de la société civile) d’analyser de façon indépendante les données et comprendre ce que ces candidats vaccins vont faire non seulement au virus, mais aussi aux organismes des individus vaccinés. A fortiori quand on expérimente des technologies qui n’ont jamais été validées jusqu’ici (comme les vaccins à ARN messager).Et pourtant, les choses continuent de se faire dans le secret que demande une poignée de firmes. Dans ces conditions en revendiquant un accès équitable au vaccin contre le COVID on a de plus en plus le sentiment d’alimenter avant tout une manœuvre au service de quelques firmes. Au nom du droit à l’accès, et parce qu’on sait qu’il n’y aura de lutte efficace contre le virus à l’échelle de la planète sans partage des technologies, on réclame l’accès pour tou.te.s. Mais l’on ne peut ignorer qu’en dépit des discours de façade aucune solidarité réelle n’est mise en place. L’initiative COVAX recueille des miettes, et derrière ce qui ressemble à un mécanisme de charité à la marge de plus on assiste à la consolidation d’une pratique internationale de préachats (« market advance commitment ») sans informations claires sur les coûts, les contrats ou les prix qui bénéficie dans son immense majorité aux multinationales. La demande sociale d’accès sert alors surtout à justifier la précipitation d’engagements publics sans transparence ni conditions ; et l’on accepte de fermer les yeux sur une économie absurde, qui corrompt la science et la médecine et donne à la santé globale des allures de terrain de jeu pour financiers et autres fonds d’investissements.Comme l’ont montré les neuf premiers mois de l’année, et notamment le fiasco en terme de capacité de prise en charge ou les pénuries en produits de santé de base dans les pays riches, cette épidémie globale devrait nous amener à sérieusement revoir la façon dont nous finançons la recherche médicale et la santé : de quelle façon nous gouvernons les ressources publiques, protégeons l’intérêt général et impliquons le public dans la réalisation de l’accès à la santé pour tous. Au lieu de cette nécessaire reformulation des politiques publiques de santé, on assiste au passage en marche forcée d’une logique de marché qui ne profite qu’à quelques acteurs, et chaque jour exclut un peu plus de personnes du droit à la santé, dans les pays pauvres, comme dans les pays riches.* La pratique du double aveugle lors d’essais cliniques consister à assurer que ni le médecin ni le patient ne savent si c’est le produit actif testé ou un placebo qui est utilisé. Le « double aveugle » en matière de financements de la recherche qui consiste à refuser de rendre public l’information sur l’usage des ressources et sur les résultats des essais est en revanche totalement inadapté…[1] Voir la communication de la Commission européenne le 31 août 2020 : https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/en/ip_20_1540[2] Neuf candidats vaccins sont actuellement testés dans une dizaine d’essais de phase III, c’est-à-dire des essais d’efficacité et du rapport bénéfices/risques sur des volontaires ; et près de 200 candidats vaccins sont développés dans le monde. Voir le Landscape of COVID-19, candidate vaccines de l’Organisation mondiale de la santé (OMS): https://www.who.int/publications/m/item/draft-landscape-of-covid-19-candidate-vaccines[3] Voir les déclarations de Stephen Hahn, directeur de la Food and Drug Administration (FDA) fin août 2020 : https://www.ft.com/content/f8ecf7b5-f8d2-4726-ba3f-233b8497b91a[4] Voir la résolution adoptée par l’OMS le 28 mai 2019 : https://apps.who.int/iris/bitstream/handle/10665/329301/A72_R8-en.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y0 : https://www.ft.com/content/f8ecf7b5-f8d2-4726-ba3f-233b8497b91a [4] Voir la résolution adoptée par l’OMS le 28 mai 2019 : https://apps.who.int/iris/bitstream/handle/10665/329301/A72_R8-en.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y)
Chargement/Site + (Publication originale : <a hre … Publication originale : <a href="https://blogs.mediapart.fr/gkrikorian/blog/260920/refuser-de-financer-la-recherche-vaccinale-en-double-aveugle">Refuser de financer la recherche vaccinale en «double aveugle»</a> 26 sept. 2020. <blockquote>L’ampleur de l’épidémie de COVID a entraîné des engagements publics aussi conséquents que rapides. Plus de 10 milliards ont notamment été débloqués en quelques mois pour la recherche vaccinale. Investissements publics et risques pris collectivement devraient aller de pair avec une totale transparence de l’usage des fonds et des résultats de la recherche. La réalité est pourtant bien différente.</blockquote>Ces milliards témoignent de façon plus médiatisée que d’ordinaire de l’implication majeure de la puissance publique dans la recherche médicale. Elle le fait généralement au travers du financement de programmes de recherche, d’institutions publiques de recherche, de partenariats avec des firmes privées, de crédit d’impôts, et naturellement de l’achat ou du remboursement des produits de santé. Dans le cas de la recherche pour un vaccin contre le Covid, ce financement est massif et fulgurant. De quoi justifier que les éventuels vaccins efficaces mis au point soient considérés et traités comme des biens communs, c’est-à-dire une ressource essentielle développée grâce à un effort collectif, dont la production et l’accès devrait être organisés et gouvernés de façon transparente et collective.Pourtant, l’opacité et la mainmise de quelques acteurs, qui prévalent d’ordinaire au sein de l’économie pharmaceutique, restent de mise. D’un côté, les pays disposant de plus de ressources cherchent à s’accaparer les premiers (meilleurs) futurs vaccins à travers la signature de contrats bilatéraux avec les firmes : Etats-Unis, France, Royaume Uni, Italie, etc. ont signé des accords avec AstraZeneca, BioNTech et Pfizer, Novavax, Moderna, GSK, Johnson & Jonhson, etc. Ils souhaitent se couvrir politiquement en sécurisant un accès aux éventuels vaccins pour une partie de leur population, mais ne se sentent visiblement tenus d’aucun compte à rendre concernant l’utilisation des ressources publiques. Ils transfèrent massivement de l’argent public vers l’industrie tout en lui laissant des droits de propriété sur les futurs produits.De l’autre côté, les grandes firmes pharmaceutiques font, quant à elles, preuves de toutes les audaces et profitent du contexte pour avancer leur agenda de lobbying. Outre des financements publics colossaux de la R&D, elles requièrent l’achat à l’avance de grandes quantités des potentiels vaccins qui seront développés. Elles exigent également des dispositifs allégés d’enregistrement des produits qui les dispensent de fournir l’ensemble des données d’efficacité et d’innocuité d’ordinaire nécessaire, souhaitent être déresponsabilisées voire dédommagées par les Etats en cas d’apparition d’effets secondaires, tout en clamant la nécessité d’une confidentialité des contrats, des résultats des essais cliniques, des coûts de fabrication et des structures de prix des futurs vaccins, ce au nom du secret des affaires.Les firmes souhaitent « dérisquer » au maximum leur action tout en assurant leurs profits. Le public lui devrait assumer les risques, financiers comme sanitaires. Il finance, il fournit les hôpitaux, le personnel médical, les volontaires par centaines de milliers à travers le monde.[2] Il investit ses ressources sans aucune garantie sur l’efficacité ou les effets secondaires dangereux, ni même sur le contrôle de l’efficacité ou des effets secondaires dangereux (puisque les exigences des agences du médicament sont revues à la baisse. La FDA a ouvert la voie[3] et l’Agence européenne du médicale (EMA) semble bien déterminée à en faire autant). Le public auquel nous appartenons tous n’a pas la capacité d’apprécier ce que devraient être les prix – puisqu’il n’a accès ni aux données sur les coûts, ni aux sommes exactes qui sont accordées aux différentes firmes, aux conditions dans lesquelles ces sommes sont allouées, ou même au CV de la poignée « d’experts » qui négocient avec les industriels.Les dirigeants de nombreux pays occidentaux condamnent ou raillent les prises de position de Donald Trump, ils dénoncent celles des complotistes et démagogues de tous poils et se revendiquent comme les tenants de la science, la vraie, celle qui s’appuie sur des preuves et des méthodes validées (« evidence based »). Pourtant au prétexte de l’urgence, les exigences sont rabotées, la transparence au sein du champs pharmaceutique qui a émergé ces dernières années comme une demande sociale impérative et une nécessité politique est écartée[4]. Les risques collectifs que la population mondiale prend actuellement pour le développement de vaccins justifieraient un accès public aux résultats des essais vaccinaux en temps réels, pour permettent au plus grand nombre de scientifiques (du public, du privé, de la société civile) d’analyser de façon indépendante les données et comprendre ce que ces candidats vaccins vont faire non seulement au virus, mais aussi aux organismes des individus vaccinés. A fortiori quand on expérimente des technologies qui n’ont jamais été validées jusqu’ici (comme les vaccins à ARN messager).Et pourtant, les choses continuent de se faire dans le secret que demande une poignée de firmes. Dans ces conditions en revendiquant un accès équitable au vaccin contre le COVID on a de plus en plus le sentiment d’alimenter avant tout une manœuvre au service de quelques firmes. Au nom du droit à l’accès, et parce qu’on sait qu’il n’y aura de lutte efficace contre le virus à l’échelle de la planète sans partage des technologies, on réclame l’accès pour tou.te.s. Mais l’on ne peut ignorer qu’en dépit des discours de façade aucune solidarité réelle n’est mise en place. L’initiative COVAX recueille des miettes, et derrière ce qui ressemble à un mécanisme de charité à la marge de plus on assiste à la consolidation d’une pratique internationale de préachats (« market advance commitment ») sans informations claires sur les coûts, les contrats ou les prix qui bénéficie dans son immense majorité aux multinationales. La demande sociale d’accès sert alors surtout à justifier la précipitation d’engagements publics sans transparence ni conditions ; et l’on accepte de fermer les yeux sur une économie absurde, qui corrompt la science et la médecine et donne à la santé globale des allures de terrain de jeu pour financiers et autres fonds d’investissements.Comme l’ont montré les neuf premiers mois de l’année, et notamment le fiasco en terme de capacité de prise en charge ou les pénuries en produits de santé de base dans les pays riches, cette épidémie globale devrait nous amener à sérieusement revoir la façon dont nous finançons la recherche médicale et la santé : de quelle façon nous gouvernons les ressources publiques, protégeons l’intérêt général et impliquons le public dans la réalisation de l’accès à la santé pour tous. Au lieu de cette nécessaire reformulation des politiques publiques de santé, on assiste au passage en marche forcée d’une logique de marché qui ne profite qu’à quelques acteurs, et chaque jour exclut un peu plus de personnes du droit à la santé, dans les pays pauvres, comme dans les pays riches.* La pratique du double aveugle lors d’essais cliniques consister à assurer que ni le médecin ni le patient ne savent si c’est le produit actif testé ou un placebo qui est utilisé. Le « double aveugle » en matière de financements de la recherche qui consiste à refuser de rendre public l’information sur l’usage des ressources et sur les résultats des essais est en revanche totalement inadapté…[1] Voir la communication de la Commission européenne le 31 août 2020 : https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/en/ip_20_1540[2] Neuf candidats vaccins sont actuellement testés dans une dizaine d’essais de phase III, c’est-à-dire des essais d’efficacité et du rapport bénéfices/risques sur des volontaires ; et près de 200 candidats vaccins sont développés dans le monde. Voir le Landscape of COVID-19, candidate vaccines de l’Organisation mondiale de la santé (OMS): https://www.who.int/publications/m/item/draft-landscape-of-covid-19-candidate-vaccines[3] Voir les déclarations de Stephen Hahn, directeur de la Food and Drug Administration (FDA) fin août 2020 : https://www.ft.com/content/f8ecf7b5-f8d2-4726-ba3f-233b8497b91a[4] Voir la résolution adoptée par l’OMS le 28 mai 2019 : https://apps.who.int/iris/bitstream/handle/10665/329301/A72_R8-en.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y0 : https://www.ft.com/content/f8ecf7b5-f8d2-4726-ba3f-233b8497b91a [4] Voir la résolution adoptée par l’OMS le 28 mai 2019 : https://apps.who.int/iris/bitstream/handle/10665/329301/A72_R8-en.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y)
Chargement/Site + (Spain’s recent municipal and regi … Spain’s recent municipal and regional elections have transformed the entire political scene. New citizen coalitions with roots in community groups allied with small progressive political parties won unexpected victories in several large cities. This, plus the fact that two new national political parties – Podemos and Ciudadanos – burst decisively onto the political stage in the regional elections, has blocked the bipartisan (PP-PSOE) system created with the 1975 democratic transition. Victorious in 7 major cities throughout the country, including the 3 largest ones (Madrid, Barcelona, Valencia), these coalitions open the door to a different sort of transition, questioning the dominant political culture and mentality, and in most cases putting in place minority governments, thus obliging various parties to negotiate joint platforms. It is interesting to note that Podemos, the young political party that made a surprise showing in the 2014 European elections and made strong gains on the regional level this year, decided not to present its own candidates in the municipal elections, but rather participated in or – more frequently – supported the new citizen coalitions in various cities.<h2>Reinventing Urban Commons for the XXIst Century</h2>These newcomers to the municipal political scene identifiy with the Commons, and in some cases even include the term in their names : Barcelona en Comù, Zaragoza en Comun… A perusal of their programmes and of the manner in which they were developed demonstrates that this is not simply an empty phrase, but the reference to the Commons introduces instead a new political discourse and horizon and, above all, a new way of ‘doing’ politics. The new candidates-elect come from different social movements and this is their first experience in electoral politics. Their ‘non-parties’ are in general less than a year old but the organisations they come from have held massive mobilisations and won significant local victories. On analysis, the new political culture they aim for is rooted in the tradition of urban struggle now revisited and improved on the basis of the citizen movements that originated in the 2008 financial crisis, the indignados of 2011, and the successive ‘waves’ (mareas) that followed in the housing, health, education, culture and urban ecology sectors. The tradition of self-management and ‘self-government’ often rooted in libertarianism and long known as ‘municipalism’ has been revisited by the culture and practices of the many anti-growth, ecological, alter-globalisation, and cultural movements inspired by the spirit of the Indignados of 2011 with an impressive mastery and intelligent use of new technologies and audiovisual media.The challenges facing this new municipalism are enormous : the problems are illustrated by the findings of two international reports revealed immediately following the May 24 elections. The firsti underlined the explosion of the level of poverty since the beginning of the crisis (increase from 9% to 18%) while the secondii demonstrated an increase of 40% of the number of extremely rich during the same period. Adding to the general morosity by reiterating prevailing logic, the IMF seized the occasion, shortly prior to the investiture of the new municipal governments, to congratulate the Spanish government on its ‘encouraging’ economic results while publicly reminding it that it must continue its austerity measures by increasing indirect taxes, cutting health and education budgets still more and lowering wages. What else could be expected from the fans of austerity?<h2>The Re-dignified Good Life In Common</h2>But such dire pronouncements do not scathe the confidence of the new mayors whose campaigns were run and programmes built on an anti-austerity stance; they are already putting in place (Barcelona is a good example) some of the measures set out in their plan of attack for affordable housing, food, accessible public utilities and transportation, and a basic living allowance. They are dedicating an unprecedented quantity of resources for municipal governments to these measures in an explicit attempt to counter the ‘de-humanising’ effects of austerity policies and to ‘restore the dignity’ of the most vulnerable. But the declared intentions of the new municipal leaders go far beyond the emergency measures of the first few months of their term. They want to turn their cities into living experiments in promoting an urban Good Life that redefines economic and social policy and municipal responsabilities as well as democratic practices on the municipal but also the regional, national and international levels. In her inaugural speech as Mayor of Barcelona, Ada Colau called for the creation of a ‘network of democratic cities in Southern Europe’.<h2>Transparency and Participation</h2>This incipient revolution in political culture and practice is taking place with total transparency, with the creation of a code of ethics, cutting the salaries of the elected representatives and eliminating statutory perks (official cars, per diems, etc) and, above all, by wagering on the collective intelligence and active participation of local citizens. Indeed, many of them have already taken part in the municipal programme by contributing to its elaboration prior to and during the campaign in the many neighbourhood meetings and various ‘crowd-sourcing’ moments on virtual platforms. The resulting highly structured programme remains an open document and is in itself an invitation to participate. The web page of Barcelona en Comù boldly states : ‘The programme you have before you is a programme In Common and, as you can see, that requires a major change from traditional political programmes […] it’s a document that aims to be useful to dialogue amongst citizens.’ iiiDuring her inauguration ceremony, Ada Colau asserted that ‘it is indispensable to create a new form of governance’, reminding the crowd that she is but ‘one of thousands of neighbours’, that she plans to ‘govern by obeying’ and that if she and her team do not deliver on their programme promises ‘Kick us out!’. The thousands of people watching the ceremony on giant screens in Plaza Sant Jaume greeted her speech with shouts of ‘Yes we can!’ (Si se puede), echoing the slogans of the public meetings held throughout the campaign. In a crowd so dense that she could hardly make her way through, but clearly at ease surrounded by ‘neighbours’, comrades and partisans, Ada slipped into the discourse and manner of the ex-president and activist of the PAHiv. With her charming smile, she declared to the enthusiastic crowd that ‘governing will not be easy but we are not alone’ and called on them to show responsability and to actively participate. She concluded evoking the need for empathy and invited the crowd to organise a demonstration in support of the strking telephone workers of Movistar, present in the crowd, and whose struggle she has supported throughout the campaign. The tone has been set, and indicates that it is not only the Commons but also the spirit of the Indignados movement that has come to City Hall.<h2>The Realism of the Commons</h2>In an article titled ‘It’s time for realism’, Josep Ramoneda, columnist for the catalan daily Ara, compared the proposals of Barcelona en Comù to the latest demands of the IMF, demonstrating that the ‘nihilist utopias’ – a label often used by the media and the governing right wing PP party to denigrate progressive alternatives – are instead found in the proposals of the neoliberal hardliners, incapable as they have shown themselves to be of finding a solution to the economic crisis and deepening inequality. He concludes by affirming ‘Let’s be realistic, let us consider the common good’v – a somewhat astonishing comment in this newpaper reputed to be more interested in supporting independence than the Commons. A comment that also reveals that the Commons have come not only to Town Hall, but are emerging in the collective imagination and in political discourse.<h2>A Living Laboratory, an Invitation to Commoning</h2>The emerging glocal movement of commoners and their apprentices should observe closely what transpires in this living laboratory of the urban commons. There is a lot to learn from this commons in action about the nature of the commons, the process of commoning and the possible transition to a commons society. This is also a unique opportunity to contribute peer-to-peer with our own experiences and know-how, developed all over the globe in the many different socio-cultural contexts where the Commons are being reinvented in recent years.Alain Ambrosi, Barcelona, 17 June 20151 OECD, May 2015 <a href="http://www.oecd-ilibrary.org/employment/in-it-together-why-lne.ess-inequality-benefits-all_9789264235120-en">http://www.oecd-ilibrary.org/employment/in-it-together-why-lne.ess-inequality-benefits-all_9789264235120-en</a> 2 Capgemini and Royal Bank of Canada (RBC) Wealth Management. Cited in El Pais 17 June 2015. 3 <a href="https://barcelonaencomu.cat">https://barcelonaencomu.cat</a> 4 PAH : Plataforma des los afectados por la hipoteca – Platform of those affected by mortgage (ie, against expulsions) created in 2009 in Barcelona and which now counts some 200 member associations in Spain. 5 Ara, 10 June 2015.;/a> 4 PAH : Plataforma des los afectados por la hipoteca – Platform of those affected by mortgage (ie, against expulsions) created in 2009 in Barcelona and which now counts some 200 member associations in Spain. 5 Ara, 10 June 2015.)
Chargement/Site + (The 11 and 12 November, the <a … The 11 and 12 November, the <a href=" http://www.deeep.org/"> DEEEP project </a> , co-funded by the European Union program , gathered in Johannesburg (South Africa) 200 activists from around the world to rethink the framework of development NGOs and initiate the construction of a » World Citizens Movement . » This meeting is the starting point of a process that will last two years of citizen mobilization for change and global justice. <a Href="http://movement.deeep.org"> A digital platform </a> is dedicated to it. During the conference, the participants began to learn from the work of civil society, its modes of organization and action in different areas around the world and produced a document, <a href = " http://www.deeep.org/component/content/article/395.html " >« The Johannesburg Compass: Questions and orientations »</a> to define the principles that should guide the work of the two coming years.Invited to participate in this process, I have contributed to discussions and writing text to feed as much as possible of the concept of the commons. Conceived initially as a declaration of principles supported by a shared vision, this document has become a guide for the process itself, based on a few key ideas such as the need to de-colonize our minds and de-institutionalize development organizations. The result reflects the will of renewal in both form and content of the action, but leaves unanswered, at least for the moment, questions about the nature of a worl citizen movement, if it is one motion, and the nature of the process of the two next years of workfollowing the conference.It seems to me that today , a world citizens movement has to revolutionize the way for everyone to exercise their citizenship, and to be aware of. One of the roles of NGOs and CSOs should be to support the politicization of everyday life in the field of health , nutrition , education , work, .. .. etc, within the perspective of the commons. How to do this on a massive scale ? Appart from action campaigns on strategic objectives at the regional or global level, made by organizations, that are the infrastructure of civil society, it is to renew and articulate what is in France called popular education by integration of social neighborhood and mediated by computer networks practices. Such a dynamic would allow each to be more confortable with broader perspective and the international agenda. The challenge is to build bridges with multiple communities of belonging, not to provide them with the leadership of NGOs and movements, but to recognize and legitimize their leaderships at different scales of power (from local to global).To listen to the conference participants at Johannesburg , it looks like it must also go through the (re)discovery of the commons within organizations, regardless of their size or intended to rebuild the project itself. This can be a wide perspective of the organization (NGOs / CSOs ) to continue the work from Johburg. In this sense, it will be better to work on Our commons than to define THE commons and to try to transform organizations working on their values, projects and actions, rather than seeking Commons as a theoretical or ideological framework.Another avenue is to share les lessons learned by activists of the intangible and knowledge commons that, since the emergence of the computer have been able to build a movement that defends their values, distributed forms of collaboration , openness and freedom , sharing and solidarity , personal empowerment and participation in collectives, acting on a small scale while remaining in a universal vision. This movement is generally invisible as a social movement for people who are not activists. Everyone uses free software, access to culture and free knowledge, most of the time without paying attention. Yet organizations of knowledge and free culture are structured and are » NGO » or » OCS » weighty. Just consider the most visible in the public area alike Wikimedia Foundation, or the weight of this movement in the industrial sector (IBM , Android, …) or the work of lobbying done by groups aloke EFF Quadrature net, to realize that. It is a movement to maturity. This experience and the culture it develops worth sharing. Would not it be helpful to think a similar movement in the field of materials, urban, rural and natural commons?Frédéric Sultanould not it be helpful to think a similar movement in the field of materials, urban, rural and natural commons? Frédéric Sultan)
Chargement/Site + (The Charter of the Forest – Carta … The Charter of the Forest – Carta de Foresta – published in 1217, is recognized as the first official act that extends the protections and essential rights of the Magna Carta to the English commoners against the abuses of the aristocracy. Under this charter, the people are guaranteed the right to access forest resources. The impact of this charter has been revolutionary. It is generally considered one of the cornerstones of the British Constitution and<a href="https://www.americanbar.org/groups/public_services/law_library_congress/charter_of_the_forest.html"> inspiration of the American Constitution</a> (2). It has made it possible to render vast expanses of land to the peasants, to oppose the plundering of the common goods by the monarchy and the aristocracy. In the 17th century, it has inspired the Diggers and Levellers and later protests against the enclosure of lands by the capitalist bourgeoisie. But it was repealed in 1971 by a conservative government, allowing the privatization of resources such as water for the benefit of multinational companies.Today, forests remain essential resources for housing, food sovereignty, and are essential for fighting environmental crises. A <a href="http://charteroftheforest800.org/">campaign</a> to celebrate the Forest Charter began in Britain in September and continues in November. The Lincoln Record Society has organized an international conference on the Charter of the Forest that began with a houseboat trip on the River Thames from Windsor to Runnymede, the place where was signed the Magna Carta. Experts presented the Charter of the Forest, its history and its contemporary implications. Participants were also able to see one of the original copies of the Forest Charter and participated in a guided tour of the Forest of Sherwood that (in France) we know through Robin Hood story.Today, there is a debate chaired by the Shadow Chancellor, John McDonnell MP, with Professors Peter Linebaugh and Guy Standing, and Julie Timbrell of <a href="https://thenewputneydebates.com/">New Putney Debates</a>. This debate is part of a week-long program (6) calling for the creation of a <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Domesday_Book">new Domesday Book</a>, a national census of UK landowners and the identification of the common goods as well as a new Commons Charter and Communities Charters. This is to question the notion of land ownership in a country where it is one of the most concentrated in the western countries, and to elaborate proposals, including a possible tax on land ownership, for a better distribution of rights and responsibilities to land.Thanks to Yves Otis for reporting the article <a href="https://www.nakedcapitalism.com/2017/11/youve-never-heard-charter-important-magna-carta.html">Why You’ve Never Heard of a Charter as Important as the Magna Carta</a>Transcript of the Forest Charter: <a href="http://www.constitution.org/eng/charter_forest.html">http://www.constitution.org/eng/charter_forest.html</a> Forest Charter: <a href="http://www.constitution.org/eng/charter_forest.html">http://www.constitution.org/eng/charter_forest.html</a>)
Chargement/Site + (The violent destruction of the co … The violent destruction of the commons of the ZAD (Zone To Defend) of Notre-Dame-des-Landes by the French government is an infamous and revolting act. The current police offensive, led by several thousand gendarmes and CRS equipped with armored vehicles and helicopters is only the exercise of the purest State violence against a set of collective practices that are in progress or in preparation. This includes their fragile material conditions (buildings, meeting places, work tools, herds), and they are now destroyed by bulldozers and police squads.Since the first day of assault on the ZAD of Notre-Dame-des-Landes, the destruction of the farm of the «Cents Noms» was a true declaration of social and political war. The destruction of this place was by no means imperative given the criteria invoked by the government in its « communication ». Nicole Klein, Prefect of Loire Region(<a href="#note1" name="retour au texte1"> 1</a>), justifies the police operation by claiming that the «Cents Noms» had not submitted an agricultural project. This is obviously false: the inhabitants of this farm were carrying an alternative agricultural project and some of them had submitted a request for regularization.What is the real reason for this destructive rage? It is not the absence of a project, it is the nature of the projects that is at stake. The State and its representatives do not support the life forms that are experimented here and now, and for the past 10 years. These life forms prefigure a society free from the ownership logic in all its dimensions. From this point of view, it is of the highest symbolic value that the inhabitants and defenders of the zone propose the Assembly of Uses to take charge of the collective management of lands and spaces from the beginning. This solution would’ve had the advantage to straightly extend the experience initiated and pursued for so many years: to make the logic of the common use which is a logic of care and nurture, or to prevail over the logic of land ownership which is a destructive and deadly logic.It is not the « Constitutional State » that defends itself, as the Prime Minister affirms, it is a State of force that wants to eliminate as quickly and completely as possible all actions that could perform the principle of the Common: associations, consumers and workers cooperatives, agricultural and craft projects, convivial modes of exchange and of life. The government wants to prevent the invention of what is a real way of producing and living by using its excessive police force. It also wants to eliminate a solidary and ecological model of life that we need today.The State shows its true face here. It is not only protecting private ownership, but it is itself completely under the logic of ownership. It is the Owner State in war against the commons. It must be defeated at all costs to preserve the treasure threatened of the commons. Pierre Dardot and Christian Laval—–Note : <a name="note1"></a>(1) The Prefect is a representative of the public authority in the department, directly appointed by the President of the Republic (and not elected as mayors).—– Original edition : <a href="http://questionmarx.typepad.fr/question-marx/2018/04/nddl-non-a-la-violence-de-letat-contre-les-communs-.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">NDDL : NON A LA VIOLENCE DE L’ETAT CONTRE LES COMMUNS ! </a> Thursday, April 12 2018Translated in English by Frédéric Sultan and Alexandre Guttmanngt;NDDL : NON A LA VIOLENCE DE L’ETAT CONTRE LES COMMUNS ! </a> Thursday, April 12 2018 Translated in English by Frédéric Sultan and Alexandre Guttmann)
Chargement/Site + (The violent destruction of the co … The violent destruction of the commons of the ZAD (Zone To Defend) of Notre-Dame-des-Landes by the French government is an infamous and revolting act. The current police offensive, led by several thousand gendarmes and CRS equipped with armored vehicles and helicopters is only the exercise of the purest State violence against a set of collective practices that are in progress or in preparation. This includes their fragile material conditions (buildings, meeting places, work tools, herds), and they are now destroyed by bulldozers and police squads.Since the first day of assault on the ZAD of Notre-Dame-des-Landes, the destruction of the farm of the «Cents Noms» was a true declaration of social and political war. The destruction of this place was by no means imperative given the criteria invoked by the government in its « communication ». Nicole Klein, Prefect of Loire Region(<a href="#note1" name="retour au texte1"> 1</a>), justifies the police operation by claiming that the «Cents Noms» had not submitted an agricultural project. This is obviously false: the inhabitants of this farm were carrying an alternative agricultural project and some of them had submitted a request for regularization.What is the real reason for this destructive rage? It is not the absence of a project, it is the nature of the projects that is at stake. The State and its representatives do not support the life forms that are experimented here and now, and for the past 10 years. These life forms prefigure a society free from the ownership logic in all its dimensions. From this point of view, it is of the highest symbolic value that the inhabitants and defenders of the zone propose the Assembly of Uses to take charge of the collective management of lands and spaces from the beginning. This solution would’ve had the advantage to straightly extend the experience initiated and pursued for so many years: to make the logic of the common use which is a logic of care and nurture, or to prevail over the logic of land ownership which is a destructive and deadly logic.It is not the « Constitutional State » that defends itself, as the Prime Minister affirms, it is a State of force that wants to eliminate as quickly and completely as possible all actions that could perform the principle of the Common: associations, consumers and workers cooperatives, agricultural and craft projects, convivial modes of exchange and of life. The government wants to prevent the invention of what is a real way of producing and living by using its excessive police force. It also wants to eliminate a solidary and ecological model of life that we need today.The State shows its true face here. It is not only protecting private ownership, but it is itself completely under the logic of ownership. It is the Owner State in war against the commons. It must be defeated at all costs to preserve the treasure threatened of the commons. Pierre Dardot and Christian Laval—–Note : <a name="note1"></a>(1) The Prefect is a representative of the public authority in the department, directly appointed by the President of the Republic (and not elected as mayors).—– Original edition : <a href="http://questionmarx.typepad.fr/question-marx/2018/04/nddl-non-a-la-violence-de-letat-contre-les-communs-.html" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">NDDL : NON A LA VIOLENCE DE L’ETAT CONTRE LES COMMUNS ! </a> Thursday, April 12 2018Translated in English by Frédéric Sultan and Alexandre Guttmanngt;NDDL : NON A LA VIOLENCE DE L’ETAT CONTRE LES COMMUNS ! </a> Thursday, April 12 2018 Translated in English by Frédéric Sultan and Alexandre Guttmann)
Chargement/Site + (Un ouvrage incontournable ! </ … Un ouvrage incontournable ! La publication du dernier livre de Peter Linebaugh. <a href="http://ift.tt/O62hZa">Stop, Thief!: The Commons, Enclosures, and Resistance</a> (PM Press) avec des chapitres sur Karl Marx, les Luddites, William Morris, Thomas Paine, les peuples autochtones, est prévue pour le 1er mars, mais il est déjà accessible en ibook … par ailleurs auteur de Magna Carta dont on peut trouver l’introduction dans <a href="http://ift.tt/AmSWqc">Libres Savoirs</a>. A noter que 2015 sera le 800ième anniversaire de la signature de la Magna Carta en Grande Bretagne, une date à commémorer alors que se dérouleront la même année la COP 21 sur le climat, les négociations sur les OMD et que nous serons probablement à la fin de la négociation de l’accord transatlantique (TAFTA).obablement à la fin de la négociation de l’accord transatlantique (TAFTA).)
Chargement/Site + (Video créée par Connor Turland po … Video créée par Connor Turland pour la campagne de collecte de fonds pour l’organisation du séminaire « Commons based economy » de Quilligan School of Commoning à LondresTexte de la vidéo : <blockquote>There are at least 2 major factors at play in the universe. For our purposes we’ll call them Unity … and Diversity. Generally today, we tend to you think that you just can’t have both. And consequently, as a human, you can’t be working towards both. You’re either working towards this. Or this. And that decides which camp you’re in, warring against the other. Predictably, this gets us a net progress of … NOWHERE. The same place that 1 dimensional, polaristic thinking is getting us. So what if we thought in another dimension. Collectively, what we’ve gained over here…we’ve lost over here. The Commons is the word that encompasses all those things that have been depleted to get us where we are today. We are rapidly depleting the social, cultural, intellectual, natural, genetic, and material commons. But can we replenish this… Without losing what we’ve gained? Frankly, millions of people, and institutions, businesses, and even countries already are. And whether everyone knows it or not, we all seem to be converging… On what? … we could call it a Commons-Based Economy. But time is of the essence! As other forces threaten to throw us into a worse dark age than ever. That’s why the people in this campaign are working tirelessly for me AND we to support the emergence of a commons-based economy. Help us help the world as we build a commons for the commons. That means learning resources, a learning platform, and sharing the vital work of James Quilligan, who just gave 12 seminars in 12 days on the emergence of a commons-based economy. It will take all of our collective intentions and intelligence to learn our way together towards the more beautiful world our hearts tell us is possible. To take the human project to the next dimension, we need nothing less than a mass movement. Internet, your move.</blockquote>next dimension, we need nothing less than a mass movement. Internet, your move.</blockquote>)
Chargement/Site + (Video that Connor created for the … Video that Connor created for the School of Commoning crowdfunding that allowed us to organize the Quilligan seminar series in London.Text : <blockquote>There are at least 2 major factors at play in the universe. For our purposes we’ll call them Unity … and Diversity. Generally today, we tend to you think that you just can’t have both. And consequently, as a human, you can’t be working towards both. You’re either working towards this. Or this. And that decides which camp you’re in, warring against the other. Predictably, this gets us a net progress of … NOWHERE. The same place that 1 dimensional, polaristic thinking is getting us. So what if we thought in another dimension. Collectively, what we’ve gained over here…we’ve lost over here. The Commons is the word that encompasses all those things that have been depleted to get us where we are today. We are rapidly depleting the social, cultural, intellectual, natural, genetic, and material commons. But can we replenish this… Without losing what we’ve gained? Frankly, millions of people, and institutions, businesses, and even countries already are. And whether everyone knows it or not, we all seem to be converging… On what? … we could call it a Commons-Based Economy. But time is of the essence! As other forces threaten to throw us into a worse dark age than ever. That’s why the people in this campaign are working tirelessly for me AND we to support the emergence of a commons-based economy. Help us help the world as we build a commons for the commons. That means learning resources, a learning platform, and sharing the vital work of James Quilligan, who just gave 12 seminars in 12 days on the emergence of a commons-based economy. It will take all of our collective intentions and intelligence to learn our way together towards the more beautiful world our hearts tell us is possible. To take the human project to the next dimension, we need nothing less than a mass movement. Internet, your move.</blockquote>o the next dimension, we need nothing less than a mass movement. Internet, your move.</blockquote>)
Définition des communs selon Ugo Mattei + (A definition of the "Commons" proposed by … A definition of the "Commons" proposed by Ugo Mattei, from ABC Napoli, taken from an interview conducted by AMBROSI Alain, at the Economics and the Commons Conference which took place in Berlin from 22 to 24 May 2013."The commons is about equality, democracy and caring for future generations."ocracy and caring for future generations.")
Réponse de Michel Bauwens à trois questions sur les assemblées des communs + (A l'occasion de la préparation de l'assemb … A l'occasion de la préparation de l'assemblée des communs de Toulouse, le 10 octobre 2015, 3 questions posées à Michel Bauwens sur les assemblées et les chambres des communs : Michel, il semble de plus en plus évident que les communs constituent une alternative soutenable à l'affrontement stérile entre les idéologies qui prônent un rôle accru de la puissance publique et les tenants d'un laisser faire au marché. Mais comment rendre une "économie des communs" autonome par rapport à la logique de profit ? A la P2P Fundation, vous imaginez de faire émerger des "assemblées des communs" à l'échelle des territoires locaux, peux tu nous en dire un peu plus su cette idée ?Parallèlement à ces assemblées, tu préconises de créer des "chambres des communs" qui rassembleraient aussi les citoyens mais cette fois-ci en tant qu'acteurs économiques, producteurs de "richesse" mais aussi contributeurs de communs. Comment dans ton idée, ces deux instances pourraient-elles articuler leur rôle et leur fonctionnement ?Aujourd'hui nous sommes le 10 octobre, date choisie par le Réseau francophone des communs pour organiser dans chaque territoire un évènement "phare" du festival "le temps des communs" qui se déroule dans toute la Francophonie du 5 au 18 octobre. A Toulouse nous avons choisi de débattre de la création d'une assemblée locale des communs. Y a t-il d'autres endroits dans le monde où se préparent des initiatives semblables ? se préparent des initiatives semblables ?)
La Quadrature Du Net s'engage pour le temps des communs + (Adrienne Charmet présente les enjeux sur l … Adrienne Charmet présente les enjeux sur lesquels se mobilise La Quadrature Du Net et les actions qu'elle projette pour le Temps des communs (2015) lors de la conférence de presse du festival organisée à l'occasion du 800 ième anniversaire de la signature de la Magna Carta.ersaire de la signature de la Magna Carta.)
Rencontre avec Elinor OSTROM - part 6 + (Apports de Mireille FLAM, Présidente du Comité Européen des Entreprises Publiques, et Denis Stokkink du think-tank Pour la Solidarité lors de la Table ronde : Économie sociale et biens communs, bien immatériels - systèmes d'information et internet.)
La Coop des Communs + (Association dédiée au rapprochement entre le ESS et les communs.)
Atlas des chartes des communs urbains/Project planner/Maquette site web + (Atlas des chartes des communs urbains prop … Atlas des chartes des communs urbains propose de : Réaliser et entretenir un inventaire ouvert et interactif de mécanismes juridiques consacrés à la mise en œuvre des communs urbains.fournir un espace collectif pour l'analyse et l'interprétation de ces mécanismes de gouvernance des communs urbains et produire et partager des connaissances avec les commoners dans une perspective interculturelle.offrir un espace d'échange et d'entraide autour de l'élaboration de chartes et autres instruments juridiques pour la régénération ou la création des communs urbains.ration ou la création des communs urbains.)
Atlas des chartes des communs urbains + (Atlas des chartes des communs urbains prop … Atlas des chartes des communs urbains propose de : # Réaliser et entretenir un inventaire ouvert et interactif de mécanismes juridiques consacrés à la mise en œuvre des communs urbains.# fournir un espace collectif pour l'analyse et l'interprétation de ces mécanismes de gouvernance des communs urbains et produire et partager des connaissances avec les commoners dans une perspective interculturelle.# offrir un espace d'échange et d'entraide autour de l'élaboration de chartes et autres instruments juridiques pour la régénération ou la création des communs urbains.ration ou la création des communs urbains.)
Les biens communs : de la co-création à l’action + (Au cours du Printemps érable, le mouvement … Au cours du Printemps érable, le mouvement étudiant en lutte contre la hausse des frais de scolarité se mobilise. L'Ecole de la montagne rouge, un groupe d'étudiants en graphisme élabore des matériels de communication pour les manifestations. Quelle relation la lutte des étudiants entretient-elle avec les biens communs ? cette courte vidéo rend compte d'un atelier de création réalisé sur ce sujet avec Alain Ambrosi.n réalisé sur ce sujet avec Alain Ambrosi.)
European Commons Assembly, Brussels. 15-17 November 2016 + (Between 15 - 17 November, 2016, The Europe … Between 15 - 17 November, 2016, The European Commons Assembly gathered in Brussels a group of commoners coming from different parts of Europe who claimed for a pan-European movement for the commons. This video shows a summary of the energizing kick-off event which is now being replicated in different spaces. You can join the European Commons Assembly at https://europeancommonsassembly.eu/ FR: Entre le 15 et le 17 novembre 2016, l'Assemblée européenne es communs a rassemblé à Bruxelles un groupe de commoners venus de différentes parties de l'Europe qui réclamaient un mouvement paneuropéen pour les communs. Cette vidéo montre un résumé de l'événement de lancement énergisant qui maintenant peut être répliqué dans différents espaces. Vous pouvez vous joindre à l'Assemblée Européenne des Communs à https://europeancommonsassembly.eu/muns à https://europeancommonsassembly.eu/)
Demain, l'art sera libre et généreux ! 1/2 + (Captation live de la Conférence-manifeste … Captation live de la Conférence-manifeste sur le thème "Demain, l'art sera libre et généreux !" qui a eu lieu samedi 15 juin 2013 au Forum des images, dans le cadre du MashUp Film Festival 2013 (3ème édition).Une suite de rencontres, débats, projections, performances... animée par Xavier de La Porte, producteur à France Culture, divisée en deux parties.1ère partieEntre galère financière et formatage par le Marché, l’avenir de la création n’est pas forcément rose. Des raisons d’être optimiste ? Écoutons les artistes eux-mêmes !Avec Emilie Brout & Maxime Marion, Olivier Cadiot, Caroline Delieutraz, Stéphane Elmadjian, André Gunthert, Luc Lagier, Julien Lahmi, Grégoire Pauly, Vincent Pompignoli, Antoine Moreau, Systaime (Michaël Borras)…2ème partie : demain on partage toutPartage, coopération, intelligence collective : ce qui s’invente aujourd’hui peut changer le monde !Avec Calimaq (Lionel Maurel), Olivier Cadiot, Caroline Delieutraz, Pierre Giner, André Gunthert, Kino, Xavier de La Porte, Systaime (Michaël Borras)...vier de La Porte, Systaime (Michaël Borras)...)
Demain, l'art sera libre et généreux ! 2/2 + (Captation live de la Conférence-manifeste … Captation live de la Conférence-manifeste sur le thème "Demain, l'art sera libre et généreux !" qui a eu lieu samedi 15 juin 2013 au Forum des images, dans le cadre du MashUp Film Festival 2013 (3ème édition).Une suite de rencontres, débats, projections, performances... animée par Xavier de La Porte, producteur à France Culture, divisée en deux parties :1ère partieEntre galère financière et formatage par le Marché, l’avenir de la création n’est pas forcément rose. Des raisons d’être optimiste ? Écoutons les artistes eux-mêmes !Avec Emilie Brout & Maxime Marion, Olivier Cadiot, Caroline Delieutraz, Stéphane Elmadjian, André Gunthert, Luc Lagier, Julien Lahmi, Grégoire Pauly, Vincent Pompignoli, Antoine Moreau, Systaime (Michaël Borras)…2ème partie : demain on partage toutPartage, coopération, intelligence collective : ce qui s’invente aujourd’hui peut changer le monde !Avec Calimaq (Lionel Maurel), Olivier Cadiot, Caroline Delieutraz, Pierre Giner, André Gunthert, Kino, Xavier de La Porte, Systaime (Michaël Borras)...vier de La Porte, Systaime (Michaël Borras)...)
Ex Asilo Filangieri + (Ce document présente l'Ex-Asilo Filangieri … Ce document présente l'Ex-Asilo Filangieri, lieu occupé à Naples, qui est à l'origine des Déclarations d'usage civique adoptées par la ville de Naples (Déclaration pour l'Usage Urbain Civique et Collectif - Urban Civic and Collective Use). Ces déclarations s'appuient sur une interprétation étendue des droits anciens "de la pêche et de pâturage sur les terres des petits et moyens hameaux ruraux" pour reconnaitre la légitimité de l’autogestion par les usagers de ressources dont dépend la satisfaction de leurs droits fondamentaux, dès lors qu’elle respecte des « principes de libre accessibilité, de convivialité, d’équité et d’inclusivité » convivialité, d’équité et d’inclusivité »)
Vivons ensemble! De la charte à la gouvernance de quartier 1 + (Ce document publié en avril 2015 se veut … Ce document publié en avril 2015 se veut « un outil d’aide à l’élaboration et à la mise en œuvre d’une charte de quartier, il se structure selon trois thèmes : gouvernance, bien-vivre social et activités, gestion durable des ressources. » Il a été élaboré sur une période de 18 mois sur un mode participatif en 29 rencontres de travail. Il faisait suite et complètait deux publications précédentes de l'Association : « MétamorphOSONS » en 2009 qui a proposé 140 recommandations pour l’écoquartier des Plaines-du-Loup à Lausanne et, en 2012 « CONSTRUISONS ENSEMBLE ! Recommandations et critères d’attribution des terrains pour la réalisation d’un écoquartier. »En précisant les définitions de ce qu'est une charte, de son processus et calendrier d'élaboration, des différents acteurs impliqués ce document est une référence très utile et applicable dans toute démarche de constitution d'une charte de communs urbains sous toutes les latitudes.Ces thèmes sont présentés au travers de deux types de support complémentaires ce qui en fait un outil très accessible.– une brochure, qui présente la démarche et son contexte ; elle ne se veut pas exhaustive, mais introduit et illustre les thèmes en présentant notamment trois enjeux concrets pour chacun d’eux. – des tableaux, qui présentent thématiquement les possibilités d’action des différentes parties prenantes. Ils sont destinés aux personnes qui souhaitent approfondir le sujetsonnes qui souhaitent approfondir le sujet)
Vivons ensemble! De la charte à la gouvernance de quartier 2 + (Ce document se veut « un outil d’aide à l … Ce document se veut « un outil d’aide à l’élaboration et à la mise en œuvre d’une charte de quartier. Il se structure selon trois thèmes : gouvernance, bien-vivre social et activités, gestion durable des ressources. » Il a été élaboré sur une période de 18 mois sur un mode participatif en 29 rencontres de travail. Il faisait suite et complétait deux publications précédentes de l'Association : « MétamorphOSONS » en 2009 qui a proposé 140 recommandations pour l’écoquartier des Plaines-du-Loup à Lausanne et, en 2012 « CONSTRUISONS ENSEMBLE ! Recommandations et critères d’attribution des terrains pour la réalisation d’un écoquartier. »ns pour la réalisation d’un écoquartier. »)
7 jours avec la PAH. ¡SÍ SE PUEDE! + (Ce documentaire décrit comment le mouvemen … Ce documentaire décrit comment le mouvement de lutte contre les expulsions Plataforma de los Afectados por la Hypoteca (PAH) fait face aux expulsions massives des logements. LA PAH est fondée à la suite de l'explosion de la bulle immobilière lors la crise financière de 2008. Le documentaire suit sept jours d'activités à Barcelone. http://commandovideo.netSous titrage en françaisommandovideo.net Sous titrage en français)
Grain de sable, une histoire d'eau + (Ce documentaire raconte comment une communauté berbère gère son approvisionnement en eau, l'entretien des infrastructures, les modalités d'administration et de gouvernance construits au fil du temps et inscrits dans la coutume.)
Seeing the Forest + (Ce documentaire raconte comment les différ … Ce documentaire raconte comment les différents acteurs vivants ou concernés par une forêt nationale sont passés d'une vision limitée à l'exploitation des arbres comme principale ressource, au développement de la forêt comme un ensemble durable et soutenable pour tous. Il décrit de manière exemplaire comment le processus de gouvernance s'est mis en place avec les personnes et les organisations concernées, faisant des événements climatiques dévastateurs une opportunité pour mobiliser les énergies de tous.unité pour mobiliser les énergies de tous.)
Microtrottoir Biens Communs à Dakar (partie1) + (Ce micro-trottoir réalisé en janvier 2012 … Ce micro-trottoir réalisé en janvier 2012 recueille les témoignes des dakaroises sur ce que signifient les biens communs, dans los sociétés africaines. Ce vidéo est fait dans le cadre des actions en amont du festival AFROPIXEL # 3 "NTICS, Création, Cultures et Savoirs Partagés en Afrique".Découvrir plus sur le site de Kër Thiossane http://ker-thiossane.org/spip.php?article99ttp://ker-thiossane.org/spip.php?article99)
Communs et Protection Sociale/Note + (Cette note est un des documents produits dans le cadre du groupe de recherche collaborative Protection sociale, ESS et communs, animé par l’association La Coop des Communs. Elle peut être lue indépendamment.)
Le soin empêché + (Cette vidéo est un montage à partir des entrevues réalisées lors des Ateliers pour la refondation du service l'hôpitalier à Marseille le 3 et 4 juillet 2021)
Charte de l'association Rues du développement durable + (Charte de l'association Rues du développement durable.)
Libre Ambulantage à Dakar + (Clip d'appel à crowdfunding (via http://ww … Clip d'appel à crowdfunding (via http://www.kisskissbankbank.com/libre-ambulantage-a-dakar) pour Libre Ambulantage à Dakar, un projet de WOS/agence des hypothèses/Claire DehoveéJulie Boillot-Savarin. Ce projet consiste à construire un dispositif d’étals ambulants, pour et avec un groupe de femmes exerçant une activité originale de couture et de stylisme dans la banlieue de Dakar ainsi qu’un groupe d’artisans exposant dans un marché artisanal bi-annuel à l’Institut Français de Dakar. L'enjeu est de permettre à ces utilisateurs de disposer d’un outil personnalisé, transformable, adaptable et évolutif : un étal itinérant, qui leur apporte mobilité et autonomie dans leur activité.C’est à la fois un chariot qui transporte des marchandises ou des matériaux, un atelier de création ambulant, un micro-espace d’exposition, d’étalage et de vente. Il contribue à la visibilité et à l’émancipation professionnelle des femmes.La réalisation d'une vingtaine d'étals, qui pourra se regrouper dans la rue et les marchés de Dakar et ses alentours, engendre un dispositif-ressource. Ce dispositif permet la mutualisation des services qu'il génère. Il crée un pôle identitaire, repérable et mobilisateur pour ses utilisatrices. Il vise à terme à créer un modèle féministe et solidaire.Si les étals sont des outils de vente et de présentation dans le marché, ils s’agit de créer des zones qui imbriquent tous les éléments et situations en présence : zones de débats, d’échanges, de performances, de projections vidéographiques et d’exposition autour des activités des usagers, des phases du projet, des problématiques engagées et des actions déployées.atiques engagées et des actions déployées.)
Association Écoquartier + (Comment favoriser un développement urbain … Comment favoriser un développement urbain plus durable et véritablement intégrateur ? À Lausanne, l'Association Écoquartier développe un ensemble de recommandations pour la mise en œuvre d'un écoquartier. Ces recommandations peuvent être utiles pour négocier la construction et la gouvernance d'un éco-quartier avec les acteurs partis prenants : autorités locales, acteurs publics et privés de l’urbanisme et de l’immobilier, habitants et usagers de la ville.obilier, habitants et usagers de la ville.)
Commons Space 2016 + (Commons Space était un espace ouvert, auto … Commons Space était un espace ouvert, auto-organisé et distribué pendant le Forum social mondial de 2016 à Montréal. Basé à la coopérative de co-travail ECTO dans le quartier du Plateau, l'espace a accueilli des individus et des organisations qui ont organisé une variété d'activités autour des communs. Les objectifs étaient les suivants :* Partager les pratiques et construire des alliances pour la défense et la création des communs, * Développer et partager des politiques basées sur les communs pour les villes, les régions et les pays, * Construire une convergence des commoners par un dialogue continu sur les causes et les stratégies communes avec les mouvements travaillant sur la transition tels que : Décroissance, écologie politique, économie sociale et solidaire, etc.tique, économie sociale et solidaire, etc.)
A groundswell of caring, sharing, community and cooperation is emerging at the very heart of sustainable development + (Compiled by Dr. Lisinka Ulatowska (commons … Compiled by Dr. Lisinka Ulatowska (commonsActionUN@gmail.com) for the UN Major Group Commons Cluster, a network of UN ECOSOC accredited Civil Society Organizations and individuals that advocates commons-based approaches to sustainable develop at the UN. See also www.commonsactionfortheUnitedNations.org. www.commonsactionfortheUnitedNations.org.)
Commons Watch Report + (Compte rendu de la rencontre Commons Watch qui a lancé le processus d'assemblée des communs en Europe)
Le climat, un "bien commun" dans les négociations internationales? + (Conférence d'Amy Dahan dans le cadre du co … Conférence d'Amy Dahan dans le cadre du colloque "Pour une République des biens communs?" à Cerisy en 2016. Amy Dahan s'interroge sur la gouvernance des biens communs globaux à partir de l'expérience du climat et de la lutte contre le réchauffement climatique depuis 1992 à Rio.échauffement climatique depuis 1992 à Rio.)
From the Magna Carta of 1215 to P2P Production Today + (Conférence de David Bollier, Commons Strategies Group, Amherst, USA. Transcription par Calimaq (Lionel Maurel) (Source : http://scinfolex.com/2015/09/28/law-for-the-commons-reinventer-un-droit-pour-les-communs/))
Rencontre avec Elinor OSTROM - part 9 + (Contributions de Roger BELOT, Président de … Contributions de Roger BELOT, Président de la MAIF, et de Jean Louis BANCEL, Président du Groupe Crédit Coopératif à la deuxième table-ronde : Économie sociale et Collectifs auto-organisés, gouvernance et régulation - Les apports de l'École de Bloomington (synthèse des travaux d'ateliers)omington (synthèse des travaux d'ateliers))
Qu'est ce que les communs ? + (Contributions à la définition des communs, proposées par les participants de la rencontre organisée en Ile de France lors du festival Temps des communs en octobre 2015.)
Table ronde des économistes français à Berlin + (Conversation avec Nicole Alix, Philippe Aigrain, Gaelle Krokorian et Benjamin Coriat animée par Valérie Peugeot et réalisée par AMBROSI Alain lors de la Conférence Economic And The Commons qui s'est déroulée à Berlin en mai 2013.)
Travailler en commun - apport des coopératives d’activités et d’emploi + (Coopaname est issue du mouvement des coopé … Coopaname est issue du mouvement des coopératives d’activités et d’emploi, qui proposent une alternative à la création d’entreprise individuelle, en proposant un modèle d’entreprise original: chacun(e), qu’il soit graphiste, jardinière, formateur ou menuisier(ère) est invité(e) à développer sa propre activité de manière autonome au sein de la même coopérative. De la volonté originelle de sécurisation des parcours professionnels, dans un contexte de précarisation et d’individualisation du rapport au travail, naissent de nouvelles manières de travailler ensemble, et de nouvelles problématiques aujourd’hui au cœur du projet coopanamien: comment penser la démocratie dans une entreprise où chacun(e) développe sa propre activité? Qui possède quoi au sein de cette entreprise, au moment où la croissance de la coopérative, l’ampleur que prend le projet, impacte de plus en plus les activités, et où se développent de plus en plus d’activités collectives? Comment revoir notre rapport à la richesse, et à la rémunération, quand les coopérateurs peinent à se verser des salaires satisfaisants, alors même qu’au sein de la coopérative se crée quotidiennement une richesse qui n’est reconnue nulle part? Comment, enfin, réussir à tisser des liens solides avec l’ensemble des "travailleurs atypiques", des nouveaux indépendants, qui connaissent les mêmes problématiques et partagent pour beaucoup les aspirations des coopanamien(ne)s?http://www.ccic-cerisy.asso.fr/bienscommuns16.htmlww.ccic-cerisy.asso.fr/bienscommuns16.html)
Creative Commons s'engage pour le temps des communs + (Danièle Bourcier présente les enjeux sur lesquels se mobilise Creative Commons France lors de la conférence de presse du festival organisée à l'occasion du 800 ième anniversaire de la signature de la Magna Carta.)
Les communs dans l'agenda du développement + (Dans les années 1990, les biens publics mo … Dans les années 1990, les biens publics mondiaux s’imposent comme nouveau vecteur de l’aide. Concept puissant pour évoquer les enjeux globaux, ils souffrent néanmoins d’une interprétation étroite de la logique de l’État-Nation héritée du Traité de Westphalie (1648) qui contraint une gouvernance mondiale et limite l’efficacité d’outils réglementaires et économiques s’imposant à l’ensemble des acteurs. C’est dans ce contexte que les communs prennent leur sens, comme prolongement et relève des biens publics mondiaux. À travers eux, les actions locales et régionales reviennent au centre de l’effort global, dans une approche polycentrique de la gouvernance des ressources, défendue par E. Ostrom. Ils introduisent une démarche positive vis-à-vis des enjeux globaux, axée sur les processus. Enfin, et surtout, les communs tirent leur force de leur ancrage local. En mettant en avant clairement un espace entre le marché et l’État dans la coordination des acteurs, à des échelles diverses, ils permettent de repenser les dispositifs de gouvernance, de trouver des compromis et des synergies entre ces différents modes et d’inventer des articulations originales. Définir les communs comme vecteur de l’aide pour une agence comme l’AFD peut avoir des implications opérationnelles et stratégiques fortes. Quel positionnement peut-elle tenir entre ne pas nuire, accompagner, transformer, renforcer, voire faire émerger des communs? Comment intégrer les modes de pensée que nous proposent les communs dans les processus opérationnels et stratégiques?s processus opérationnels et stratégiques?)
La mémoire de l'avenir + (De 1956 à 1999, le Maroc été témoin énorme … De 1956 à 1999, le Maroc été témoin énorme violations des droits de l'homme qui comprennent la détention arbitraire, d'arrestation, de torture, de mauvais traitements et d'usage excessif de la force de la part du monarque autorités. Mais à partir de 1990, le Maroc été témoin le début des réformes sérieuses et transition vers la société plus démocratique. Maroc sérieusement traitée le nouveau code de la famille, le code pénal, la réforme du code de la liberté, une meilleure représentation des femmes au Parlement, la création de la Commission de la justice et la réconciliation, comme une commission indépendante qui a accordé l'indemnisation peu près quatre milliers de victimes de violations des droits de l'homme . Ce documentaire donne un aperçu général de la procédure de la justice transitionnelle et les projets de réparation communautaire au Maroc.jets de réparation communautaire au Maroc.)
Définir les communs - Balász Bodó + (Define the Commons - Balász Bodó, Hungary … Define the Commons - Balász Bodó, Hungary / Netherlands,Une définition des communs proposée par Balász Bodó, Hongrie/Pays Bas, tirée d'un entretien réalisé par AMBROSI Alain, lors de la Conférence Internationale sur l'économie et les communs qui se déroulait à Berlin du 22 au 24 mai 2013.Cette capsule est une contribution au projet "Definir les communs".tribution au projet "Definir les communs".)
Les normes comptables internationales, une nouvelle représentation de l'entreprise? + (Depuis juillet 2002, l’Union Européenne a … Depuis juillet 2002, l’Union Européenne a délégué sa fonction législative en matière de comptabilité du secteur privé à l’IASB qui émet les normes comptables internationales dites IFRS. Ce choix a orienté la comptabilité européenne vers un nouveau principe comptable, celui de la "juste valeur". Auparavant, la réglementation européenne s’inspirait essentiellement de la logique du coût historique: l’évaluation des actifs au bilan se fondait ainsi sur leurs "coûts d’acquisition amortis". Notre communication va opposer ces deux modèles comptables et analyser leurs conséquences pour la représentation, la gouvernance et la régulation des entreprises. Des cas d’étude telles les notions d’actif et de passif et la distinction entre dette et capitaux propres illustreront nos propos. Le modèle issu du principe de la juste valeur assume une représentation marchande de l’entreprise en tant que portefeuille d’actifs et passifs, alors que le modèle issue du principe du coût historique s’appuie sur une représentation de l’entreprise comme entité située dans le temps et l’espace. La crise financière qui a débuté à l'été 2007 a confirmé le défaut intrinsèque du modèle comptable de la juste valeur. Ce modèle n’a pas contribué à anticiper la crise et l’a même accentuée. La comptabilité peut et doit garder pour objectif la constitution d'un instrument de contrôle et de régulation, indépendant du marché et centré sur l’entreprise comme entité, et non suivre les valeurs de marché au jour le jour. La comptabilité doit s’imposer ainsi comme une institution centrale des économies de marché, essentielle au fonctionnement des marchés eux-mêmes, conformément à l’intérêt général.x-mêmes, conformément à l’intérêt général.)
Great Minds P2: David Bollier - Think Like A Commoner… + (Deuxième partie d'émission sur les communs … Deuxième partie d'émission sur les communs avec David Bollier.Présentation du sujet :* In our hyper-capitalist, neo-liberal world, belief in the superiority of private property and the free market verges on the religious. In the case of the Republican Party - it borders on the fundamentalist. But as powerful as the idea of the free market might be - especially here in the United States - the truth is that it's not the only way or organizing our society There is a real alternative to the endless commodification of resources and accumulation of wealth. It’s called The Commons - and my guest for tonight's Conversations with Great Minds is one of the world's foremost experts on it. Joining me now is David Bollier - Activist -Co-Founder of the Commons Strategies Group - and author numerous books - including "Think Like a Commoner: A Short Introduction to the Life of the Commons." Introduction to the Life of the Commons.")
Les remises en cause de la propriété à l’ère du numérique et les solutions pour le contrôle de la valeur + (Divers facteurs de remises en question du … Divers facteurs de remises en question du modèle "classique" de la propriété se font particulièrement prégnants à l’ère du numérique. Pour le démontrer, on reprendra tout d’abord la construction politique et juridique de la propriété en tant que pouvoir individuel de domination exclusif et absolu des choses matérielles. On insistera, ensuite, sur les débats déjà connus relativement à la pertinence du modèle, lors du basculement de la valeur, du corporel à l’incorporel et, particulièrement, à la "propriété intellectuelle". On se concentrera, enfin, sur les facteurs de remises en question actuels du modèle propriétaire, percuté par certaines des caractéristiques propres de la création de valeur à l’ère du numérique: ces facteurs vont de l’inefficacité du modèle de la propriété — en ce qui concerne notamment les propriétés intellectuelles, proclamées même aujourd’hui rudement attaquées — à l’inadaptation du modèle — en ce qui concerne des créations de la valeur qui impliquent davantage la personne que des biens, comme en matière de valorisation des données personnelles — à l’ignorance, par le modèle "historique" de propriété, des aspects collectifs ou "communs" de la création de valeur (crownfunding, crowdsourcing, communautés de création, etc.).dsourcing, communautés de création, etc.).)
Revolution OS + (Documentaire de 2001 retraçant l'histoire … Documentaire de 2001 retraçant l'histoire des mouvements GNU, Linux, Open Source et des logiciels libres à partir du témoignage des différents protagonistes - Torvalds, Larry Augustin, Eric S. Raymond, Bruce Perens, Frank Hecker et Brian Behlendorf.Le film démarre avec les interviews d’Eric Raymond, Linus Torvals, Richard Stallman, Bruce Perens, puis se poursuit en présentant les différentes étape de cette histoire lorsque le code a été librement partagé et que des luttes avec les fournisseurs de logiciels propriétaires conduisaient, par exemple, au départ de Richard Stallman du MIT. Celui-ci a pu alors se concentrer sur le développement du logiciel libre et sur le projet GNU. Le film documente également l'impact de la première conférence LinuxWorld, montrant Linus Torvalds et Larry Augustin lors des sessions d'ouverture.ry Augustin lors des sessions d'ouverture.)
La Chapelle Marx Dormoy/ Dormoy Labs + (Dormoy Lab est une tentative d'exploration … Dormoy Lab est une tentative d'exploration du quartier La Chapelle - Marx Dormoy sous l'angle de ses initiatives populaires et de ses manières de donner vie au quartier. Qui sont les habitants, quelles sont les richesses du quartier, comment y vit-on ? Cette exploration vise à nous permettre de connaître les communs du quartier. Les communs sont ici les manières qu'ont les habitants de se saisir et se doter de ressources collectives, et d'en assurer une gouvernance démocratique, pour résoudre les problèmes qu'ils rencontrent et améliorer leur vie quotidienne.ontrent et améliorer leur vie quotidienne.)
Définir le Bien Commun: Silke Helfrich à Berlín + (Définition des biens communs par HELFRICH … Définition des biens communs par HELFRICH Silke à l'occasion de la International Commons Conference à Berlin les 1er et 2 novembre 2010."Für mich geht es bei den Commons darum, dass wir unsere soziale Beziehungen, das Leben, das wir miteinander führen müssen, so gestalten, dass wir die Ressourcen, die wie alle zum Leben brauchen – egal, ob zum essen oder ob uns zu heilen, oder Wissen zu reproduzieren – dass wir also die Ressourcen, die wir alle zum Leben brauchen, fair teilen und nachhaltig benutzen.""Pour moi, en matière de communs, il est question d'organiser nos relations sociales et la vie que nous devons mener ensemble de telle manière que nous partagions les ressources dont nous avons besoin pour vivre - qu'il s'agisse de manger, de se guérir ou encore de reproduire du savoir - que nous partagions équitablement ces ressources dont nous avons tous besoin pour vivre et que nous les utilisions de manière durable".e nous les utilisions de manière durable".)
Définir le Bien Commun: Gaelle Krikorian à Berlin + (Définition des biens communs par Gaelle Krikorian à l'occasion de la International Commons Conference à Berlin les 1er et 2 novembre 2010.)
Définir le Bien Commun: David Bollier à Berlin + (Définition des biens communs par David Bol … Définition des biens communs par David Bollier à l'occasion de la International Commons Conference à Berlin les 1er et 2 novembre 2010."The commons in its most salient form is an alternative to market relationships – through property, cash-exchange and so forth. But that's putting that in a reactive way because in another way it's about reclaiming sovereignty of control for managing resources and developing an ethical - even spiritual - way of life that's sustainable and compatible with one's ecosystem and one's community."with one's ecosystem and one's community.")
Définir le Bien Commun: Miguel Vieira à Berlin + (Définition des biens communs par Miguel Vieira à l'occasion de la International Commons Conference à Berlin les 1er et 2 novembre 2010. Langue : portugais)
Définir le Bien Commun: Beatriz Busaniche à Berlín + (Définition des biens communs par Beatriz Busaniche à l'occasion de la International Commons Conference à Berlin les 1er et 2 novembre 2010.)
Définir le Bien Commun: Moussa Mbaye à Dakar + (Définition des biens communs par Moussa Mbaye à l'occasion du Forum Social Mondial à Dakar en février 2011. Langue : Wolof Traduction En français: http://www.remixthecommons.org/2011/08/define-the-commons-moussa-mbaye-in-dakar)
Définir le Bien Commun: Phlippe Aigrain à Berlin + (Définition des biens communs par Philippe … Définition des biens communs par Philippe Aigrain à l'occasion de la International Commons Conference à Berlin les 1er et 2 novembre 2010."C'est ce qui appartient à tous les usagers et producteurs potentiels et donc dont il n'est pas acceptable que ça devienne la propriété d'un ou d'une organisation." la propriété d'un ou d'une organisation.")
Définir le Bien Commun: Alberto Acosta à Berlín + (Définition des biens communs par Alberto Acosta à l'occasion de la International Commons Conference à Berlin les 1er et 2 novembre 2010.)
Définition des communs selon Roberto Verzola + (Définition des biens communs par Roberto Verzola à l'occasion de la International Commons Conference à Berlin les 1er et 2 novembre 2010. Langue :tagalog)
Définir le Bien Commun: Mazibuko Jara à Berlin + (Définition des biens communs par Mazibuko Jara à l'occasion de la International Commons Conference à Berlin les 1er et 2 novembre 2010. Langue: Khosa)
Définir le Bien Commun: Jai Sen à Berlin + (Définition des biens communs par Jai Sen à … Définition des biens communs par Jai Sen à l'occasion de la International Commons Conference à Berlin les 1er et 2 novembre 2010.Jai Sen, architecte et urbaniste de formation, est un chercheur indépendant basé à New Delhi, en Inde. Il était auparavant un militant des droits pour l'habitat et le travail à Kolkata (Calcutta), et aux niveaux national et international. Travaillant avec le collectif CACIM, il a produit une cartographie de la ville "involontaire", un travail de sensibilisation du public, aux enjeux de l'architecture et de la planification pour les communautés marginales et d'autres travaux liés aux droits d'habitation. Il a participé aux Forums Sociaux Mondiaux depuis 2002, et a été membre du Comité de travail du FSM en Inde et de son équipe de coordination au cours de 2002-3. http://www.cacim.netn au cours de 2002-3. http://www.cacim.net)
Définir le Bien Commun: Barbara Unmüssig à Berlin + (Définition des biens communs par Barbara U … Définition des biens communs par Barbara Unmüssig à l'occasion de la International Commons Conference à Berlin les 1er et 2 novembre 2010."Für mich heißt Commons, dafür zu sorgen, dass Menschen ihr eigenes Schicksal in die Hand nehmen und selbst schauen, wie sie vor Ort für das Allgemeinwohl arbeiten können."rt für das Allgemeinwohl arbeiten können.")
Définir le Bien Commun:Massimo Banzi à Berlin + (Définition des biens communs par Massimo Banzi à l'occasion de la International Commons Conference à Berlin les 1er et 2 novembre 2010. Langue : Italien)
Définir le Bien Commun: Imma Harms à Berlin + (Définition des biens communs par Imma Harms à l'occasion de la International Commons Conference à Berlin les 1er et 2 novembre 2010.)
Définir le Bien Commun: Hala Essalmawi à Berlin + (Définition des biens communs par Hala Essalmawi à l'occasion de la International Commons Conference à Berlin les 1er et 2 novembre 2010. Document bilingue : Arabe et Anglais)
Définir le Bien Commun: Kirsten Grover à Berlin + (Définition des biens communs par Kirsten Grover à l'occasion de la International Commons Conference à Berlin les 1er et 2 novembre 2010.)
A European Assembly for the Commons + (EN On May 18-20, 2016, a diverse, gender- … ENOn May 18-20, 2016, a diverse, gender-balanced group of 28 activist “commoners” from over 15 countries around Europe met in Villarceaux, France, to share their experiences. The meeting launched a process of shared visions and strategies around the commons in Europe, which are supporting the development of a flexible network to connect activists across issues and to mobilize them to impact European policy.o mobilize them to impact European policy.)
Right to the City + (EN: This video was made by interviewing a … EN: This video was made by interviewing a group of commoners who attended to the first public meeting of the European Commons Assembly in Brussels, 15-17 November, 2016. They reflected about how neoliberalism shape cities as places for tourism, gentrifying and dismantling the cooperative environment of the neighborhoods; as well as how commoners build alternatives by sharing responsibilities in designing a different framework. FR: Cette vidéo a été réalisée en interviewant un groupe de commoners qui ont assisté à la première réunion publique de l'Assemblée Européenne des Communs (ECA) à Bruxelles, les 15 et 17 novembre 2016. Ils ont réfléchi à la façon dont le néolibéralisme a façonné les villes comme des lieux de tourisme, gentrifiant et démantelant l'environnement coopératif des quartiers; Ainsi que la façon dont les commoners construisent des alternatives en partageant leurs responsabilités dans la conception d'un cadre différent.s dans la conception d'un cadre différent.)
Rencontre avec Elinor OSTROM - part 7 + (Elinor Ostrom répond aux questions posées lors de la première Table ronde de la rencontre de l'ESS avec Elinor Ostrom : Économie sociale et biens communs, bien immatériels - systèmes d'information et internet.)
Rencontre avec Elinor OSTROM - part 4 + (Elinor Ostrom répond aux questions posées lors de la première Table ronde de la rencontre de l'ESS avec Elinor Ostrom : Économie sociale et biens communs, bien immatériels - systèmes d'information et internet.)
Ending The Tragedy of The Commons + (Elinor Ostrom, l'économiste lauréat du prix Nobel a fait valoir que, contrairement à la théorie répandue, avec une bonne gouvernance, les humains sont susceptibles de forger des solutions pacifiques pour faire face à la rareté des ressources.)
5 preguntas a Iago Martínez + (Entretien avec Iago Martinez, Chef de Cabinet à la mairie de La Coruña, lors de la réunion Villes Sans Peur (Fearless Cities) à Barcelone en Juin 2017.)
Hervé le Crosnier et l'en-commun + (Entrevue avec Hervé Le Crosnier réalisée par AMBROSI Alain lors de l’Economic Commons Conference de Berlin 2013)
Vers un programme de recherche sur les communs, entretien avec Charlotte Hess + (Entrevue avec Charlotte Hess réalisée par AMBROSI Alain lors de la conférence Economic and the Commons à Berlin 2013)
Le mouvement des communs et l'art de l'en-commun. Entrevue avec George Pór + (Entrevue avec George Pór réalisée par AMBROSI Alain lors de la conférence Economic and the Commons à Berlin 2013)
Connecter les Communs + (Entrevue avec Heike Löschmann, Miguel Said Vieira, Ludig Schuster, Mike Linksvayer réalisée par AMBROSI Alain et SULTAN Frédéric lors de la conférence Economic and the Commons à Berlin en mai 2013.)
La démocratie et les communs, table ronde avec Smàri Mc Carthy et Marvin Brown + (Entrevue avec Marvin Brown et Smàri Mc Carthy réalisée lors de l’Economic Commons Conference de Berlin 2013. Interviewer Michel Bauwens)
La escuela de los Comunes de Barcelona + (Entrevue avec Mayo Fuster réalisée par AMBROSI Alain à la conférence de Berlin Economics and the Commons de Berln en mai 2013. (espagnol))
Le mouvement des communs en Italie, conversation avec Ugo Mattei + (Entrevue avec Ugo Mattei réalisée par AMBR … Entrevue avec Ugo Mattei réalisée par AMBROSI Alain lors de la conférence Economic and the Commons à Berlin en mai 2013. Ugo Mattei présente les défis et les enjeux de la lutte pour la récupération de la gouvernance de l'eau à Naples à travers la mise en place de ABC (Agua Beni Communi). mise en place de ABC (Agua Beni Communi).)
Quel programme de recherche sur les Communs? Une entrevue avec Valérie Peugeot + (Entrevue avec Valérie Peugeot réalisée par AMBROSI Alain lors de la conférence Economic and the Commons à Berlin 2013)
Un agenda politique pour les Communs, interview de Valérie Peugeot + (Entrevue avec Valérie Peugeot réalisée par AMBROSI Alain lors de la conférence Economic and the Commons à Berlin 2013)
Interview - Peter Linebaugh - The Magna Carta Manifesto + (Entrevue de Peter Linebaugh, Professeur d'hitoire à l'université de Toledo et auteur de "The Magna Carta Manifesto: Liberties and Commons for All" enregistrée le 14 mars 2009.)
RITIMO s'engage pour le Temps des communs + (Erica Campelo et Béatrice David présente … Erica Campelo et Béatrice David présente les enjeux sur lesquels se mobilise l'association RITIMO et les actions qu'elle projette pour le Temps des communs (2015) lors de la conférence de presse du festival organisée à l'occasion du 800 ième anniversaire de la signature de la Magna Carta.ersaire de la signature de la Magna Carta.)
Réseau francophone des communs + (Espace ouvert d'échange sur les biens communs, le réseau a été lancé en 2012 lors d'une rencontre des acteurs des communs le 26 septembre 2012, à l'initiative de membres de l'association VECAM.)
Quelles pratiques des communs ? + (Et en pratique, les communs ça veut dire quoi ? Les participants de la rencontre organisée en Ile de France lors du festival Temps des communs en octobre 2015, expliquent comment ils mettent en pratique les communs dans leurs domaines d'activités.)
Letchworth Garden City + (Etude de cas Letchworth Garden City par Dr … Etude de cas Letchworth Garden City par Dr. Yves Cabannes University College London1. Maps of Letchworth*Vicinity Map *Aerial View*Historic Maps 2. Logistics*Itinerary*Main Actors and Additional Sources3. City History4. Governance5. City Council6. Letchworth Garden City Heritage Foundation (LGCHF)7. District Council8. Gardeners Association9. Community Land Trusts10. Annexes*Annex 1: LGCC Draft Budget for 2011/12*Annex 2: Heritage Foundation Financial Statements*Annex 3: Central Government Position on CLTs*Annex 4: 21st Century Garden Cities of Tomorrow: New Garden City Movement*Annex 5: Letchworth Attractions Movement *Annex 5: Letchworth Attractions)
Link between Art of Hosting and the Commons + (Extract of an interview of Toke Moeller (A … Extract of an interview of Toke Moeller (Art of Hosting) conducted by Samantha Slade and AMBROSI Alain during the Montreal Art Of Hosting meeting in october 2013.see full interview at http://www.remixthecommons.org/?fiche=reflections-on-art-of-hosting-and-the-commonslections-on-art-of-hosting-and-the-commons)
A Gathering of Commoners - Join the European Commons Assembly + (FR Vidéo de la campagne pour la première … FR Vidéo de la campagne pour la première réunion de l'Assemblée Européenne des Communs.Beaucoup de gens sont engagés dans des pratiques alternatives basées sur les communs et luttent pour la transition écologique, sociale et culturelle au sein de leurs communautés. Dans de nombreux domaines, l'approche des communs offre un nouveau vocabulaire pour l'action collective et la justice sociale. Elle ouvre des voies pour redéfinir les processus de gouvernance des ressources par les communautés elles-mêmes. Les pratiques basées sur les communs respectent les valeurs de partage et de coopération, d'équité et de diversité, de transparence et de durabilité.L'idée des communs est en train de croître dans notre imaginaire collectif, mais reste sous-représentée en termes concrets. Il est temps d'agir conjointement pour revigorer la politique locale, nationale et européenne sur la base de ces valeurs.ENVideo of the campaign for the first meeting of the European Commons AssemblyMany people are engaged in commons-based alternative practices, and are struggling for ecological, social and cultural transition within their communities. In many fields, the commons approach offers a new vocabulary for collective action and social justice. It opens up ways of reshaping processes for governance of resources by communities themselves. Commons-based practices respect values of sharing and cooperation, equity and diversity, transparency and sustainability. The idea of commons is growing in our collective imaginary, but remains underrepresented in concrete terms. It is time to jointly act to reinvigorate local, national, and European politics on the basis of these values.ean politics on the basis of these values.)
Transition citoyenne + (Face à la crise systémique, des centaines … Face à la crise systémique, des centaines de milliers de citoyens ont déjà choisi et œuvrent chaque jour à une profonde transition sociale, écologique et économique de la société.14 mouvements citoyens moteurs dans de nombreux domaines d’activité (agriculture, éducation, énergie, finance, économie, bien-être social, insertion, démocratie, accompagnement du changement…) ont décidé de se regrouper autour du « Collectif pour une Transition Citoyenne ».Ces mouvements citoyens d’économie sociale et solidaire témoignent à travers leurs expertises et leurs expériences de la construction d’une société nourrie par des valeurs de solidarité, de coopération, de respect des humains et des écosystèmes.Rassemblés autour d’une déclaration commune dévoilée le 25 mai 2013 en point d’orgue du Festival de la Transition (du 24 au 26 mai 2013 à Cluny), les membres du Collectif pour une Transition Citoyenne lancent un appel à amplifier ce mouvement citoyen. Ils invitent celles et ceux qui partagent leurs convictions et veulent provoquer un sursaut, pour passer de plusieurs centaines de milliers de personnes impliquées à des millions. La Déclaration Commune de création du Collectif peut être téléchargée et diffusée.Onpassealacte.fr (http://onpassealacte.fr) est un site de journalisme constructif ou journal positif sur les initiatives ingénieuses, remarquables et inspirantes réalisées par des citoyens à travers des interviews vidéos : faire avancer le schmilblick et changer le monde vers plus d'écologie et d'humanisme par la créativité, l'action et l'innovation citoyenne et individuelle.et l'innovation citoyenne et individuelle.)
Culture & Démocratie + (Fondée en 1993, constituée en asbl en 1994 … Fondée en 1993, constituée en asbl en 1994, association d’éducation permanente depuis 2010, Culture & Démocratie est une plateforme de réflexion, d’observation, d’échange et de sensibilisation à ce qui lie la culture et la démocratie. Cette articulation nourrit l’association depuis son origine.Culture & Démocratie inscrit son travail de recherche et de réflexion dans plusieurs axes thématiques – prison, enseignement, santé, travail social, droit de participer à la vie culturelle, numérique, territoires, communs, migration(s) – dont elle explore à chaque fois l’articulation au champ culturel. Ces travaux donnent lieu à des échanges et des publications.x donnent lieu à des échanges et des publications.)
Liberté d'expression et médias sociaux au Maroc: un état des lieux + (Ghassan Wail El Karmouni est journaliste e … Ghassan Wail El Karmouni est journaliste et membre du Forum des Alternatives du Maroc.Entrevue réalisée par AMBROSI Alain pour remixthecommons.org à Dakar le 11 février 2011 lors du Forum Social Mondial. L'assemblée sur la communication du FSM a émis le 12 février une déclaration http://ciranda.net/fsm-dacar-2011/article/le-droit-d-informer-et-d-etreGhassan Wail El Karmouni, journaliste et membre du Forum des Alternatives du Maroc membre du Forum des Alternatives du Maroc)
Le printemps arabe: une révolution de jeunes + (Ghassan Wail El Karmouni est journaliste e … Ghassan Wail El Karmouni est journaliste et membre du Forum des Alternatives du Maroc.Entrevue réalisée pour remixthecommons.org à Dakar le 11 février 2011 lors du Forum Social Mondial. Les révoltes et manifestations populaires étaient alors en cours en Tunisie et en Egypte et n'avaient pas encore eu de développements dans les autres pays arabes.éveloppements dans les autres pays arabes.)
Laboratoire européen d'entraide juridique pour les communs + (Initié à l'occasion du Commons Camp de Mar … Initié à l'occasion du Commons Camp de Marseille, le projet de « Laboratoire juridique d'entraide pour les communs » vise à interroger le contexte et les conditions d'émergence d'un droit des communs. L'organisation d'une rencontre réunissant les personnes intéressées d'Europe et ailleurs dans le cadre de la 1ère rencontre nationale de l'assemblée des communs a constitué un premier jalon de ce projet.a constitué un premier jalon de ce projet.)
Déjeuner des communs + (Initiés par Communautique, les Déjeuners d … Initiés par Communautique, les Déjeuners des communs sont des espaces de discussions collaboratives favorisant le développement et l'appropriation des biens communs entre créateurs-trices, utilisateurs-trices et activistes. Partagées sous forme multimédia, ces rencontres ont pour objectifs d'influencer la perception du public ainsi que les politiques en faveur des biens communs et de favoriser la création d'un mouvement provincial et international des biens communs.incial et international des biens communs.)
L'entreprise à la croisée des doctrines du bien commun + (Intervention de Aurore Chaigeau dans le ca … Intervention de Aurore Chaigeau dans le cadre du Colloque "Vers une République des communs ? "Croiser la thématique de l'entreprise avec les doctrines des communs revient à poser la question de la forme et de la dynamique du projet entrepreneurial. La question est d'actualité. Les deux termes ont connu un regain d'intérêt au sein de la doctrine juridique mais aussi économiste. La notion d'entreprise tout d'abord est utilisée en contre point de celle de société. Elle permet de souligner, par exemple, les lacunes et les limites d'un droit des sociétés octroyant des pouvoirs aux actionnaires sur les décisions prises par la société, l’ambiguïté du mandat donné aux dirigeants, l'invisibilité de certaines parties prenantes dans l'architecture de la structure capitalistique. La référence à l'entreprise nourrit un discours permettant de décentrer l'objet d'analyse de la société à l'entreprise par l'identification d'une entité élargie circonscrivant de façon plus pertinente une dynamique économique dont elle est la cause. Les discours sur l'entreprise entendent réévaluer les pouvoirs des parties prenantes et promouvoir des formes institutionnelles plus respectueuses d'un nouvel équilibre des énergies à l'origine de la création de valeur.gies à l'origine de la création de valeur.)
Isabella Lövin - Le pillage des mers : une autre tragédie des communs. + (Isabella Lövin is a Swedish Member of the … Isabella Lövin is a Swedish Member of the European Parliament. A member of the Green Party, she is a journalist and author of the best seller « Silent Sea » in 2007. She speaks here about how the pillaging of the sea is an example of the tragedy of the Commons and shows its relationship with land grabbing in West Africa.Interview made at the World Social Forum, Dakar, February 2011, for «The commons on the global agenda» chapter in remixthecommons.org.En françaisIsabella Lövin est suédoise, députée du Parti Vert au Parlement européen. Ex-journaliste, elle est l'auteure du best seller « Silent Sea » en 2007. Elle nous dit ici comment le pillage des mers est un bon exemple de la « tragédie des communs » et montre sa relation avec cette autre tragédie qu'est l'accaparement des terres en Afrique de l'ouest.Interview réalisée au Forum Social Mondial de Dakar en février 2011 pour le chapitre «Les communs à l'ordre du jour planétaire» de remixthecommons.org.Cameraman : Daniel TorricoMontage/editing : Abeille Tardiel Torrico Montage/editing : Abeille Tard)
Charter for Building a Data Commons for a Free, Fair and Sustainable Future + (It a charter introducing principles to make a data commons network and infrastructure, and to have that data usable and accessible by all citizens. Its principles will still be useful in pursuing the data commons movement.)
Définir les communs selon Kamira Naït Sid + (Kamira Nait Sid, présidente de l'Association des femmes de Kabylie, vice présidente du CMA pour l'Algérie, est également connue pour son engagement au sein du MAK propose sa définition des communs en kabyle et en français.)
Travailler en commun - enjeux d'émancipation pour les travailleurs du secteur culturel + (L'UFISC, Union Fédérale d'Intervention des … L'UFISC, Union Fédérale d'Intervention des Structures culturelles, réunit 15 organisations professionnelles du spectacle vivant et des arts visuels représentant des structures d'initiative privée, à buts non lucratifs, qui développent une diversité d'activités (création, diffusion, accompagnement des pratiques ...) réparties sur l'ensemble du territoire français, et qui se reconnaissent de l'économie solidaire.Les associations artistiques et culturelles employeurs ont à répondre à un enjeu fort d'implication participative alors que croissent les aspirations pour les pratiques artistiques et culturelles et que les dynamiques dans l'emploi culturel obligent à de nouvelles considérations. L'entrepreunariat culturel collectif, sous sa forme associative notamment, ne s'inscrit pas exclusivement dans le contexte des rapports de travail tels que juridiquement et traditionnellement structurés entre employeurs et salariés, notamment du fait que les fondateurs soient souvent des salariés-intermittents qui travaillent aux côtés des usagers bénévoles, présents dans un rôle complémentaire De plus, la pluriactivité développée par les structures, entre démarches artistiques et actions culturelles de territoires, questionne sans cesse le fonctionnement de l'association comme outil collectif et de production. Les logiques de mutualisation et de solidarité interprofessionnelle qui animent les structures les ont amenés à se construire des outils de gestion sociale correspondant. Notamment le régime spécifique de l'intermittence rend possible la sécurisation des parcours professionnels riches de l'agrégation de multiples compétences autour d'une pluriactivité qui peut être choisie. Quels enjeux d'émancipation s'expriment, à travers cette protection spécifique, pour les travailleurs qui souhaitent partager des modes de production solidaires, des communs culturels, et une solidarité professionnelle en accord avec leurs valeurs?fessionnelle en accord avec leurs valeurs?)
Charte de TERA.coop + (L'association Tera porte un projet d'écovi … L'association Tera porte un projet d'écovillage expérimental qui vise à relocaliser à 85% la production vitale de ses habitants, à valoriser cette production en monnaie citoyenne locale, émise via un revenu d'autonomie d'un euro supérieur au seuil de pauvreté pour chacun de ses habitants et contribuer à la réduction de l'empreinte écologique.La charte présente les principes de l'association et ses valeurs attachées aux domaines des relations et du développement personnel, des ressources et mode de production, de l'habitat et de l'alimentation, de l'écologie, de l'économie, de la formation et de l'éducation, de l'expérimentation, des technologies, et de la santé.Site web du projet : http://www.tera.coop/Site web du projet : http://www.tera.coop/)
Charte de bon voisinage ARAL + (L'association d'habitants du quartiers 16, … L'association d'habitants du quartiers 16, 17 des Almadies à Dakar s'est dotée d'une charte de bon voisinage qui consigne les règles, valeurs et pratiques communes. Cette Charte qui a été élaborée de manière participative vise à améliorer la qualité de vie des résidents, et développer les formes de mutualisation de ressources pour asseoir une solidarité effective entre les résidents du quartier. Cette charte n’a pas de statut juridique, mais plutôt un statut incitatif pour la diffusion des idées sur ce projet. Cette charte a adopté un 2008, et il est toujours en vigeur.pté un 2008, et il est toujours en vigeur.)
Charte des Garrigues + (La Charte des Garrigues (territoire d … La Charte des Garrigues (territoire des garrigues du Gard et de l’Hérault) a été élaborée par l’association des Ecologistes de l’Euzière puis reprise par le Collectif des Garrigues. Elle prend racine dans le projet initié en 2010 qui visait à réaliser le recueil et l’organisation de la connaissance sur la thématique des garrigues et à rassembler les acteurs concernés. La Charte des Garrigues fait suite à un état des lieux et diagnostic partagé nourris par l’Atlas des Garrigues, publié novembre 2013, et le site internet de l’Encyclopédie Vivante des Garrigues (www.wikigarrigue.info) co-construit par plus d’une centaine de contributeurs. Elle trace une feuille de route opérationnelle pour la gestion des garrigues. Elle est constituée de 9 axes structurants, de 47 constats et de 36 orientations. Pour chacune de ces orientations, une fiche décrit le type d’actions qu’elle entraîne (recherche, expérimentation, etc.), les projets actuellement menés sur le territoire en ce sens, la priorisation territoriale et les liens qu’elle a avec d’autres orientations.ATTENTION : Il s’agit ici d’une version de travail qui date de 2013.d’une version de travail qui date de 2013.)
La Hidra Cooperativa + (La Hidra Cooperativa www.lahidra.net a "po … La Hidra Cooperativa www.lahidra.net a "political enterprise” (that’s the way we call our economic nodes) focused on a critical approach to the political economy, analyzing the collisions and relations between urban powers and urban commons. La Hidra is part of the Fundación de los Comunesra is part of the Fundación de los Comunes)
A Community Charter (Falkirk, UK) + (La charte de Falkirk est un document élaboré par les communautés de Larbert, Stenhousemuir and Torwood; Avonbridge and Standburn; Bo'ness; and Shieldhill and California, en association avec Community Chartering.)
Convention de partenariat de l'Archipel de Chausey + (La convention de partenariat de l'Archipel … La convention de partenariat de l'Archipel de Chausey est un document élaboré entre les membres de la SCI de Chausey (propriétaires fonciers) et le Conservatoire du Littoral afin de gérer l'usage de ce territoire composé d'iles au large de la Normandie. Cette Charte s'applique aux résidents permanents et temporaires (en particulier pendant la saison touristique) sur le territoire de l'archipel de Chausey. La charte conseille les pêcheurs sur les meilleures pratiques en matière d'extraction de poissons ou de coquillages / crustacés à Chausey afin de préserver cet environnement diversifié mais fragile. Cette convention est divisée en 7 parties : * la préservation des habitats naturels et des paysages *Le maintien d'une diversité d'activité, notamment de la pêche*L'accueil du public*La préservation et l'amélioration du patrimoine bâti*La consolidation des services publics*La gouvernance*La durée de la conventionCette Charte a été lancée en 2016 pour une durée de 10 ans renouvelable. Elle est actuellement en vigueur.velable. Elle est actuellement en vigueur.)
Les Pionniers de l'inconnu + (La mémoire constitue aujourd’hui l’élément … La mémoire constitue aujourd’hui l’élément central dans toutes les expériences de justice transitionnelle. La mémoire replonge dans le passé des violations en vue de le récupérer, et de réparer les dommages matériels et moraux qui ont été causés, ce qui constitue une condition nécessaire pour asseoir une justice transitionnelle, où règne la réconciliation entre les partis qui aspirent à un horizon basé sur des relations démocratiques marquées par le respect des droits de l’Homme. C’est dans ce contexte que l'Association Chouala pour l’éducation et la culture, section Tantana, réalise ce documentaire “pionniers de l’inconnu“ , un projet qui s’inscrit dans le cadre du programme de réparation communautaire.Réalisé dans le cadre du programme de réparation communautaire du CNDH, avec l'appui de la fondation CDG et du conseil régional de Tantan.tion CDG et du conseil régional de Tantan.)
Propriété publique et biens publics à l’aune des communs, une reconquête est-elle possible + (La notion de biens publics plonge ses raci … La notion de biens publics plonge ses racines dans celle de res publicae, qui dans le droit romain désigne les choses qui appartiennent au peuple.Le lien est direct avec la notion de république — res publica —, la chose publique qui renvoie à l’organisation politique, au gouvernement libre des affaires de la cité. La relation est donc aussi étroite avec la notion de démocratie. Questionner la notion de biens publics nécessite de s’interroger sur le sens donné au mot "public" et la manière dont celui-ci s’articule avec les notions de gouvernement et de démocratie. L’analyse de cette articulation n’est pas aisée. Cependant, le débat sur les communs vient éclairer ce point aveugle et nous aider à en caractériser l’enjeu.Le retour des communs indique les impasses dans lesquelles est enfermée l’approche classique des biens publics, tout particulièrement dans leur relation à l’État et nous aide ainsi à mieux qualifier la crise profonde que traverse aujourd’hui les biens publics et avec elle celle des institutions qui gouvernent nos démocraties européennes. L’un des défis que posent les communs consiste alors à explorer les voies possibles d’une reconquête démocratique des biens publics.Nous aborderons tout d’abord la notion de biens publics en tentant d’appréhender la question sous l’angle des biens du public. Il s’agit de poser les tous premiers jalons d’une analyse historique visant à montrer comment, si la notion de public a d’abord été attachée à celle de peuple, le public est aujourd’hui dissout dans l’État; cette dissolution correspondant à une dépossession des biens du public par la personne morale que constitue désormais l’Etat, personnalité devenue propriétaire des biens publics. Cette assimilation du public à l’État est ensuite analysée en tant que régression démocratique significative inscrite dans une dérive de "l’État démocratique". L’exemple de la privatisation des biens publics grecs est par la suite analysé et mobilisé comme l’exemple le plus avancé d’une crise des biens publics et de la dérive de l’État démocratique.Nous finirons sur la question d’une reconquête démocratique possible des biens publics en prenant notamment appui sur l’initiative italienne pour la création d’un statut juridique des biens communs.Communs, biens communs, biens publics, Etat, lois, gouvernement, respublicae, respublicaois, gouvernement, respublicae, respublica)
La doctrine FLOK - Sommet + (Le Monde Diplomatique: "Le néolibéralisme … Le Monde Diplomatique: "Le néolibéralisme a mis en œuvre la doctrine du choc pendant des décennies, profitant des situations de catastrophe pour imposer le système capitaliste. A partir de maintenant, le monde disposera d'une recette équatorienne pour changer de matrice pour surmonter la crise économique mondiale : la doctrine FLOK "Plus d'information : * Plan de recherche : http://en.wiki.floksociety.org/w/Research_Plan (En)Proposed General Structure of the Policy documents http://en.wiki.floksociety.org/w/Proposed_General_Structure_of_the_Policy_Documents (En)*Déclaration de Quito Buen Conocer http://bit.ly/1mYVVYb (Es)*Wiki Main Page http://en.wiki.floksociety.org/w/Main_Page (En)Interviews : * R. Poynder's interview of M.Bauwens - FLOK Society : Working for a phase transition to an open commons-based knowledge society: Interview with Michel Bauwens. http://bit.ly/1nSqGPt (En)* Ecuador referente del conocimiento comun y abierto : http://www.pressenza.com/es/2014/04/ecuador-referente-del-conocimiento-comun-y-abierto (Es)Press release : http://pt.slideshare.net/floksociety/press-release-cumbre>http://pt.slideshare.net/floksociety/press-release-cumbreideshare.net/floksociety/press-release-cumbre)
Shakirail + (Le Shakirail est un lieu situé à Paris, do … Le Shakirail est un lieu situé à Paris, dont la SNCF est propriétaire, occupé par le collectif d'artistes Curry Vavart pour répondre aux besoins d'espace de travail des artistes de toutes les disciplines. Ce groupe a conçu un accord d'occupation (une convention) reconnue par la ville de Paris et développe une gouvernance horizontale. et développe une gouvernance horizontale.)
Construisons Ensemble! + (Le document "Construisons ensemble ! Recom … Le document "Construisons ensemble ! Recommandations et critères d’attribution des terrains pour la réalisation d’un écoquartier" fait suite à la publication métamorphOSONS ! Recommandations urbanistiques de l’Association écoquartier de 2009. Ses 140 recommandations pour l’écoquartier des Plaines-du-Loup à Lausanne, avaient été intégrées au cahier des charges du concours de projet d’urbanisme.charges du concours de projet d’urbanisme.)
CommonsCamp2018 + (Le premier Commons camp a rassemblé les militants des communs, du municipalisme et du droit à la ville pendant 4 jours au cours de l'Université d'été des mouvements sociaux 2018 à Grenoble.)
Les Glaneurs et la Glaneuse + (Les Glaneurs et la Glaneuse est un documen … Les Glaneurs et la Glaneuse est un documentaire de la réalisatrice Agnès Varda sorti en France en 2000. Il s'intéresse aux glaneurs qui ratissent les champs fraîchement récoltés pour y trouver des restes de récolte mangeables et d'autres types de glaneurs.Agnès Varda rencontre différentes personnes : jeunes, moins jeunes, agriculteurs, RMIstes, salariés, retraités, en ville ou à la campagne, qui vont glaner dans les champs ou grappiller dans les arbres après les récoltes, ramasser les légumes ou fruits hors calibre jetés par les entreprises vendant les fruits et légumes, récupérer de la nourriture dans les poubelles des supermarchés, boulangeries ou à la fin des marchés. Le film montre aussi les personnes récupérant des objets dans les poubelles ou dans les rues lors de la collecte des déchets encombrants. Ces objets sont réparés, réutilisés par ces personnes dans leur vie quotidienne ou par des artistes pour leurs œuvres d'art. Ces "glaneurs", comme les nomme Agnès Varda en référence à Des glaneuses de Jean-François Millet, sont proches des mouvements déchétariens. sont proches des mouvements déchétariens.)
Trois mots pour résumer les communs + (Les participants à la rencontre organisée en Ile de France lors du festival Temps des communs se prettent au jeu de définir les communs en trois mots.)
A Conversation between DiEM25 and Commoners - How to Build an Alternative Together? + (Lors d'une réunion de trois jours de l'Assemblée des Communs Européenne, une conversation a eu lieu entre les commoners et DiEM25.)
Des canaux et des hommes + (L’eau est une ressource rare, même en Euro … L’eau est une ressource rare, même en Europe. Depuis le Moyen-âge, à Briançon, dans les Alpes sèches, les hommes ont mis en place des canaux d’irrigation gravitaire qui ont permis une agriculture et donc une civilisation. Mais ce savoir faire ancien et fragile risque de disparaître. Une poignée d’hommes passionnés cherche à sauvegarder ce patrimoine face à l’urbanisation et aux ouvrages hydrographiques artificiels. Ils sont organisés en Association Syndicale Autorisée, héritières des Chartes des escartons, qui entretiennent et gèrent les canaux.s, qui entretiennent et gèrent les canaux.)
Le rôle des médias sociaux dans la révolution du 25 janvier en Egypte + (Mahmoud El-Adawy est coordonnateur de l'information au Development Support Center (DSC) à Dokki, Giza en Egypte. Entrevue réalisée par AMBROSI Alain pour remixthecommons.org à Dakar le 10 février 2011 lors du Forum Social Mondial.)
Yochai Benkler – Pep Talk for European Commons Assembly + (Message de Yochai Benkler à l'Assemblée Européenne des Communs, diffusé lors de la première rencontre au Parlement Européen à Bruxelles.)
Fiction et histoire du temps présent : Mona Saber + (Mona Saber, raconte I’historie d'une jeune … Mona Saber, raconte I’historie d'une jeune fille qui revient au pays sur les traces de son père disparu lors des années de plomb. Articule autour d'un lieu emblématique, Derb Moulay Cherif, le film est le récit d'une quête d'identité a travers l'espace de la mémoire dans le Maroc d'aujourd'hui.Diplôme de l’École Louis Lumière et d’un 3eme cycle en cinéma a la Sorbonne sous la direction de Jean Rouch, Abdelhaï Laraki alterne ses activités créatives entre publicité, télévision et cinéma, II signe des campagnes de sensibilisation pour le ministère de la sante, I’OMS et le CCDH (actuel CNDH). Son travail ne se conforme pas aux conventions établies, il utilise ainsi librement le cinéma tout comme la télévision pour poser un regard singulier sur la société marocaine contemporaine : les années de plomb dans Mona Saber (2001) son premier long métrage ; le pouvoir de l‘argent dans Rih El Bahr/ Parfum de Mer (2006) ; les femmes battues et les mères célibataires dans la série télévision M’me Taja (2009-2011) et Jnah I’Hwa / love in the Medina (2011) qui, comme ses précédents films, nous invite à une réflexion sur I’Homme, son Rapport à la société, à l‘histoire, à I’Islam et au pouvoir.té, à l‘histoire, à I’Islam et au pouvoir.)
Rencontre avec Elinor OSTROM - part 8 + (Nadine RICHEZ-BATTESTI, CEFI/LEST Universi … Nadine RICHEZ-BATTESTI, CEFI/LEST Université de la Méditerranée et Jean-Louis LAVILLE, CNAM/LISE, CNRS présentent les rapports de la deuxième table-ronde : Économie sociale et Collectifs auto-organisés, gouvernance et régulation - Les apports de l'École de Bloomington (synthèse des travaux d'ateliers)omington (synthèse des travaux d'ateliers))
Les biens communs, modèle de gestion des ressources naturelles + (Nous présentons ici un dossier réalisé en … Nous présentons ici un dossier réalisé en 2010 par l'association RITIMO. Télécharger le dossier en format PDF Présentation par Olivier PetitjeanLes «communs», modes de création, de gestion et de partage collectifs et démocratiques basés sur la réciprocité, ont-ils un avenir en ce qui concerne la gestion des ressources naturelles ? Ou bien les crises climatique, alimentaire et environnementale sont-elles d’une telle ampleur qu’il faut désormais confier notre destin à de grandes structures économiques et technocratiques, qui seules seraient à même de gérer les problèmes de la planète ?Les expériences et les analyses présentées dans les pages qui suivent montrent que les modes de gestion des ressources naturelles basés sur les communs ne doivent pas seulement être défendus au nom des communautés qui en vivent et qui en dépendent, mais aussi parce qu’ils sont porteurs d’un modèle viable de gestion des ressources non seulement au niveau local, mais aussi au niveau planétaire. Car on pourrait aller jusqu’à dire que c’est parce que les ressources «naturelles» dont il est question ici - et cela vaut aussi bien pour les terres et l’agriculture, les forêts, l’eau, les semences ou les poissons - sont gérées comme des biens communs localement qu’elles peuvent être préservées aussi comme des «biens communs mondiaux». Ce dossier a été réalisé à l’occasion d’une rencontre sur le thème «Les biens communs, modèle de gestion des ressources naturelles» tenue à Paris le 26 mai 2010. L’un des objectifs de cette rencontre était de valoriser les analyses et les ressources accessibles sur les sites web des organisations et des réseaux qui participent à la Coredem (une initiative de mutualisation de ressources en ligne), dont plusieurs sont actives sur des thèmes liés aux ressources naturelles et aux communs. Aussi ce dossier ne reprend-il pas uniquement des articles tirés du site dph, comme le numéro précédent de Passerelle, mais des articles issus de sites aussi différents que celui du Réseau semences paysannes, de l’Agter (Association pour améliorer la gouvernance de la terre, de l’eau et des ressources naturelles), du Collectif Pêche & développement, de Vecam... La première partie, qui aborde l’enjeu des communs à un niveau plus général encore que celui des ressources naturelles, reprend également des articles issus d’un spectre plus large de sites et de revues amis et partenaires. "==Fiche technique ==Titre : Les biens communs, modèle de gestion des ressources naturellesProduction : Ritimo 21 ter rue Voltaire, 75 011 ParisISBN : 2-914180-38-1Paris, mai 2010Coordination et réalisation : Olivier PetitjeanConception graphique : Elsa LescureImpression : Imprimerie Pérolle 01 40 10 06 00Droits de reproductionLa reproduction et/ou la traduction dans d’autres langues de ce dossier sont non seulement autorisées mais encouragées, à la condition de mentionner l’édition originale et d’en informer Ritimo. Illustrations : Sauf mention explicite du contraire, toutes les illustrations de ce dossier sont des images sous licence creative commons (cc) issues du site flickr : www.flickr.com/creativecommonsL’illustration de couverture (qthomasbower, cc-by-sa) est une recréation du sigle Creative Commons à partir de 2500 photos sous licence cc du site flickr de 2500 photos sous licence cc du site flickr)
Occuper les communs - Théatre Valle occupé + (Occupying the Commons est un projet souten … Occupying the Commons est un projet soutenu par le Collège international de l'Université de Turin (IUC http://www.iuctorino.it), réalisé dans le cadre d'un programme dédié à l'étude et la pratique des Communs. Le but de ce projet est d'explorer la connexion entre le mouvement d'occupation des années 2011 et 2012 et le paradigme des "Communs". La première partie de cette série commence avec l'occupation du théâtre Valle de Rome, le plus ancien théâtre en Italie et l'un des plus importants théâtres en Europe: http://www.teatrovalleoccupato.it. Ce projet est diffusé par Commonssense : http://www.commonssense.it/s1/?page_id=938.ttp://www.commonssense.it/s1/?page_id=938.)
Pablo Solon: Les défis de la société civile face à Rio+20. + (Pablo Solon, ambassadeur de Bolivie à l'ON … Pablo Solon, ambassadeur de Bolivie à l'ONU, parle des thématiques et des défis qui seront en jeu lors des conférences sur l'environnement de Durban et Rio+20. Entrevue réalisé à Dakar au cours du Forum Social Mondial 2011 pour le chapitre «Les communs à l'ordre du jour planétaire» de remixthecommons.orgdu jour planétaire» de remixthecommons.org)
Pablo Solon: Les défis de la société civile face à Rio+20 + (Pablo Solon, ambassadeur de Bolivie à l’ON … Pablo Solon, ambassadeur de Bolivie à l’ONU, parle des thématiques et des défis qui seront en jeu lors des conférences sur l’environnement de Durban et Rio+20. Entrevue réalisé à Dakar au cours du Forum Social Mondial 2011 pour le chapitre «Les communs à l’ordre du jour planétaire» de remixthecommons.orgdu jour planétaire» de remixthecommons.org)
Interview David Bollier / Benjamin Coriat, Part 1: State of the dispute of the commons + (Part 1 of the discussion between David Bol … Part 1 of the discussion between David Bollier and Benjamin Coriat in June 2015 at Paris. Benjamin Coriat and David Bollier discuss of the visions of the commons, starting from the question asked to Benjamin Coriat : you are an economist. You are working for the recognition of the commons, writer of "Le retour des communs", published last May. We are in 2015, what about the state of the dispute around the commons launched by the article of Harding The Tragedy Of The Commons today ? It appears that there is now a large consensus around the idea that Harding's arguments are wrong for the local commons, but there is always debate for the global commons (climate, ocean, ...) and a need for a strong work in this fields.d a need for a strong work in this fields.)
Interview David Bollier / Benjamin Coriat, Part 2: Contributions of the recent French litterature on the commons + (Part 2 of the discussion between David Bol … Part 2 of the discussion between David Bollier and Benjamin Coriat in June 2015 at Paris. What is the contribution of the French litterature on the commons published during the two last years in France especially ? Starting from this question, B. Coriat presents the complementarity of the works done on three directions : *Ethos of the commons (Dardot and Laval)*Nature and role of legal mecanisms and conceptions of the commons for thinking the commons (Repenser les biens communs,Jacques De Saint-Victor and Béatrice Parence) *problems relative to specific types of commons Follows a discussion by B. Coriat and D. Bollier of the issues of democracy at stake (especially the need of a new theory of the bureaucraty for the left) beyond the persective supported by Dardot and Laval (Commons as a new attitude, lifestyle and behavior).s a new attitude, lifestyle and behavior).)
Interview David Bollier / Benjamin Coriat, Part 4: Contributions of the French contemporary research + (Part 4 of the discussion between David Bol … Part 4 of the discussion between David Bollier and Benjamin Coriat in June 2015 at Paris. A new vision of the categories, that are defining the field of the commons, is comming by articulating the Ostrom perspective with the original action of free software movement (hack of the intellectual right property) and now, the italian legal imagination. It invites us to understand the "pluriversity" of the commons.erstand the "pluriversity" of the commons.)
Interview David Bollier / Benjamin Coriat, Part 5: Commons, movement and political agenda + (Part 5 of the discussion between David Bol … Part 5 of the discussion between David Bollier and Benjamin Coriat in June 2015 at Paris. B. Coriat and D. Bollier agree on two dynamics that must be reinforced for the futur of a commons movement. One is the interconnexion between activists and actions at a transnational level. The second is the revinvention of the State. In many cases, there are possibilities to experiment and involved state servants and representatives in opening commons based process of management of resources. based process of management of resources.)
Pat Mooney: Rio +20, les principaux champs de bataille en émergence + (Pat Mooney, directeur executif du ETC Grou … Pat Mooney, directeur executif du ETC Groupe, analyse les principales menaces qui pèsent sur les négociations su rle développement qui auront lieu lors de Rio+20 en 2012 au Brésil et les contre-propositions que la société civile et ses alliés pourraient avancer. Entrevue réalisé à Dakar au cours du Forum Social Mondial 2011 pour pour le chapitre « Les communs à l’ordre du jour planétaire » de remixthecommons.orgMots-clés: biodiversité, sciences et démocratie,*Interview: Hervé le Crosnier*Camera : Daniel Torrico*Montage/editing : Abeille Tardel Torrico *Montage/editing : Abeille Tard)
Great Minds P1: David Bollier Explains What the Commons Is & Is Not… + (Première partie de l'émission Conversation … Première partie de l'émission Conversations With Great Minds consacrée à David Bollier ...animée par Thom HartmannPrésentation du sujet : * In our hyper-capitalist, neo-liberal world, belief in the superiority of private property and the free market verges on the religious. In the case of the Republican Party - it borders on the fundamentalist. But as powerful as the idea of the free market might be - especially here in the United States - the truth is that it's not the only way or organizing our society There is a real alternative to the endless commodification of resources and accumulation of wealth. It’s called The Commons - and my guest for tonight's Conversations with Great Minds is one of the world's foremost experts on it. Joining me now is David Bollier - Activist -Co-Founder of the Commons Strategies Group - and author numerous books - including "Think Like a Commoner: A Short Introduction to the Life of the Commons." Introduction to the Life of the Commons.")
Définir les biens communs + (Productions de capsules vidéo de définitions des biens communs multiculturelle et multingues et leur exploitation multimédia. Cette initiative a été lancée lors de la conférence ECC de Berlin en 2010 par Alain Ambrosi de Communautique.)
Connecter les communs informationnels + (Présentation de Yves Otis au colloque sur … Présentation de Yves Otis au colloque sur le Web sémantique du congrès de l'ACFAS 2016, à l'UQÀM. À la faveur d’une initiative en cours visant l’élaboration d’un atlas des chartes des communs urbains et en liaison avec des groupes de recherches sur les Communs, nous nous sommes donnés le défi de chercher à tisser des liens entre ces corpus. Nous explorons comment les outils du web sémantique peuvent amplifier la portée et soutenir la communication des connaissances qui émergent des différentes mouvances associées au champ des Communs...* Lire la suite: http://tlmv.ca/WebSemantiQc5* Yves Otis: http://tlmv.ca/yvesotis* Le colloque: http://tlmv.ca/WebSemantiQcCe colloque était une initiative de Michel Héon (http://www.cotechnoe.com/) et Josée Plamondon (http://joseeplamondon.com). La captation vidéo, produite et réalisée par Christian Aubry (http://christian.aubry.org) est publiée sous licence Creative Commons BY et librement réutilisable sous réserve que ses auteurs (conférencier + vidéaste) soient clairement identifiés. + vidéaste) soient clairement identifiés.)
La science au secours de la démocratie l'innovation collaborative : les biens communs + (Présentation des enjeux des biens communs … Présentation des enjeux des biens communs de la connaissance dans le cadre de l'atelier Commons knowledge du Forum Mondial Sciences et Démocratie 2009 à Belem au Brésil.Le premier Forum Mondial Sciences et Démocratie s'est tenu à Bélem en janvier 2009 à l'invitation du 9ème Forum Social Mondial. Plus de 300 chercheurs et activistes de mouvements sociaux et d'ONG venant de quatre continents ont participé à cette grande première au moment même où la planète était secouée par la conjugaison des crises alimentaire, économique et environnementale. Tenir cette rencontre au coeur de l'amazonie brésilienne prenait toute sa signification.Ce video est un extrait d'un livre-film publié par cfeditions.comEn partenariat avec Cinbiose, Alternatives, Avec le soutien de l'Organisation Internationale de la FrancophonieLes biens communs/The Commons/El Procomun (I) 3'58" from AMBROSI Alain on Vimeo. http://vimeo.com/user1862250ain on Vimeo. http://vimeo.com/user1862250)
Association des peuples des montagnes du monde TdC2015 + (Présentation des enjeux sur lesquels se mobilise l'APMM (Association des peuples de montagne du monde))
Caractéristiques des communs et de leurs enjeux selon Carlo Vercellone + (Présentation des travaux du projet europée … Présentation des travaux du projet européen D-Cent par Carlo Vercellone lors de la séance de préparation de la journée dédiée au thème Communs et puissance publique qui sera organisée le 30 janvier 2016. Le rapport D-Cenbt est accessible à : http://www.nesta.org.uk/sites/default/files/d-cent_managing_the_commons_in_the_knowledge_economy.pdfg_the_commons_in_the_knowledge_economy.pdf)
Présentation brève du projet Ferme des Bouillons + (Présentation résumée du projet Ferme des bouillons lors de l'introduction du premier atelier d'exploration des communs urbains, le 29 février à Superpublic à Paris.)
Politiques des communs + (Publication de '''Cahiers de propositions … Publication de '''Cahiers de propositions politiques pour les communs''' selon les besoins et les sujets choisis. Le premier cahier a été réalisé à l'occasion de la campagne des élections municipales 2020 en France. Il a pour titre [[Cahier de propositions en contexte municipal]]. Le deuxième, intitulé [[Prendre soin ensemble]], a été réalisé dans le cadre des Ateliers pour la refondation du service public hospitalier et témoigne des initiatives auto-organisées dans le domaine de la santé lors de la pandémie COVID19. Le troisième cahier a été réalisé en collaboration avec RITIMO sous la forme d'un numéro de Passerelle dédié à [https://www.remixthecommons.org/fr/passerelle-n23-finance-et-communs/ Finances et communs].-finance-et-communs/ Finances et communs].)
Rencontre avec Elinor OSTROM - part 10 + (Réactions d'Elinor OSTROM aux questions et commentaires de la deuxième table-ronde : Économie sociale et Collectifs auto-organisés, gouvernance et régulation - Les apports de l'École de Bloomington (synthèse des travaux d'ateliers))
Remuer la terre, c’est remuer les consciences + (Réalisé par Eric Oriot, « Remuer la terre, … Réalisé par Eric Oriot, « Remuer la terre, c’est remuer les consciences » est un documentaire tourné pendant les Ateliers d’été de l’agriculture urbaine et de la biodiversité organisé par Natureparif du 30 juin au 2 juillet 2014 à Paris (France). A travers les témoignages recueillis lors de cette manifestation, ce documentaire explore les fondements et es conséquences du retour de l'agriculture dans la ville, aussi bien que les défis et les valeurs partagées par les chercheurs, militants associatifs, naturalistes, élus, activistes et habitants.turalistes, élus, activistes et habitants.)
Toit à Moi - Un concept innovant pour réinsérer les sans-abris + (SideWays – Episode 2 « Toit à Moi » est un … SideWays – Episode 2 « Toit à Moi » est un sujet sur un projet d'achat de logement pour les mettre à disposition de sans logis à Nantes. Il s’agit d’une forme de mise en biens communs de biens immobiliers par une communauté qui accompagne des personnes et des familles sans logement. Denis a mis en place un concept concret pour réinsérer les personnes sans abris. Utilisant le principe du "crowfunding", il a développé, avec son complice Gwenaël, le projet d'achat de logement de l'association Toit à Moi. Le documentaire est accompagné d’un dossier multimédia sur la plateforme collaborative : http://side-ways.net/episode2laborative : http://side-ways.net/episode2)
Open Knowledge Fondation s'engage pour le Temps des communs + (Sylvia Fredriksson présente les enjeux sur … Sylvia Fredriksson présente les enjeux sur lesquels se mobilise Open Knowledge Fondation et les actions qu'elle projette pour le Temps des communs (2015) lors de la conférence de presse du festival organisée à l'occasion du 800ième anniversaire de la signature de la Magna Carta.ersaire de la signature de la Magna Carta.)
Les Petits débrouillards s'engagent pour le Temps des communs + (Tamer El Aïdy présente les enjeux sur lesq … Tamer El Aïdy présente les enjeux sur lesquels se mobilise l'association des Petits Débrouillards et les actions qu'elle projette pour le Temps des communs (2015) lors de la conférence de presse du festival organisée à l'occasion du 800 ième anniversaire de la signature de la Magna Carta.ersaire de la signature de la Magna Carta.)
Adaptation du réglement d'une administration partagée (LABSUS) au droit français + (Texte de proposition commentée, d'adaptation du règlement d’administration partagée de l'association Labsus en droit français par Olivier JASPART.)
St Ives Community Charter + (This Charter of common is based in Saint Y … This Charter of common is based in Saint Yves in Great Britain. This Charter was developed with Community Chartering to declare the basic rights and responsibilities of citizens to establish, preserve, and improve the cultural heritage dedicated to these cities. This Charter was started in 2016 and is still in effect currently.Ce charte des communs est liée a Saint Yves en Grande Bretagne. Cette charte à été élaborée avec Community Chartering pour les citoyens de declarer les droits et responsibilités basiques pour etablir, preserver, et ameliorer l'heritages culturelles dedié a ces villes. Ce charte a etait commencé en 2016 et est toujours en vigeur actuellement.16 et est toujours en vigeur actuellement.)
This Land is Our Land + (This Land is Our Land - The Fight to Recla … This Land is Our Land - The Fight to Reclaim the CommonsFor more than three decades, transnational corporations have been busy buying up what used to be known as the commons -- everything from our forests and our oceans to our broadcast airwaves and our most important intellectual and cultural works. In '''This Land is Our Land''', acclaimed author David Bollier, a leading figure in the global movement to reclaim the commons, bucks the rising tide of anti-government extremism and free market ideology to show how commercial interests are undermining our collective interests. Placing the commons squarely within the American tradition of community engagement and the free exchange of ideas and information, Bollier shows how a bold new international movement steeped in democratic principles is trying to reclaim our common wealth by modeling practical alternatives to the restrictive monopoly powers of corporate elites.This film was previously titled Silent Theft.Sections: Intro The Commons - Enclosing the Commons - The Enclosure of Nature - Enclosing Culture & Knowledge - Reclaiming the CommonsISBN:1-932869-51-4e - Reclaiming the Commons ISBN:1-932869-51-4)
VidéosP2P + (This Land is Our Land The Fight … This Land is Our Land The Fight to Reclaim the CommonsFor more than three decades, transnational corporations have been busy buying up what used to be known as the commons -- everything from our forests and our oceans to our broadcast airwaves and our most important intellectual and cultural works. In '''This Land is Our Land''', acclaimed author David Bollier, a leading figure in the global movement to reclaim the commons, bucks the rising tide of anti-government extremism and free market ideology to show how commercial interests are undermining our collective interests. Placing the commons squarely within the American tradition of community engagement and the free exchange of ideas and information, Bollier shows how a bold new international movement steeped in democratic principles is trying to reclaim our common wealth by modeling practical alternatives to the restrictive monopoly powers of corporate elites.This film was previously titled Silent Theft.Sections: Intro The Commons - Enclosing the Commons - The Enclosure of Nature - Enclosing Culture & Knowledge - Reclaiming the Commonsing Culture & Knowledge - Reclaiming the Commons)
Participez a l'écriture du manifeste commun.pdf + (This document is a general document and do … This document is a general document and doesn't have a specified location. It is a call for participation to write a proper commons manifesto that municipalities, associations, citizens, and other forms of stakeholders can utilize to gain legal rights to commons. It is unclear when it was written, but it is in effect today.it was written, but it is in effect today.)
Moving toward the Implementation of the Right to the City in Latin America and Internationally + (This document is a general document concer … This document is a general document concerning cities that have the potential maintain and manage commons on an international level, though much of the content focuses on Latin American cities. It is a publication explaining the international process of providing legal rights for urban residents who wish to pursue collaborative commons-based agendas for their communities. It was written in 2015 and is still in effect today.tten in 2015 and is still in effect today.)
Quartiers Collaboratifs + (This document is a pamphlet written by the … This document is a pamphlet written by the "Maison des Associations" in Geneva, Switzerland. It is a pamphlet suggesting citizens to treat their communities like commons to promote lifestyle habits that are sustainable, solidary, and democratic. It is unclear when the document was written, but it is in effect today.nt was written, but it is in effect today.)
Community Chartering and Connecting Scotland Submission to the Scottish Unconventional Oil and Gas Consultation 2017 + (This document is an overall summary on the … This document is an overall summary on the support and facilitation of 16 group discussions facilitated by the Community Chartering Association and the communities who are fighting a legal battle against unconventional oil and gas in their territories. The group discussions are hosted by community councils representing the communities in action. From this discussion, it is evident that an overwhelming majority of community members are against unconventional oil and gas production in the area. They have collectively decided that oil and gas would not benefit their community in terms of employment, energy security, or reductions in household energy bills. As a result, this discussion allows a charter (written and decided upon by the communities with the facilitation and support of Community Chartering) to be proposed to the Scottish government to put a moratorium on oil and gas drilling in the area, a legal battle that is won by the communities. These discussions are important to highlight in this initiative because it shows many recurring themes existant throughout the Atlas of the Charter of Urban Commons project. Such recurring themes are evident in the creation of the charter and the positive outcomes this charter had in protecting the neighboring lands of the communities. the neighboring lands of the communities.)
Les Hauts de Belleville + (This document is written by the associatio … This document is written by the association affiliated with Les Hauts de Belleville in Paris, France. It is an overall summary of all the associations' ambitions and activities to integrate younger children and younger workers in discussions about worker rules and democratic politics. The document was written in 2013 and is still in effect today.tten in 2013 and is still in effect today.)
Proposition d'amendements Commission Rodotà + (This document is written for all commons-b … This document is written for all commons-based projects that are happening in cities all around Italy. It is a proposal to all Italian citizens to pursue legal rights (in conjunction with Italian municipalities) to common based resources and municipal decision-making processes. It was written in 2013 and is in effect today.as written in 2013 and is in effect today.)
Déclaration de Fribourg + (This document is written for the cities of … This document is written for the cities of Fribourg, Switzerland. It is a declaration encouraging its citizens to claim legal rights to commons-based initiatives in the area, especially in the field of culture. It was written in 2007 and is stillin effect today.itten in 2007 and is stillin effect today.)
Greater London National Park City Proposal + (This document is written for the greater c … This document is written for the greater city of London, England. It is a proposal declaring the development of natural national parks inside the urban areas of London to increase carbon sequesters (and therefore better air quality), biodiversity, and areas of recreation for London's residents. It cites, "What’s the aim? For Londoners to declare Greater London the world’s first National Park City." This proposal was initiated by a group of London's citizens to address issues of access to public space and biodiversity to the municipality with the support of over 100 organizations, ranging from small community groups to universities and large companies. This charter has a legal status, and therefore citizens have the right and the access to use the legal tools available to pursue direct action on the initiative. The document was written in July 2015 and is still in effect today.in July 2015 and is still in effect today.)
Procomuns statement and policies for Commons Collaborative Economies at European Level + (This document was created in Barcelona, bu … This document was created in Barcelona, but is used for the European Union community. It serves as a proposal to help countries and cities across Europe develop commons-based initiatives in dealing with democratic issues and citizens' rights for certain commons-based resources. It was written in 2016 and is still operational today.en in 2016 and is still operational today.)
Josaphat en Commun d'une réserve fonciere a un quartier en bien commun + (This document was written for a city-level … This document was written for a city-level commons-based project in Brussels, Belgium. It is an informational package explaining the purpose of this project, its potential benefits, and recommendations for appropriation and application of this project. It was written in November 2015, and is still in effect today.vember 2015, and is still in effect today.)
Co-ops, Commons, and the Partner State + (This presentation focuses on the central r … This presentation focuses on the central role that co-operatives and commons play in the formulation and implementation of a new political economy oriented around the common good. The presentation will review the historical links between the two movements and how their respective histories and values reveal the underlying social dynamic that is at the heart of a continuous struggle for economic democracy and social justice. A key part of the presentation is exploring a new vision for the role and operation of the State as enabler and resource for the empowerment and mobilization of civil society for the production of social benefit. I call this the Partner State. How such a state might operate is explored through the examination of how co-operative systems have operated in regions such as Emilia Romagna, in the use of social co-operatives, and the experience of digital commons in scaling democratic systems.tal commons in scaling democratic systems.)
Peter Linebaugh: Who Owns the Commons? An 800 Year Fight for Public Goods + (This year marks the 800th anniversary of t … This year marks the 800th anniversary of the signing of the Magna Carta, and this weeks show marks that occasion with a discussion on the rights of the commons with author Peter Linebaugh. We also visit a community center in Caracas, and hear from youth voices about life and revolution in Venezuela.es about life and revolution in Venezuela.)
Voyage à Bologne avec La Fabrique des Impossibles + (Tout peut être co-construit avec la Fabriq … Tout peut être co-construit avec la Fabrique des Impossibles !! C’est donc à Bologne que nous sommes parties pour parler création participative, espace public et droits culturels, le tout à travers une Fête de la Soupe ! C’est dans le cadre de l’émission Communs urbains, l’Atlas que cette rencontre radiophonique s’est installée.e rencontre radiophonique s’est installée.)
Déclaration d'usage civique de l'Asilo, Naples + (Traduction en français du texte de la Déclaration d'usage civique urbain et collectif de l'ancienne Asilo Filangieri, élaborée collectivement lors d'ateliers de travail publiques hebdomadaires, sur la période mai 2012-décembre 2015.)
Antoine Lamer : Libérer le logiciel de l’hôpital + (Témoignage d'Antoine Lamer, Informaticien au CHU de Lille, membre d’Inter-hop, une association qui défend le logiciel libre en santé, à l'Atelier pour la refondation du service public hospitalier.)
Yazid Attalah : l'hôpital on l'aime ! + (Témoignage de Yazid Attalah, Échographiste, Président et fondateur de l’association Santé Environnement Pour Tous – SEPT - à l'Atelier pour la refondation du service public hospitalier.)
Aux 8 Pillards, accueillir ce qui nous soigne + (Témoignages de Dorine Julien, Groupe artis … Témoignages de Dorine Julien, Groupe artistique Les Pas Perdus, Thomas Moles, Association À Plomb et Julien Tribout, F.A.I.R.E, à l'Atelier pour la refondation du service public hospitalier. Tous les trois sont artistes membres de l'association et du lieu collégial Les 8 Pillards à Marseille.lieu collégial Les 8 Pillards à Marseille.)
Compte rendu de la rencontre Cities and Commons - Naples 2017 + (Un bref compte-rendu de la rencontre Commons and the cities à Naples.)
Les Communs et la Loi + (Un débat organisé par Vecam avec Axelle Le … Un débat organisé par Vecam avec Axelle Lemaire, Stefano Rodotà et Benoît Theulin, animé par Valérie Peugeot. Les communs sont portés par des collectifs formels ou informels, et mettent en place leur propre gouvernance pour organiser le partage de ressources. Pour autant, quel est leur rapport à la puissance publique et à la loi ?port à la puissance publique et à la loi ?)
Carnet de bord Les Bouillons, Terres d'Avenir + (Un récit du combat pour la sauvegarde de l … Un récit du combat pour la sauvegarde de la Ferme des Bouillons à partir de film et reportages, interviews et archives, réalisé avant et après l'expulsion de l'Association de Protection de la Ferme des Bouillons (APFB) et au cours de l'année suivante jusqu'à la "Faîtes du Printemps" 2016.nte jusqu'à la "Faîtes du Printemps" 2016.)
Monnaie, marché, valeur et Communs + (Une conversation animée par Ludwig Schuster avec Gwendolyn Hallsmith, Pat Conaty, Anne Snick et Handro Sangkoyo à l'Economics and the Commons Conference de Berlin en mai 2013.)
Nouvelles infrastructures pour "l'en-commun by design" + (Une conversation avec Ana Saravelli et Kai Ehlers modérée par Miguel Said Vieira lors de la Conférence internationale Economic And The Commons qui se déroulait à Berlin en mai 2013.)
Connaissance, culture et science comme Communs + (Une conversation avec Bodo Balasz, Shun-Ling Chen, Mike Linksvayer, Prabir Purkhayashta animée par HELFRICH Silke durant l'Economic Commons Conference de Berlin en mai 2013)
Theory and Practice in the Management of Natural Commons + (Une conversation avec Camila Moreno, Soma Parthasarathy, Gregor Keizer et Justin Kenwrick animée par Saki Bailey durant l' Economic Commons Conference de Berlin en mai 2013.)
La monnaie comme Communs + (Une conversation avec Jem Bendell, Nicolas Mendoza. Matthew Slater et Martin Auer animée par Michel Bauwens à l'Economic Commons Conference de Berlin en mai 2013)
Définition des communs selon Friederike Habermann + (Une définition des communs proposée par Fr … Une définition des communs proposée par Friederike Habermann, Germany, tirée d'un entretien réalisé par AMBROSI Alain, lors de la Conférence Internationale sur l'économie et les communs qui se déroulait à Berlin du 22 au 24 mai 2013.Cette capsule est une contribution au projet "Definir les communs"."Maybe just let me mention the principles I see in what I would call “ecomony”: it is first that it is not ownership that matters but it is possession – so this is not only exactly what is using but possession it means that it is needed or used by somebody – you have this with commons as land (this is how we live in my project) but you have this with things that you can give away when they are not in your possession anymore, or you can share infrastructures for example. So this is one principle. The next principle is "share what you can": so again what you don't need you can give but you can also share your knowledge, your skills. And this goesin to the next principle which is contributing in a set of shared logic. That is that you act by intrinsic motivation and not by extrinsic rewards. And this is how commons-based and commons-producing economies come together."ommons-producing economies come together.")
Définir les communs - Mayo Fuster + (Une définition des communs proposée par Ma … Une définition des communs proposée par Mayo Fuster, Espagne / USA, tirée d'un entretien réalisé par AMBROSI Alain, lors de la Conférence Internationale sur l'économie et les communs qui se déroulait à Berlin du 22 au 24 mai 2013.Cette capsule est une contribution au projet "Definir les communs".tribution au projet "Definir les communs".)
Définir les communs - Valérie Peugeot, France + (Une définition des communs proposée par Pe … Une définition des communs proposée par Peugeot, France, tirée d'un entretien réalisé par AMBROSI Alain, lors de la Conférence Internationale sur l'économie et les communs qui se déroulait à Berlin du 22 au 24 mai 2013.Cette capsule est une contribution au projet "Definir les communs""Les biens communs ce sont tout d'abord une ressource qui doit et peut être partagée et qui va donc entretenir un autre rapport à la propriété – qui n'est ni la propriété publique, ni la propriété privée, ni la propriété collective, qui est autre chose. Qui est une manière de penser des droits d'usages, des droits de gestion, des droits d'organisation. Ça c'est la première chose – et cette ressource peut être matérielle, immatérielle: peu importe. Deuxième chose ce sont des règles de gouvernance qui vont permettre justement d'organiser cette gestion, cette distribution de droits, qui vont permettre de protéger la ressource: ça c'est un point très important. Ça veut dire que c'est pas une espèce de non-droit; c'est pas comme j'ai entendu quelqu'un le dire hier quelque chose qui appartient à tout le monde: non, c'est pas du tout ça. Et puis la troisième chose c'est ce qu'on appelle en anglais le commoning, le faire ensemble, c'est-à-dire l'idée qu'on est dans une construction sociale – et une construction politique aussi – donc c'est une manière de faire de la citoyenneté autour de cette ressource en créant de la règle, en créant de l'organisation, et en promouvant à travers ça une autre manière de faire société – il y a aussi l'idée quand même de transformation sociale derrière les communs, en tous cas aujourd'hui!"ère les communs, en tous cas aujourd'hui!")
Définir les communs - Pat Conaty + (Une définition des communs proposée par Pa … Une définition des communs proposée par Pat Conaty, United Kingdom, tirée d'un entretien réalisé par AMBROSI Alain, lors de la Conférence Internationale sur l'économie et les communs qui se déroulait à Berlin du 22 au 24 mai 2013.Cette capsule est une contribution au projet "Definir les communs"ntribution au projet "Definir les communs")
Définir les communs - Camila Moreno + (Une définition des communs proposée par Ca … Une définition des communs proposée par Camila Moreno (Friends of the Earth) Brésil, tirée d'un entretien réalisé par AMBROSI Alain, lors de la Conférence Internationale sur l'économie et les communs qui se déroulait à Berlin du 22 au 24 mai 2013.Cette capsule est une contribution au projet "Definir les communs".tribution au projet "Definir les communs".)
Définir les communs - Chris Watkins + (Une définition des communs proposée par Ch … Une définition des communs proposée par Chris Watkins, Australie, tirée d'un entretien réalisé par AMBROSI Alain, lors de la Conférence Internationale sur l'économie et les communs qui se déroulait à Berlin du 22 au 24 mai 2013.Cette capsule est une contribution au projet "Definir les communs"ntribution au projet "Definir les communs")
Définir les communs - Joe Justice + (Une définition des communs proposée par Jo … Une définition des communs proposée par Joe Justice, USA, tirée d'un entretien réalisé par AMBROSI Alain, lors de la Conférence Internationale sur l'économie et les communs qui se déroulait à Berlin du 22 au 24 mai 2013.Cette capsule est une contribution au projet "Definir les communs".tribution au projet "Definir les communs".)
Définition des communs selon David Bollier (2013) + (Une définition des communs proposée par Da … Une définition des communs proposée par David Bollier, USA, tirée d'un entretien réalisé par AMBROSI Alain, lors de la Conférence Internationale sur l'économie et les communs qui se déroulait à Berlin du 22 au 24 mai 2013. Cette capsule est une contribution au projet "Definir les communs"."I think the commons ultimately comes down to acknowledging the complexities and paradoxes of the human condition and embracing that while still moving forward in hopeful constructive ways. And this is really a source of “enlivenment” as Andrea Weber said – which is I think the main spring for... why people want to become commoners."r... why people want to become commoners.")
Définir le Bien Commun: Prabir Purkayastha + (Une définition des communs proposée par Pr … Une définition des communs proposée par Prabir Purkhayashta AIPSN India, tirée d'un entretien réalisé par AMBROSI Alain, lors de la Conférence Internationale sur l'économie et les communs qui se déroulait à Berlin du 22 au 24 mai 2013.Cette capsule est une contribution au projet "Definir les communs".tribution au projet "Definir les communs".)
Définir les communs - Maristella Svampa + (Une définition des communs proposée par Ma … Une définition des communs proposée par Maristella Svampa, Argentina, tirée d'un entretien réalisé par AMBROSI Alain, lors de la Conférence Internationale sur l'économie et les communs qui se déroulait à Berlin du 22 au 24 mai 2013.Cette capsule est une contribution au projet "Definir les communs".tribution au projet "Definir les communs".)
Définir les communs - Noël Vale Valera + (Une définition des communs proposée par No … Une définition des communs proposée par Noël Vale Valera (CECOSESOLA) Venezuela,, tirée d'un entretien réalisé par AMBROSI Alain, lors de la Conférence Internationale sur l'économie et les communs qui se déroulait à Berlin du 22 au 24 mai 2013.Cette capsule est une contribution au projet "Definir les communs".tribution au projet "Definir les communs".)
Définir les Communs - Ludwig Schuster + (Une définition des communs proposée par Lu … Une définition des communs proposée par Ludwig Schuster, Germany, tirée d'un entretien réalisé par AMBROSI Alain, lors de la Conférence Internationale sur l'économie et les communs qui se déroulait à Berlin du 22 au 24 mai 2013.Cette capsule est une contribution au projet "Definir les communs".tribution au projet "Definir les communs".)
Définir les communs - Jaromil Rojo + (Une définition des communs proposée par Ja … Une définition des communs proposée par Jaromil Rojo, tirée d'un entretien réalisé par AMBROSI Alain, lors de la Conférence Internationale sur l'économie et les communs qui se déroulait à Berlin du 22 au 24 mai 2013.Cette capsule est une contribution au projet "Definir les communs".tribution au projet "Definir les communs".)
Définir les communs - Adama Dembélé + (Une définition des communs proposée par DE … Une définition des communs proposée par DEMBELÉ Adama, du Mali PAYS, tirée d'un entretien réalisé par AMBROSI Alain, lors de la Conférence Internationale sur l'économie et les communs qui se déroulait à Berlin du 22 au 24 mai 2013.Cette capsule est une contribution au projet "Definir les communs".Langages : français et bambara.communs". Langages : français et bambara.)
Définir les communs - Abdourahmane Seck + (Une définition des communs proposée par Ab … Une définition des communs proposée par Abdourahmane Seck, Sénégal, tirée d'un entretien réalisé par AMBROSI Alain, lors de la Conférence Internationale sur l'économie et les communs qui se déroulait à Berlin du 22 au 24 mai 2013.Cette capsule est une contribution au projet "Definir les communs".tribution au projet "Definir les communs".)
Définir les communs - Marion Louisgrand Sylla + (Une définition des communs proposée par Ma … Une définition des communs proposée par Marion Louisgrand Sylla, Sénégal, tirée d'un entretien réalisé par AMBROSI Alain, lors de la Conférence Internationale sur l'économie et les communs qui se déroulait à Berlin du 22 au 24 mai 2013.Cette capsule est une contribution au projet "Definir les communs".tribution au projet "Definir les communs".)
Définition des communs selon Gwendolyn Hallsmith + (Une définition des communs proposée par Gw … Une définition des communs proposée par Gwendolyn Hallsmith, USA, tirée d'un entretien réalisé par AMBROSI Alain, lors de la Conférence Internationale sur l'économie et les communs qui se déroulait à Berlin du 22 au 24 mai 2013. Cette capsule est une contribution au projet "Definir les communs".tribution au projet "Definir les communs".)
Définir les communs - Nicole Alix + (Une définition des communs proposée par Ni … Une définition des communs proposée par Nicole Alix, France, tirée d'un entretien réalisé par AMBROSI Alain, lors de la Conférence Internationale sur l'économie et les communs qui se déroulait à Berlin du 22 au 24 mai 2013.Cette capsule est une contribution au projet "Definir les communs""Pour moi c'est un espace dans lequel on... un espace co-géré par un grand nombre de personnes qui sont les plus à parité possible."nnes qui sont les plus à parité possible.")
Définir le Bien Commun: Silke Helfrich + (Une définition des communs proposée par HE … Une définition des communs proposée par HELFRICH Silke Commons Strategies Group, Germany, tirée d'un entretien réalisé par AMBROSI Alain, lors de la Conférence Internationale sur l'économie et les communs qui se déroulait à Berlin du 22 au 24 mai 2013.Cette capsule est une contribution au projet "Definir les communs"."The commons for me is a source of inspiration and it energizes me because it makes me see the potential of doing things together."e the potential of doing things together.")
Définir les Communs - Michel Bauwens + (Une définition des communs proposée par Mi … Une définition des communs proposée par Michel Bauwens, Thailand / Belgium, tirée d'un entretien réalisé par AMBROSI Alain, lors de la Conférence Internationale sur l'économie et les communs qui se déroulait à Berlin du 22 au 24 mai 2013.Cette capsule est une contribution au projet "Definir les communs"."Basically for me the commons is leading your life and always thinking about how all other living beings can benefit from it; so not just humanity but actually all living beings. So just yes it has to nourish yourself, but to do it in such a way that it also nourishes and spreads the benefits to more and more people. As opposed to the way it is supposed to work in our system which is simply as a question “how does it benefit me?”, and just hoping that somehow, indirectly, others may benefit from our selfishness. So I think we have to more directly pose the necessity and idea of everything we do has to create value for all living beings."as to create value for all living beings.")
Définir the communs - Smari Mc Carthy + (Une définition des communs proposée par Sm … Une définition des communs proposée par Smari Mc Carthy, IMMI Islande, tirée d'un entretien réalisé par AMBROSI Alain, lors de la Conférence Internationale sur l'économie et les communs qui se déroulait à Berlin du 22 au 24 mai 2013.Cette capsule est une contribution au projet "Definir les communs".tribution au projet "Definir les communs".)
Définir les communs - Hendro Sangkoyo + (Une définition des communs proposée par He … Une définition des communs proposée par Hendro Sangkoyo, Indonesia, tirée d'un entretien réalisé par AMBROSI Alain, lors de la Conférence Internationale sur l'économie et les communs qui se déroulait à Berlin du 22 au 24 mai 2013.Cette capsule est une contribution au projet "Definir les communs".tribution au projet "Definir les communs".)
Définir les communs - Carolina Botero + (Une définition des communs proposée par Ca … Une définition des communs proposée par Carolina Botero, Colombia, tirée d'un entretien réalisé par AMBROSI Alain, lors de la Conférence Internationale sur l'économie et les communs qui se déroulait à Berlin du 22 au 24 mai 2013.Cette capsule est une contribution au projet "Définir les communs".tribution au projet "Définir les communs".)
Définir les communs - Mahdi Hajri + (Une définition des communs proposée par Ma … Une définition des communs proposée par Mahdi Hajri, Tunisie, tirée d'un entretien réalisé par AMBROSI Alain, lors de la Conférence Internationale sur l'économie et les communs qui se déroulait à Berlin du 22 au 24 mai 2013.Cette capsule est une contribution au projet "Definir les communs"(français et arabe) "Definir les communs" (français et arabe))
Définir les communs - Charlotte Hess + (Une définition des communs proposée par Ch … Une définition des communs proposée par Charlotte Hess (IASC), USA, tirée d'un entretien réalisé par AMBROSI Alain, lors de la Conférence Internationale sur l'économie et les communs qui se déroulait à Berlin du 22 au 24 mai 2013.Cette capsule est une contribution au projet "Definir les communs"."Over the years the definition of commons has changed radically so this is a difficult question to ask me because I am fully aware that if you are asking an economist to define the commons it is a totally different question than if you ask a legal scholar to define the commons. So... hm... I have been tuning on this idea that there is no commons without commoning. Lin Ostrom and I have defined commons as a shared resource subject to vulnerability or social dilemmas. Now if you say that there is no resource without commoning – that kind of implies that – then I am caught up with the problem that I do believe that in the global commons arena there are in fact commons without... where there is no commoning happening: there needs to be commoning; there needs to be people involved but as yet they are out there waiting for their community to come to them."ting for their community to come to them.")
Définition des communs selon Heike Löschmann + (Une définition des communs proposée par He … Une définition des communs proposée par Heike Löschmann, Germany, tirée d'un entretien réalisé par AMBROSI Alain, lors de la Conférence Internationale sur l'économie et les communs qui se déroulait à Berlin du 22 au 24 mai 2013. Cette capsule est une contribution au projet "Definir les communs"."For me the commons is doing it ourselves; democratizing."ons is doing it ourselves; democratizing.")
Définir les communs - Mike Linskvayer + (Une définition des communs proposée par Mi … Une définition des communs proposée par Mike Linskvayer, USA, tirée d'un entretien réalisé par AMBROSI Alain, lors de la Conférence Internationale sur l'économie et les communs qui se déroulait à Berlin du 22 au 24 mai 2013.Cette capsule est une contribution au projet "Definir les communs"ntribution au projet "Definir les communs")
Définir les communs - Soma Kishore Parthasarathy + (Une définition des communs proposée par So … Une définition des communs proposée par Soma Kishore Parthasarathy, Indes, tirée d'un entretien réalisé par AMBROSI Alain, lors de la Conférence Internationale sur l'économie et les communs qui se déroulait à Berlin du 22 au 24 mai 2013.Cette capsule est une contribution au projet "Definir les communs"ntribution au projet "Definir les communs")
Définir les communs - Phlippe Aigrain + (Une définition des communs proposée par Ph … Une définition des communs proposée par Philippe Aigrain, de La Quadrature du Net (France), tirée d'un entretien réalisé par Frédéric Sultan, lors de la Conférence Internationale sur l'économie et les communs qui se déroulait à Berlin du 22 au 24 mai 2013.Cette capsule est une contribution au projet "Definir les communs""Donc pour moi les communs c'est l'ensemble de ces ressources auxquelles on donne un statut qui n'est pas un statut de propriété, hein; même pas un statut de propriété commune; mais qui est un statut qui prend de façon paradoxale les attributs de la propriété. Je vais expliquer rapidement quoi: il y a trois attributs classiques dans le droit canon de la propriété c'est l'usus - la possibilité d'utiliser une chose; le frustus - la possibilité de la faire fructifier soit en l'enrichissant, soit en en tirant profit; et l'abusis qui est la possibilité de priver quelqu'un d'autre de son usage hein, de dire... de le rendre privé. Ça veut dire que je pense que la propriété c'est très important, en particulier qu'il y ait une sphère qui soit une sphère de l'individu, de la famille, du groupe qui soit pas envahissable n'importe comment – et ça les droits fondamentaux le reconnaissent. Mais les communs ils disent: OK, on va donner à tous un droit d'usage, éventuellement réglementé si c'est des biens usables, abîmables ou exhaustibles, enfin qui peuvent se... épuisables; euh on va donner également un droit à tous d'enrichir et de tirer profit des communs – éventuellement en donnant des règles sur comment on redistribue les bénéfices qui en résultent – comme par exemple les alpages: les gens qui tireront profit des alpages les redistribuent à l'ensemble de la communauté etc. Mais on va donner à personne le droit – au moins à personne dans la communauté concernée – le droit d'exclure les autres. Donc ça c'est la définition au sens des registres de la propriété de ce que sont les biens communs. Et après les communs c'est ça plus toutes les pratiques de gouvernance, de prise de décision, d'analyse des problèmes et de construction de relations humaines qui entourent les biens communs, voilà".s qui entourent les biens communs, voilà".)
Définir les communs - Gregor Kaiser + (Une définition des communs proposée par Gr … Une définition des communs proposée par Gregor Kaiser, Germany, tirée d'un entretien réalisé par AMBROSI Alain, lors de la Conférence Internationale sur l'économie et les communs qui se déroulait à Berlin du 22 au 24 mai 2013.Cette capsule est une contribution au projet "Definir les communs".tribution au projet "Definir les communs".)
Définir les Communs - Anne Snick + (Une définition des communs proposée par An … Une définition des communs proposée par Anne Snick, Belgique, tirée d'un entretien réalisé par AMBROSI Alain, lors de la Conférence Internationale sur l'économie et les communs qui se déroulait à Berlin du 22 au 24 mai 2013.Cette capsule est une contribution au projet "Definir les communs".tribution au projet "Definir les communs".)
Définir les communs - Justin Kenrick + (Une définition des communs proposée par Ju … Une définition des communs proposée par Justin Kenrick, United Kingdom, tirée d'un entretien réalisé par AMBROSI Alain, lors de la Conférence Internationale sur l'économie et les communs qui se déroulait à Berlin du 22 au 24 mai 2013.Cette capsule est une contribution au projet "Definir les communs".tribution au projet "Definir les communs".)
Définir les biens communs - Anna Seravalli + (Une définition des communs proposée par An … Une définition des communs proposée par Anna Seravalli (Fabriken) Suède, tirée d'un entretien réalisé par AMBROSI Alain, lors de la Conférence Internationale sur l'économie et les communs qui se déroulait à Berlin du 22 au 24 mai 2013.Cette capsule est une contribution au projet "Definir les communs".tribution au projet "Definir les communs".)
Définition des communs selon Georges Pór + (Une définition des communs proposée par Ge … Une définition des communs proposée par Georges Pór, United Kingdom, tirée d'un entretien réalisé par AMBROSI Alain, lors de la Conférence Internationale sur l'économie et les communs qui se déroulait à Berlin du 22 au 24 mai 2013.Cette capsule est une contribution au projet "Definir les communs".tribution au projet "Definir les communs".)
Définir les communs - Miguel Said Vieira + (Une définition des communs proposée par PR … Une définition des communs proposée par PRENOM NOM, PAYS, tirée d'un entretien réalisé par AMBROSI Alain, lors de la Conférence Internationale sur l'économie et les communs qui se déroulait à Berlin du 22 au 24 mai 2013.Cette capsule est une contribution au projet "Definir les communs"ntribution au projet "Definir les communs")