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Cette page fournit une simple interface de navigation pour trouver des entités décrites par une propriété et une valeur nommée. D’autres interfaces de recherche disponibles comprennent la page recherche de propriété, et le constructeur de requêtes « ask ».

Rechercher par propriété

Une liste de toutes les pages qui ont la propriété « Description » avec la valeur « Enregistrement de Laurent Marseault où il est question de "compostabilité" à l'occasion d'une intervention en Touraine. 'enregistrement est donc de qualité moyenne, il sert de matière complémentaire à un article en court d'écriture. Laurent y partage l'importance pour que des Communs en soit vraiment de penser dés leur démarrage les conditions de leur compostabilités, c'est à dire ce qui fera que l'expérience accumulée, le projet ou la structure pourra à sa mort réellement servir à d'autres. Quelques affirmations qui ressortent de cet extrait : - Les humains sont vivants, ils doivent donc créer du vivant pour survivre - Pour créer du vivant il faut penser la mort du projet en amont - Les Communs et les licences ne garantissent pas la capacité à réutiliser ». Puisqu’il n’y a que quelques résultats, les valeurs proches sont également affichées.

Affichage de 25 résultats à partir du nº 1.

Voir (50 précédentes | 50 suivantes) (20 | 50 | 100 | 250 | 500)


    

Liste de résultats

  • Épisode 1 Croissance sobre, oxymore ou projet de société ?  + (Dans ce podcast on peut écouter Emma HazizDans ce podcast on peut écouter Emma Haziza (hydrologue), Laurence Lemouzy (docteure en sciences politiques) et Eric Vidalenc (directeur régional adjoint à l'ADEME Hauts-de-France) aborder la question de la croissance économique à la lumière des urgences écologiques contemporaines. Dans cet effort de concilier incitations économiques et exigences climatiques en refléchissant à une version sobre de la croissance les intervenant.e.s questionne en particulier la place de l'eau dans le processus de transition. de l'eau dans le processus de transition.)
  • Projet de territoire de gestion de l'eau du bassin du Clain  + (Dans cette vidéo Christine Graval (conseilDans cette vidéo Christine Graval (conseillère régionale de la Vienne), Nicolas Fortin (secrétaire national Confédération Paysanne), Jean-Claude Hallouin (conseiller juridique Vienne Nature) et Jean-Pierre Coillot (vice-président UFC que choisir de la Vienne) présentent le projet territorial de gestion de l'eau du bassin du Clain. Chacun et chacune à partir de sa propre perspective (politique, juridique, sanitaire, agricole) les intervenants nous expliquent les raisons qui ont motivé le lancement de ce projet, ainsi que les défis, les enjeux et les objectifs qui concernent surtout la répartition équitable, l'accessibilité et la qualité de l'eau.e, l'accessibilité et la qualité de l'eau.)
  • Les Champs Captants du Sud de Lille  + (Dans cette vidéo l'association « EntrelianDans cette vidéo l'association « Entrelianes » nous parle des enjeux environnementaux auxquels Les Champs Captants sont confrontés : défi climatique, crise de la biodiversité et crise de l'eau. Il s'agit d'un territoire qui alimente 30% de l'eau potable de la Métropole Européenne de Lille. L'expression « champs captants » définit des terres qui infiltrent directement l'eau de la pluie vers les nappes phréatiques sous-jacentes.vers les nappes phréatiques sous-jacentes.)
  • Mégabassines, histoire secrète d'un mensonge d'État  + (Dans cette vidéo réalisée par Clarisse FélDans cette vidéo réalisée par Clarisse Félétin on parle de la question des mégabassines à partir du cas particulier de la zone humide du Marais poitevin. L'enquête montre, d'un côté, les intérêts financiers sous-jacents les discours promouvant et justifiant les mégabassines avec le soutien inconditionnel de l'État et dévoile, de l'autre, la nature mensongère de ces discours avec les effets néfastes que cette gestion engendre (pénurie d'eau, pollution, destruction des écosystèmes etc.).lution, destruction des écosystèmes etc.).)
  • L'eau est un bien commun  + (Dans le cas de l'eau il ne s'agit pas de pDans le cas de l'eau il ne s'agit pas de penser à cette ressource en tant que naturellement et intrinsèquement commune. Au contraire, l'eau devient un bien commun lorsqu'un collectif l'institue comme bien commun, c'est-à-dire en fait une ressource commune par un processus démocratique qui définissent les termes dans lesquels l'eau est utilisée, produite et distribuée.'eau est utilisée, produite et distribuée.)
  • Itinéraires en Biens Communs  + (Description::Itinéraires en Biens Communs est une initiative d'Alain Ambrosi. Celui-ci nous invite à contribuer de manière créative et interactive à la l'appropriation des concepts et des pratiques autour de la notion de communs.)
  • Voyage à Chieri et Milan 2015  + (Entrevues réalisées à l'occasion du festival international des communs de Chieri et d'une visite des centres sociaux à Milan.)
  • Commons Ecosystems - Écosystèmes des communs  + (Faire alliance autour du renforcement des écosystèmes de communs)
  • Les communs urbains à Rome  + (Ici, nous documentons l'expérience des communs urbains à Rome sous l'angle de l'Atlas des chartes des communs urbains.)
  • Les communs urbains à Bologne  + (Ici, nous documentons l'expérience des communs urbains à Bologne sous l'angle de l'Atlas des chartes des communs urbains.)
  • Les communs urbains à Naples  + (Ici, nous documentons l'expérience des communs urbains à Naples sous l'angle de l'Atlas des chartes des communs urbains.)
  • Hommage Silke Helfrich - 03 Intervention Benjamin Coriat  + (Intervention de Benjamin Coriat lors de l'hommage à Silke Helfrich le 26/05/2023)
  • Hommage Silke Helfrich - 02 Intervention David Bollier  + (Intervention de David Bollier lors de l'hommage à Silke Helfrich le 26/05/2023)
  • Hommage Silke Helfrich - 06 Intervention Frédéric Sultan  + (Intervention de Frédéric Sultan lors de l'hommage à Silke Helfrich le 26/05/2023)
  • Hommage Silke Helfrich - 04 Intervention Sebastien Shulz  + (Intervention de Sebastien Shulz lors de l'hommage à Silke Helfrich le 26/05/2023)
  • Hommage Silke Helfrich - 05 Intervention Sylvia Fredriksson  + (Intervention de Sylvia Fredriksson lors de l'hommage à Silke Helfrich le 26/05/2023)
  • Administration coopérative et communs à Grenoble  + (Le 28 mars 2022, le conseil municipal de Grenoble a délibéré et validé les principes d’une politique de démocratie plus contributive en s’appuyant sur la notion des communs, de la coopération et des exemples italiens des pactes de collaboration.)
  • GIRE - Gestion Intégrée des Ressources en Eau  + (Le GRET (organisation non gouvernementale Le GRET (organisation non gouvernementale de solidarité internationale) a intégré dans ses démarches le concept de Gestion Intégrée des Ressources en Eau. Dans cette fiche il nous est expliqué dans quelle mesure les processus de GIRE sont mis en place. On retrouve également des témoignages des acteurs concernés et un focus sur deux projets menés au Sénégal et en Haïti.deux projets menés au Sénégal et en Haïti.)
  • Se rejoindre - se raconter!  + (Le projet École des communs est un projet qui veut créer un espace d’auto-formation sur la gouvernance des lieux en commun et des espaces auto-gérés.)
  • Redessiner la protection sociale avec les communs  + (Le système de protection sociale est une iLe système de protection sociale est une institution essentielle de la vie économique et politique du 21è siècle. Il fait face à un ensemble de difficultés liées à la fois à ses forces et faiblesses héritées du passé, aux attaques systématiques qu’il subit aujourd’hui de la part de l’idéologie néo-libérale et à l’incapacité des élites oligarchiques à actualiser un contrat social dans le sens d’une plus grande justice et démocratie. Motivée par la pensée de sa réforme, une approche en termes de «communs» permettrait d’ouvrir un nouvel horizon : coproduire la solidarité sur la base d’un droit des communs. Il s’agit de renouveler et régénérer les logiques de redistribution et de protection qui sont d’ores et déjà bien implantées et non bien sûr de tout inventer.plantées et non bien sûr de tout inventer.)
  • Chapitre 2 : La santé sous pression néo-libérale  + (Parmi les secteurs les plus touchés par leParmi les secteurs les plus touchés par les politiques néolibérales des dernières décennies, le domaine de la santé a été objet de transformations profondes. Les mots d'ordre étant financiarisation, privatisation, performance et évaluation, il en a découlé que les conditions de travail du personnel soignant se sont de plus en plus dégradées sous l'impératif de l'efficience économique et de la rentabilité.fficience économique et de la rentabilité.)
  • Remix the commons/Collectif initial en 2011  + (Remix Biens Communs est un espace interculRemix Biens Communs est un espace interculturel de partage et de co-création de documents multimédias sur les biens communs. Le projet est porté par un collectif interculturel, composé de personnes et d’organisations qui pensent que le recueil, l’échange et le remix des récits, des définitions et des images des biens communs sont une manière active et conviviale de s’approprier cette notion et de la diffuser dans la société. notion et de la diffuser dans la société.)
  • Remix the commons  + (Remix Biens Communs est un espace interculturel de partage et de co-création de connaissance sur les communs et de projets qui outillent les militants commoners.)
  • Hommage à Silke Helfrich  + (Silke Helfrich est décédée lors d’un accident de montagne au Liechtenstein le 10 novembre 2021. Remix lui a rendu hommage à travers un temps de rencontre dédié au partage et à la continuation de son travail.)
  • Définition des communs  + (Une collection de fichiers vidéo contenantUne collection de fichiers vidéo contenant des définitions des communs, réalisés à partir d'entrevues faites à Berlin lors de la Conférence Internationale sur les communs en 2010. Dans cette collection, chacun et chacune utilise la langue de son choix , cette dimension linguistique reflète la dimension interculturelle du projet Remix the Commons. Cette collection s'est enrichie au fil du temps et des rencontres.nrichie au fil du temps et des rencontres.)
 (Enregistrement de Laurent Marseault où il garantissent pas la capacité à réutiliser)
  • Définition des communs selon Michel Bauwens (2013)  + ("Basically for me the commons is leading y"Basically for me the commons is leading your life and always thinking about how all other beings can benefit from it; so not only humanity but actually all living beings. So just yes it has to nourish yourself, but to do it in such a way that it also nourishes and spreads the benefits to more and more people. As opposed to the way it is supposed to work in our system which is simply as a question “how does it benefit me?”, and just hoping that somehow, indirectly, others may benefit from our selfishness. So I think we have to more directly pose the necessity and idea of everything we do has to create value for all living beings".as to create value for all living beings".)
  • La forêt comestible de Juan Anton  + ("Il faut que tout le monde puisse manger. "Il faut que tout le monde puisse manger. Et comme la nourriture vient de la terre, produisons nous-même notre propre nourriture !" Apprendre à produire sa nourriture avec Juan Anton. Le tournage a été réalisé à Alzira, au sud de Valence - </br> </br>Episode 5 de la web-série itinérante SideWays, cette vidéo est la première partie de l'épisode. La seconde est un webmag interactif à découvrir sur http://side-ways.net/episode5 . Plus d'info à http://side-ways.net/episode5/#sthash.kKGrAHrZ.dpufde-ways.net/episode5/#sthash.kKGrAHrZ.dpuf)
  • Définition des communs selon Hervé Le Crosnier  + ("Les communs c'est avant tout une ressource partagée qui pourrait être victime d'enclosure.")
  • Cagette - Système de garantie participatif des AMAP  + (''Extrait de «ACTES D’UNE RECHERCHE - ACTION EXPERIMENTALE - Le monde associatif aujourd’hui : évaluation ou managérialisation ? » Printemps 2016'')
  • Le bien commun : l'assaut final  + (... une charge très argumentée, très démon... une charge très argumentée, très démonstrative contre la mondialisation libérale, nourrie de reportages et de témoignages recueillis au Canada, au Mexique, aux États-Unis, en Inde, en France. Avec les exemples très parlants de la marchandisation en cours de tous ces « biens publics mondiaux » que sont l’eau, les semences, la santé, les gênes, les connaissances et pratiques ancestrales ou nouvelles… ( Bernard Langlois, Politis)ou nouvelles… ( Bernard Langlois, Politis))
  • 100 en 1 jour Montréal: la ville comme bien commun  + (100 actions citoyennes le 5 octobre 2013 à Montréal. Un festival de création urbaine durant lequel les citoyens se réapproprient leur ville et y créent un meilleur endroit où vivre." http://www.100en1jourmontreal.com/)
  • Agrocité de Gennevilliers - RAPTZ  + (2ème émission de radio Les communs urbains, l'Atl sur l'Agrocité de Gennevilliers réalisée avec RAPTZ.com.)
  • Balade urbaine autour des communs  + (3 balades urbaines sur le thème des communs, organisées à Paris, Marseille et Lille.)
  • Water (Istanbul Commons)  + (70% de la planète est recouvert d'eau. Tou70% de la planète est recouvert d'eau. Toute la vie sur la planète terre en dépend. Sa composition façonnée par des milliards d'années d'évolution sur Terre, en fait l'un des éléments de base de l'existence quotidienne de la vie ordinaire des humains. Avec l'air, l'eau est notre bien commun naturel le plus élémentaire.</br></br>Voir la suite sur Mapping The Commons (http://mappingthecommons.wordpress.com/2012/11/14/water-as-a-commons/#more-584)m/2012/11/14/water-as-a-commons/#more-584))
  • Chargement/Site  + (<blockquote> <div class="clearfix<blockquote></br><div class="clearfix with-navigation">This post is a re-publication of the introduction of David Bollier’s blog from <span class="submitted">Monday 01/19/2015. David Bollier is presenting the report of a two-day workshop, “Toward an Open Co-operativism,” held in August 2014 in Germany. This post is translated in the French and available in the <a href="https://www.remixthecommons.org/fr/2015/01/the-promise-of-open-co-operativism-david-bollier/">French part of blog Remix The Commons</a>. You can read the introduction below and the original <a href="http://bollier.org/blog/promise-%E2%80%9Copen-co-operativism%E2%80%9D">there</a>. </span></div></br><div class="clearfix with-navigation"></div></br></blockquote></br><div id="main" class="clearfix with-navigation"></br><p>Is it possible to imagine a new sort of synthesis or synergy between the emerging peer production and commons movement on the one hand, and growing, innovative elements of the co-operative and solidarity economy movements on the other?</p></br><div id="content" class="column"></br><div class="section"></br><div id="content-area"></br><div id="node-1138" class="node node-type-blog node-promoted build-mode-full clearfix"></br><div class="content"></br><p>That was the animating question behind a two-day workshop, “Toward an Open Co-operativism,” held in August 2014 and now chronicled in <a href="http://bollier.org/open-co-operativism-report">a new report </a>by UK co-operative expert Pat Conaty and me.  (Pat is a Fellow of the New Economics Foundation and a Research Associate of Co-operatives UK, and attended the workshop.)</p></br><p>The workshop was convened because the commons movement and peer production share a great deal with co-operatives….but they also differ in profound ways.  Both share a deep commitment to social cooperation as a constructive social and economic force.  Yet both draw upon very different histories, cultures, identities and aspirations in formulating their visions of the future.  There is great promise in the two movements growing more closely together, but also significant barriers to that occurring.</p></br><p>The workshop explored this topic, as captured by the subtitle of the report:  “A New Social Economy Based on Open Platforms, Co-operative Models and the Commons,” hosted by the Commons Strategies Group in Berlin, Germany, on August 27 and 28, 2014. The workshop was supported by the Heinrich Böll Foundation, with assistance with the Charles Léopold Mayer Foundation of France.</p></br><p>Below, the Introduction to the report followed by the Contents page. You can download a pdf of the full report (28 pages) <a href="http://bollier.org/open-co-operativism-report">here.</a> The entire report is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike (BY-SA) 3.0 license, so feel free to re-post it.</p></br><p>Read on <a href="http://bollier.org/blog/promise-%E2%80%9Copen-co-operativism%E2%80%9D">David Bollier’s blog </a></p></br></div></br></div></br></div></br></div></br></div></br></div>A) 3.0 license, so feel free to re-post it.</p> <p>Read on <a href="http://bollier.org/blog/promise-%E2%80%9Copen-co-operativism%E2%80%9D">David Bollier’s blog </a></p> </div> </div> </div> </div> </div> </div>)
  • Chargement/Site  + (<blockquote><p> In the coming <blockquote><p> In the coming months, three of the partners of Remix The Commons, LARTES, Communautique and VECAM, will initiate an experiment to formalize popular workshops for mapping the commons, develop tools and a free and open practice manual (FLOSS manual) for share this work with those who want the lead it in their own community. </ blockquote></p></br><p>Mapping Common in Africa (Cartographier les Communs en Afrique) is an initiative whose center of gravity is located in Senegal, between Saint Louis and Dakar. It is to design an ambitious and popular process of learning and empowering people on their commons. It mobilizes activists, intellectuals and researchers from different geographical and cultural backgrounds and disciplinary who share the ambition to rebuild commitment and citizen participation on public property.</p></br><p>Commons are goods or things that do not belong to anyone in particular, but whose use is common to all, and management established on a cooperative and democratic basis, ie it allows each to take part in the development of rules and decisions that affect himself.</p></br><p>Examine commons from the point of view of production of social and symbolic links, is questioning how men are all together human community and how by accident or necessity, they can show their capacity to know or not that they are trying to consolidate this link or to lose it, how they are able or not to build and take care of commons (Abdourahmane Seck).</p></br><p>Based on the experiences and issues specific to the African continent, the Commons Mapping Project in Africa is to develop methods of interpretation and representation, including mapping, of the issues relative to the commons, to systematize and to organize their mutual enrichment in an open and collaborative base for the purpose of empowering people.</p></br><p>This project will contribute to the networking of commoners in Africa, and to strengthen their interaction with the rest of the world, through the sharing of visions and practices and the contribution to the development of methods and tools for mapping the commons.</p></br><p><em>Folow this work (in French) in the <a href="http://wiki.remixthecommons.org/index.php/Communs_en_Afrique">wiki</a></em> of Remix The Commons and read more in the <a href="https://www.remixthecommons.org/fr/2014/07/cartographier-…uns-en-afrique/">French version of this post</a>.</p>ix The Commons and read more in the <a href="https://www.remixthecommons.org/fr/2014/07/cartographier-…uns-en-afrique/">French version of this post</a>.</p>)
  • Chargement/Site  + (<blockquote><p> Some experimen<blockquote><p> Some experiments for mapping the commons, from the definitions and brief descriptions of commoning actions or initiatives, with an instance of Chimere installed by Frédéric Léon at Brest. Chimere allows to place on a maps « points of interest » as defined by their geographic coordinates, text + multimedia documents (video , audio, images). Points of interest can be classified into categories organized by families. Maps are defined by selections of geographical zones and categories.<br /></br></ blockquote></p></br><p><iframe width='660' height='350' frameborder='0' scrolling='no' marginheight='0' marginwidth='0' src='http://remixthecommons.infini.fr/def-commons/simple'></iframe><br /><a target='_blank' href='http://remixthecommons.infini.fr/def-commons' rel="noopener noreferrer">Agrandir</a> – <a target='_blank' href='http://remixthecommons.infini.fr/def-commons/edit/' rel="noopener noreferrer">Participer</a></p></br><p>The first idea, starting this experiment was to locate on a map hundred of definitions of the commons made since the Berlin Conference of 2010, and look at how to use this medium as a collective means of expression on the notion of commons. For the test, a douzen of definitions is placed on the map. The integration of all the hundreds of available definitions give more card provided. They are searchable by language. Sorting by tag does not exist. It is the next step we are chalenging. It will allow to make more visible the « issues » generated on the Remix The Commons website. The integration of this map in the site remix is done by widget in a blog post or page. Eventually, the card could be powered by mashup multimedia services.</p></br><p>Second experiment : <a href="http://remixthecommons.infini.fr/type-de-biens-communs">mapping documents of commoning practices</a> by category « types of commons » (only with the parents of the categories of Charlotte Hess’ classification, used on the web site Remix the Commons) . The maps can be made by geographical areas. <a href="http://remixthecommons.infini.fr/visages-des-communs">Here</a> a map of a few points in Quebec .</p></br><p>Chimere freely allows the addition of new points of interest by users via <a href="http://remixthecommons.infini.fr/type-de-biens-communs/edit" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">a form</a> pretty simple. Each zone provides to the users a form that allows to classify points of interest by the category of the zone.</p></br><p>At this level, it would be useful to complete chimere with elements such as a device of tags of points of interest, a synchronization of files on the map, a synchronization of the points of interest in the catalog of Remix the Commons.</p></br><p>But to go further, it should be necessary to work on approaches of mapping the commons. The identification of resources is the first degree of a mapping of the commons. Should imagine mapping commons based modes of administration of resources, or models of distribution of property rights, or value systems attached to commoning practices and certainly other things.</p></br><p>Frédéric Sultan</p>ng commons based modes of administration of resources, or models of distribution of property rights, or value systems attached to commoning practices and certainly other things.</p> <p>Frédéric Sultan</p>)
  • Chargement/Site  + (<blockquote><p>6 months after <blockquote><p>6 months after the World Social Forum, our Documentation / Card Play tool on the commons is ready to circulate, to animate conversations and to help you to move the commons close to you!</p></blockquote></br><p><img decoding="async" loading="lazy" class="aligncenter size-medium wp-image-4621" src="https://www.remixthecommons.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/03/IMG_0071-1024x768-300x225.jpg" alt="IMG_0071-1024x768" width="800" height="600" /></p></br><p>C@rds in Common is a game where 2 to 5 players collaborate to build a resilient civil society that defends the commons against the forces of monopolization. Apart from the pleasure of playing, C@rds in common was conceived as a means of documenting the presence of the commons at the Commons Space, an ephemeral encounter at the World Social Forum in Montreal in August 2016. The cards that composed the game were designed by volunteers who shared their vision and experience of the commons and the game mecanism designed by Mathieu Rhéaume and his team. This experience suggests that it would be possible to use the same approach and these methodological tools to document the commons in other local contexts, alike your neighborhood, or thematics as the commons of knowledge for example. We look forward to such experiments!</p></br><p>To learn more about the game, have a look at the <a href="http://cartesencommun.cc">website</a>.</p></br><p>The game is released on demand by The Game Crafter in the US for $ 22.99 each plus shipping and customs via: <a href="https://www.thegamecrafter.com/games/c-rds-in-common">https://www.thegamecrafter.com</a></p></br><p>To reduce shipping and customs for Europeans, we are launching a bulk order and hopefully this will bring the cost of each game delivered to Europe to around US $ 30/35.</p></br><p>If you wish to participate in this first bulk order, fill in <a href="https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSfVa7DsY3rbjkxPoui-KzHqpPtmhhV1_KBstEMebKWVceaPnQ/viewform?c=0&w=1">the form</a> before March 18th at 20:00 GMT.</p></br><p>You will also have to pay an advance corresponding only to the price of the game(s) ordered. The remainder to be paid (port and customs) will be asked when the order is completed, when we will know the costs of postage and customs.</p></br><p>Then, be patient! The group order will be initiated on 19 March and will arrive in Paris during the month of April. As soon as they arrive in Paris, the games will be mailed to their recipients.</p>>Then, be patient! The group order will be initiated on 19 March and will arrive in Paris during the month of April. As soon as they arrive in Paris, the games will be mailed to their recipients.</p>)
  • Chargement/Site  + (<blockquote><p>A workshop <<blockquote><p>A workshop <a href="http://mappingthecommons.net/">mapping the commons</a> will take place at Rio (Brazil) from 18 to 26 of october 2013, coordinated by <a href="http://hackitectura.net/">Pablo de Soto</a> with the collaboration of <a href="http://www.bernardogutierrez.es/">Bernardo Gutiérrez</a> and the support of MediaLab (Madrid).</br></p></blockquote></br><p><iframe loading="lazy" width="400" height="225" src="//www.youtube.com/embed/Nrtbi9gbuWw?rel=0" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen></iframe></p></br><p>Mapping the commons was developed by Pablo Soto. This initiative aims to produce with inhabitants, activists in the place, living maps, consisting of short video documentaries and vidéoposts. The proposed approach takes the form of an intense multi-day workshop with communication students and activists to find the Commons, define and make them visible in the territory by producing media that form the map.</p></br><p>Pablo Soto initiated this approach around urban commons of <a href="http://mappingthecommons.net/map-of-istanbul-commons/">istanbul</a> and <a href = "http://mappingthecommons.net/map-of-athens-commons/"> Athens </ a>. See the work done about <a href="http://mappingthecommons.net/taksim-square/"> Taksim Square </a>, whose privatization was one of the starting points of protest in Turkey this year. The mapping is a strategic tool. To research of the urban commons is a process of mapping the space, that Pablo Soto understand « as proposed by Deleuze and Guattari, and used many artists and activists during the last decade, as a <a href="http://cartografiaciudadana.net/athenscommons/auto.php"> performance</a> which can be thinking, artistic work, or social change ».</p></br><p>On 20 March 2013, a wikisprint was performed in Barcelona using the same principles and methodology . Under the title  » Global P2P  » , it was to map Common practices and P2P in Latin America and southern Europe. See in English <a href=" http://codigoabiertocc.wordpress.com/2013/08/07/globalp2p-the-wind-that-shook-the-net/"> # GlobalP2P , the wind that shook the net </a>.</p></br><p>Rio next step Mapping the commons is one of the cities that comes from living like the rest of Brazil, an intense social and political mobilization against international festivities that tend to <a href= "http:// scinfolex.wordpress.com/?s=Olympic"> privatize public space </a>. Many consider these mobilizations, their claims and modes of organization fall within the paradigm of Commons. See analysis on the subject of Bernardo Gutierrez in <a href="http://blogs.20minutos.es/codigo-abierto/2013/05/23/globalp2p-el-viento-que-desordeno-las-redes/">el viento that desordeno las redes</a> and Alexandre Mendes in <a href ="http://uninomade.net/tenda/a-atualidade-de-uma-democracia-das-mobilizacoes-e-do-comum/"> A atualidade uma das democracia mobilizacoes do comum e</a>.</p></br><p>To go further , we recommand to read the article <a href="http://www.academia.edu/2637017/Mapping_the_Commons_Workshop"> Mapping the Commons Workshop: Athens and Istanbul </a> , Pablo De Soto, Daphne Dragona , Aslihan Şenel , Demitri Delinikolas José Pérez de Lama</p>lt;p>To go further , we recommand to read the article <a href="http://www.academia.edu/2637017/Mapping_the_Commons_Workshop"> Mapping the Commons Workshop: Athens and Istanbul </a> , Pablo De Soto, Daphne Dragona , Aslihan Şenel , Demitri Delinikolas José Pérez de Lama</p>)
  • Chargement/Site  + (<blockquote><p>An experience o<blockquote><p>An experience of self-management of computational infrastructure, that allows organizations to embed digital sovereignty into their thinking on transition and take action!</p></blockquote></br><p>Together with other individuals and organizations, and in collaboration with <a href="https://www.koumbit.org/">Koumbit</a>, Remix the commons is developing a collective response to the need for digital tools and infrastructures. The idea is to ensure full digital sovereignty over our work, exchanges and data in coherence with the vision set out in the Charter for Building a Data Commons for a Free, Fair and Sustainable Future.</p></br><p>After having tested with Koumbit, an independent and solidary hosting company in Montreal, our ability to set up and manage some tools based on open source and the commons on a shared server, we designed a cooperation system based on a model similar to that of AMAPs, which we call the « Konbit numerique », in reference to the konbit of Haitian farmers. <a href="https://wiki.remixthecommons.org/index.php?title=Konbit">Konbit</a> numerique is a prototype of « computational commons » for commoners’ projects. It proposes a working infrastructure that makes it possible to gradually achieve the objectives of independence and sovereignty on information and communication technology.</p></br><p>Our Konbit numerique consists of a group of identified users and a server administrator, Koumbit cooperator. It is based on a 6 TB server hosted by Koumbit in Montreal (<a href="https://nuage.en-commun.net">https://nuage.en-commun.net)</a>, in which are installed the applications we need, tools based on open source and commons: file sharing, calendars, task management, online editing of text documents, table, email,… and most importantly for us a wiki farm. This is coverering a large part of the current digital uses of our organizations.</p></br><p>Users are involved in the governance, and as much as possible in maintenance. The work of the server administrator is handled by the collective through a monthly intervention time credit system. This includes, in addition to the time dedicated to server maintenance, time reserved for future technical developments that will be allocated according to the Konbit’s needs. The idea is therefore to jointly pre-finance a digital infrastructure dedicated to the collective. This infrastructure is not based on capitalist logic. It does not seek to make more profit in the perspective of extraction, but to satisfy the needs of the collective. It allows us to start a process to degoogling our digital practices.</p></br><p>Each person involved in the projects of the partners, stakeholders of this initiative, has access to this space and uses it within the framework of their activities in relation to the commons. Each partner can contribute to the life and development of the konbit by subscribing one or more shares of solidarity support (suggested amount: 15 € – 20 $CAD per month, or according to the budgets and needs of the projects), and according to the principle which aims to decouple use and trade (principle 3 of the Charter mentioned above). We have set ourselves the objective of gradually expanding the first collective to a balance between technical need/capacity and finance/governance. It is estimated that about 20 members would be an interesting size of the collective. Then other Konbits could be created and allow a federated type of operation.</p></br><p>The konbit numerique is not an open structure like a Chaton (online service open to all), or an alternative hoster, but an experience of self-management of computational infrastructure by its users. It is still a little early to draw lessons from this approach, but it is likely that this initiative allows organizations to embed digital sovereignty into their thinking on transition and take action. We hope that accompanying such processes could be a challenge of interest to free software activists.</p>hinking on transition and take action. We hope that accompanying such processes could be a challenge of interest to free software activists.</p>)
  • Chargement/Site  + (<blockquote><p>By posting the <blockquote><p>By posting the 76 clips of the video interviews totalling 8 hours run time, produced at the Berlin <em>Economics and the Commons conference</em>, Remix the Commons initiates two new series on the Commons while adding to the already existing series on the definitions of the Commons.</p></blockquote></br><p>The first series named <a href="http://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLiO9RvnsUfkYR3nlESkj73h8CLnDhh2kY">Economics and the Commons </a>includes 13 video individual interviews and round table discussions facilitated by us or the event organisers. The themes chosen reflect the conference streams on topics like: Natural commons management; Working and Caring; Knowledge,Culture and Science; Money, Market and Value; Infrastructures. Their duration varies between 5 and 35 minutes and the series totals 5 hours run time.</p></br><p><a href="http://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLiO9RvnsUfkYA3AHFtDOUCQCcCvEzkn-S">An Agenda for the Commons</a> includes 11 videos covering themes such as education and the culture of the Commons, research, the political dimension and the relationship to the State.They total 3 hours and 10 minutes.</p></br><p><a href="http://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLiO9RvnsUfkatF08AS-5t1PJSU35khJ3S">Define/définir/definir the Commons</a> is composed of 53 short interviews responding to the question : « If you had to define the Commons in one sentence, what would it be?” Most of the interviews are in English, but 28 of them are in the original language of the participant. This series was begun at the 2010 Berlin conference and has been enriched during several international meetings of different social movements around the world since then. The series counts more than a hundred clips now.</p></br><p>The 76 clips of the video interviews done at the ECC in Berlin totals around 8 hours run time. Their aim is to contribute to documenting the conference, and they should thus be seen as a complement to the <a href="http://www.boell.de/sites/default/files/ecc_report_final.pdf">excellent report</a> by David Bollier and the <a href="http://commonsandeconomics.org">websites</a> prepared by the Heinrich Boell Foundation</p></br><p>All the clips have been catalogued on the Remix The Commons platform allowing for consultation, research by topics, contributors, language. Each entry allows also an access to the rushes for potential new uses and remix.</p></br><p>Alain Ambrosi and Frédéric Sultan</p>wing for consultation, research by topics, contributors, language. Each entry allows also an access to the rushes for potential new uses and remix.</p> <p>Alain Ambrosi and Frédéric Sultan</p>)
  • Chargement/Site  + (<blockquote><p>How commons cou<blockquote><p>How commons could be the base of a transition of the society? The equator is launching an initiative to bring together hackers and indigenous communities around the sharing of knowledge.</p></blockquote></br><p>Original article published <a href="http://floksociety.org/en/2013/09/18/michel-bauwens-arriba-al-ecuador/">here</a></p></br><p>The FLOK Society welcomes Michel Bauwens to Ecuador. Bauwens, a founder of the P2P Foundation, flew into Quito on Sept. 17 to begin collaborating towards a fundamental reimagination of Ecuador.</p></br><p>Bauwens will lead a research team that is proposing to unleash a participatory, global process with an immediate implementation in Ecuador. The process will remake the roots of Ecuador’s economy, setting off a transition into a society of free and open knowledge.</p></br><p>In the first semester of 2014, Bauwens will assist in setting up a global network of transition researchers. The P2P Foundation is a global network of researchers that is documenting the shift towards open, participatory and commons-oriented practices in every domain of human activity, but especially also the shift from collaboration on open knowledge and code, towards cooperation in open design, open hardware, open science, open government, and the shift towards open agricultural and open machining practices that have great potential for increasing the productivity and sustainability of farming and industrial processes.</p></br><p>Ecuador is the first country in the world which is committing itself to the creation of a open commons knowlege based society. In order to achieve the transition to a ‘buen saber’, or ‘good knowledge’ society, which is an extension of the official strategy towards a ‘buen vivir’-based society, the Advanced Studies Institute (IAEN by its ]Spanish initials) in Quito, Ecuador, led by the rector Carlos Prieto, has initiated a strategic process, called the FLOK Society Project, which aims to organize a major international conference in March 2014, and will produce 10 strategic documents proposing transition policies towards the good knowledge society, which will be presented to the Ecuadorian citizens through intensive participatory processes, similar to those that took place for the establishment of the new Constitution and the ambitious National Plans, which set the guidelines for government policy.</p></br><p>While Buen Vivir aims to replace mindless accumulative economic growth to a form of growth that directly benefits the wellbeing of the Ecuadorian people, Buen Saber aims to create the open knowledge commons which will facilitate such a transition. FLOK stands for ‘Free Libre and Open Knowledge. In order to establish these transition policies and documents, IAEN has connected itself with the global hacker and free software movement, but also with its extension in the many peer to peer initiatives that directly aim to create a body of knowledge for physical production in agriculture and industry.</p></br><p>The P2P Foundation knowledge base has also focused on documenting new policy and legal frameworks being set up by sharing cities such as Seoul, San Francisco, and Naples ; and regions such as Bordeaux, Open Commons Region Linz in Austria, South Sudan, the Cabineto Digital of Rio del Sur, and more. It’s database of 22,000 global commons initiatives has been viewed nearly 25 million times and attracts 25,000 researchers, activists, users and readers on a daily basis. Michel Bauwens is also the author of a Synthetic Overview of the Collaborative Economy, an external expert for the Pontifical Academy of Social Sciences, a member of the Hangwang Forum in Chengdu that works on industrial sustainability, and engaged in a research project for Leuphana University on digital liquid democracy. As a founding member and partner of the Commons Strategies Group, he co-organized two global meetings on the commons, the last one in May 2013 in Berlin was dedicated to the emerging field of Commons-oriented Economics.</p></br><p>In March, the P2P Foundation organized a ‘global hispanic wikisprint’, with the help of Spanish-Brazilian activist Bernardo Gutierrez, in which more than registered 500 individuals and collectives, in more than 60 cities and 23 countries, mapped the open, p2p, sharing and commons initiatives in their region and areas of activities, resulting in a Latin American network of connected activists and scholars.</p></br><p>IAEN believes that the connection between the hacktivism communities, the FLOK Society, and the global and hispanic networks active in constructing open commons will be vital to create a synergy with the local actors of Ecuadorian society, and will help us accomplish the mayor goal we have set for ourselves as a country.</p>g open commons will be vital to create a synergy with the local actors of Ecuadorian society, and will help us accomplish the mayor goal we have set for ourselves as a country.</p>)
  • Chargement/Site  + (<blockquote><p>Interview Joan <blockquote><p>Interview Joan Subirats(1) by Alain Ambrosi May 2018</p></blockquote></br><figure style="width: 700px" class="wp-caption alignleft"><img decoding="async" loading="lazy" class="size-full" src="https://s1.qwant.com/thumbr/0x380/b/4/cf4cf4f48af794bc54dc5384e88975c9e7cd020dbccf80dc35882a989230be/joan%20subirats.jpg?u=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.fepsu.es%2Fimage%2Fjoan%2520subirats.jpg&q=0&b=1&p=0&a=1" alt="Joan Subirats (UAB) Conferencia FEPSU 2016" width="700" height="400" /><figcaption class="wp-caption-text">Joan Subirats (UAB) Conferencia FEPSU 2016</figcaption></figure></br><p><strong>AA</strong></p></br><ul>: In your recent article in La Vanguardia(2), you set out a framework for a cultural policy, you refer to putting into practice the key community values that should underpin that policy… Maybe we could start there?</ul></br><p><strong>JS</strong>: For me, whereas in the 20th century the defining conflict was between freedom and equality – and this marked the tension between right and left throughout the 20th century because in a way this is the frame in which capitalism and the need for social protection evolved together with the commodification of life while at the same time the market called for freedom – ie: no rules, no submission. But the need for protection demanded equality. But in the 21st century there is rejection of the notion of protection linked to statism: Nancy Fraser published an article(3) in the New Left Review, it is a re-reading of Polanyi and she claims that this double movement between commodification and protection is still valid, but that the State-based protection typical of the 20th century, where equality is guaranteed by the State, clashes since the end of the 20th century with the growing importance of heterogeneity, diversity and personal autonomy. Therefore, if in order to obtain equality, we have to be dependent on what the State does, this is going to be a contradiction…. So we could translate those values that informed the definition of policies in the 20th century, in 21st century terms they would be the idea of freedom (or personal autonomy, the idea of empowerment, not subjection, non-dependence) and at the same time equality, but no longer simply equality of opportunities but also equality of condition because we have to compensate for what is not the same (equal) in society. If you say « equal opportunities », that everyone has access to cultural facilities, to libraries, you are disregarding the fact that the starting conditions of people are not the same, this is the great contribution of Amartya Sen, no? You have to compensate for unequal starting situations because otherwise you depoliticize inequality and consider that inequality is the result of people’s lack of effort to get out of poverty. So equality yes, but the approach is different. And we must incorporate the idea of diversity as a key element in the recognition of people and groups on the basis of their specific dignity. That seems easy to say, but in reality it is complicated, especially if you relate it to culture, because culture has to do with all these things: it has to do with the construction of your personality, it has to do with equal access to culture just as cultural rights and culture have to do with the recognition of different forms of knowledge and culture – canonical culture, high culture, popular culture, everyday culture, neighbourhood culture …<br /></br>So for me, a cultural policy should be framed within the triple focus of personal autonomy, equality and diversity. And this is contradictory, in part, with the cultural policies developed in the past, where there is usually confusion between equality and homogeneity. In other words, the left has tended to consider that equality meant the same thing for everyone and that is wrong, isn’t it?, because you are confusing equality with homogeneity. The opposite of equality is inequality, the opposite of homogeneity is diversity. So you have to work with equality and diversity as values that are not antagonistic, but can be complementary. And this is a challenge for public institutions because they do not like heterogeneity, they find it complicated because it is simpler to treat everyone the same, as the administrative law manual used to prescribe `indifferent efficiency’: it is a way of understanding inequality as indifference, right?</p></br><p><strong>AA</strong></p></br><ul>: In your article you also talk about the opposition between investing in infrastructures versus creating spaces and environments that are attractive to creators and you put an emphasis on the generation of spaces. What is being done, what has been done, what could be done about this?</ul></br><p><strong>JS</strong> : In Barcelona we want to ensure that the city’s cultural policies do not imply producing culture itself, but rather to try to influence the values in the production processes that already exist, in the facilities, in the cultural and artistic infrastructures: the role of the city council, of the municipality, is not so much to produce culture as to contribute to the production of culture. Which is different, helping to produce culture…. Obviously, the city council will give priority to those initiatives that coincide with the values, with the normative approach that we promote. There are some exceptions, for example, the Grec festival in Barcelona(4) in July, or the Mercé(5), which is the Festa Mayor, where the city council does in fact subsidize the production of culture, so some productions are subsidised but generally what we have is a policy of aid to creators. What is being done is that 11 creative factories (fablabs) have been built, these are factories with collectives that manage them chosen through public tenders. There are now 3 factories of circus and visual arts, 2 factories of dance creation, one factory of more global creation housed at Fabra & Coats, 3 theatre factories and 2 visual arts and technology sites. So there are 11 factories of different sorts and there are plans to create others, for example in the field of feminist culture where we are in discussion with a very well consolidated group : normally all these creative factories have their management entrusted to collectives that already become highly consolidated in the process of creation and that need a space to ensure their continuity. Often the city council will cede municipal spaces to these collectives, sometimes through public competitions where the creators are asked to present their project for directing a factory. This is one aspect. Another aspect is what is called living culture, which is a programme for the promotion of cultural activities that arise from the community or from collectives in the form of cooperatives and this is a process of aid to collectives that are already functioning, or occasionally to highlight cultural activities and cultural dynamics that have existed for a long time but have not been dignified, that have not been valued, for example the Catalan rumba of the Gypsies, which is a very important movement in Barcelona that emerged from the gypsy community of El Raval, where there were some very famous artists like Peret. There we invested in creating a group to work on the historical memory of the rumba, looking for the roots of this movement, where it came from and why. Then some signposts were set up in streets where this took place, such as La Cera in El Raval, where there are two murals that symbolise the history of the Catalan rumba and the gypsy community in this area so that this type of thing is publicly visible. That is the key issue for culture: a recognition that there are many different cultures.</p></br><p>Then there is the area of civic centres: approximately 15% of the civic centres in the city are managed by civic entities as citizen heritage, and those civic centres also have cultural activities that they decide on, and the city council, the municipality helps them develop the ideas put forward by the entities that manage those centres.</p></br><p>So, if we put all those things together, we could talk about a culture of the urban commons. It is still early stages, this is still more of a concept than a reality, but the underlying idea is that in the end the density and the autonomous cultural-social fabric will be strong enough to be resilient to political changes. In other words, that you have helped to build cultural practices and communities that are strong and autonomous enough that they are not dependent on the political conjuncture. This would be ideal. A bit like the example I often cite about the housing cooperatives in Copenhagen, that there was 50% public housing in Copenhagen, and a right-wing government privatised 17% of that public housing, but it couldn’t touch the 33% of housing that was in the hands of co-operatives. Collective social capital has been more resilient than state assets: the latter is more vulnerable to changes in political majorities.</p></br><p><strong>AA</strong></p></br><ul>: You also speak of situated culture which I think is very important: setting it in time and space. Now Facebook has announced it is coming to Barcelona so the Barcelona brand is going to be a brand that includes Facebook and its allies. But your conception of a situated culture is more about a culture where social innovation, participation, popular creativity in the community are very important…</ul></br><p><strong>JS</strong> : Yes, it seems contradictory. In fact what you’re asking is the extent to which it makes sense to talk about situated culture in an increasingly globalized environment which is more and more dependent on global platforms. I believe that tension exists and conflict exists, this is undeniable, the city is a zone of conflict, therefore, the first thing we have to accept is that the city is a battleground between political alternatives with different cultural models. It is very difficult for a city council to set out univocal views of a cultural reality that is intrinsically plural. Talking about situated culture is an attempt to highlight the significance of the distinguishing factors that Barcelona possesses in its cultural production. This does not mean that this situated culture should be a strictly localist culture – a situated culture does not mean a culture that cuts off global links – it is a culture that relates to the global on the basis of its own specificity. What is most reprehensible from my point of view are cultural dynamics that have a global logic but that can just as well be here or anywhere else. And it’s true that the platforms generate this. An example: the other day the former minister of culture of Brazil, Lluca Ferreira, was here and talked about a program of living culture they developed, and they posted a photograph of some indigenous people where the man wore something that covered his pubic parts but the woman’s breasts were naked. So Facebook took the photograph off the site, and when the Minister called Facebook Brazil to say ‘what is going on?’, they told him that they didn’t have any duty towards the Brazilian government, that the only control over them was from a judge in San Francisco and that, therefore, if the judge in San Francisco forced them to put the photograph back, they would put it back, otherwise they wouldn’t have to listen to any minister from Brazil or anywhere else. In the end, there was a public movement of protest, and they put the photo back. The same thing happened here a few days ago, a group from a municipal theatre creation factory put up a poster with a man’s ass advertising a play by Virginia Wolff and Facebook took their entire account off the net – not just the photograph, they totally removed them from Facebook. And here too Facebook said that they are independent and that only the judge from San Francisco and so on. I believe that this is the opposite of situated culture because it is a global cultural logic, but at the same time it allows itself to be censored in Saudi Arabia, in China, that is to say it has different codes in each place. So to speak of situated culture means to speak of social transformation, of the relationship between culture and social transformation situated in the context in which you are working. But at the same time to have the will to dialogue with similar processes that exist in any other part of the world and that is the strength of a situated culture. And those processes of mutuality, of hybridization, that can happen when you have a Pakistani community here, you have a Filipino community, you have a Chinese community, you have a Gypsy community, you have an Italian community, you have an Argentinean community: they can be treated as typical folkloric elements in a theme park, or you can try to generate hybridization processes. Now at the Festival Grec this year there will be poetry in Urdu from the Pakistanis, there will be a Filipino theatre coming and a Filipino film fest at the Filmoteca – and this means mixing, situating, the cultural debate in the space where it is happening and trying to steep it in issues of cultural diversity. What I understand is that we need to strive for a local that is increasingly global, that this dialogue between the local and the global is very important.</p></br><p><strong>AA</strong></p></br><ul>: Returning to social innovation and popular creativity, social innovation is also a concept taken up pretty much everywhere: how is it understood here? Taking into account that in the world of the commons, Catalonia, and especially Barcelona, is very well known for its fablabs, which are also situated in this new era. How then do you understand social innovation and how do you see the relationship between education and social innovation?</ul></br><p><strong>JS</strong> : What I am trying to convey is that the traditional education system is doing little to prepare people and to enhance inclusive logics in our changing and transforming society, so in very broad lines I would say that if health and education were the basic redistributive policies of the 20th century, in the 21st century we must incorporate culture as a basic redistributive policy. Because before, the job market had very specific demands for the education sector: it knew very well what types of job profiles it needed because there was a very Taylorist logic to the world of work – what is the profile of a baker, of a plumber, of a miller? How many years you have to study for this kind of work. There is now a great deal of uncertainty about the future of the labour market, about how people will be able to work in the future and the key words that appear are innovation, creativity, entrepreneurship, flexibility, ability to understand a diverse world, teamwork , being open to new ideas: this has little to do with traditional educational profiles, but it has much to do with culture, with things that allow you to acquire that backpack of basic tools that will help you navigate in a much more uncertain environment. And for me, to find the right connection between culture and education is very important because it allows the educational system to constantly transform itself by taking advantage of the creative potential of an environment that is much more accessible now than before because of new technologies, and therefore to make the transition from a deductive system where there is a teacher who knows and tells people what they need to know – to an inductive system: how do we explore what we need to know in order to be able to act. And that more inductive, more experimental logic has to do with creativity whereas the traditional education system didn’t postulate creativity, it postulated your ability to learn what someone else had decided you needed to study. It’s art, it is culture that allows you to play in that field much more easily …</p></br><p><strong> Translated from Spanish by Nancy Thede.</strong></p></br><p>1 Joan Subirats is Commissioner for culture in the city government of Barcelona led by the group Barcelona en comu. He is also professor of political science at the Universitat<br /></br>autonoma de Barcelona and founder of the Institute on Governance and Public Policy.</p></br><p>2 « Salvara la cultura a las ciudades? », La Vanguardia (Barcelona), Culturals supplement, 12<br /></br>May 2018, pp. 20-21. https://www.lavanguardia.com/cultura/20180511/443518454074/cultura-ciudadesbarcelona-crisis.html</p></br><p>3 Nancy Fraser, « A Triple Movement », New Left Review 81, May-June 2013. Published in Spanish in Jean-Louis Laville and José Luis Coraggio (Eds.), La izquierda del<br /></br>siglo XXI. Ideas y diálogo Norte-Sur para un proyecto necesario Icaria, Madrid 2018.</p></br><p>4 Festival Grec, an annual multidisciplinary festival in Barcelona, now in its 42nd year. It is<br /></br>named for the Greek Theatre built for the 1929 Universal Exhibition in Barcelona:<br /></br>http://lameva.barcelona.cat/grec/en/.</p></br><p>5 Barcelona’s annual ‘Festival of Festivals’ begins on Sept 24, day of Our Lady of Mercy, a city holiday in Barcelona. It especially highlights catalan and barcelonian cultural traditions and in recent years has especially featured neighbourhood cultural activities like street theatre. See: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/La_Mercè.</p>vals’ begins on Sept 24, day of Our Lady of Mercy, a city holiday in Barcelona. It especially highlights catalan and barcelonian cultural traditions and in recent years has especially featured neighbourhood cultural activities like street theatre. See: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/La_Mercè.</p>)
  • Chargement/Site  + (<blockquote><p>Le 12 octobre, <blockquote><p>Le 12 octobre, profitant de la <a href="http://villes.bienscommuns.org/evenement/qdxuznugt0p/view">rencontre ouverte parisienne</a>, une quinzaine de personnes, designers en formation et chercheurs se retrouvent autour de l’expérimentation simultanée de diverses formes de sélection de termes en rapport avec les communs qui méritent d’être explicités, de leur définition à travers la mobilisation de ressources multimédia, elles aussi variées, et de mises en forme et éditorialisation de ces éléments.</br></p></blockquote></br><figure id="attachment_2901" aria-describedby="caption-attachment-2901" style="width: 450px" class="wp-caption alignnone"><a href="https://www.remixthecommons.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/10/wordl-mots-enjeux-RBC.jpg"><img decoding="async" loading="lazy" src="https://www.remixthecommons.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/10/wordl-mots-enjeux-RBC.jpg" alt="graph réalisé à partir des mots clefs enjeux de Remix Biens communs et initialement publié sur le site de Savoircom1" width="450" height="281" class="size-full wp-image-2901" /></a><figcaption id="caption-attachment-2901" class="wp-caption-text">graph réalisé à partir des mots clefs enjeux de Remix Biens communs et initialement publié sur le site de Savoircom1</figcaption></figure></br><p>A l’occasion de la<a href="http://villes.bienscommuns.org/evenement/qdxuznugt0p/view"> rencontre ouverte sur les biens communs</a> organisée par les collectifs porteurs de Paname en Biens Communs, sera conduite une expérience qui participe de l’élaboration d’un glossaire multimédia des biens communs. L’idée, l’envie de glossaire des biens communs est dans l’air du temps. Elle répond à un besoin qui s’est exprimée à travers diverses démarches. En avril dernier, le collectif Savoirscom1 à élaboré une première liste de termes à mieux définir tirés de son appel. Avec Remix The Commons, nous travaillons depuis le printemps sur l’organisation des documents à travers des « mots clefs enjeux des communs », qui doivent être définis en complément de la <a href="http://surface.syr.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1023&context=sul">cartographie des nouveaux communs de C. Hess</a>. De plus, chacun s’accorde sur la nécessité d’enrichir les définitions en français des termes en rapport avec les biens communs dans wikipédia et un <a href="https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Projet:Biens_communs">projet</a> vient d’être lancé dans ce sens qui sera nourrit par un atelier qui se déroulera le 15 octobre à Paris. Enfin, d’autres initiatives émergent s’inspirant du <a href="http://www.enmi12.org/glossaire/">glossaire des ENMI 2012</a> et de l’exploration du design des formes de communication et collaboration numériques par et autour de Knowtex et l’IRI. Ces initiatives se rejoignent et profitent du tempo de Panam en biens communs.<br /></br>A ce stade, le glossaire des biens communs est perçu comme une sélection de termes en rapport avec les communs qui méritent d’être explicités. La liste des termes d’un glossaire des biens communs n’est pas figée. La définition fait appel à l’usage de documents multimédia choisis, organisés selon différents formats avec au premier rang celui désormais classique de wikipédia. Ces démarches de publication sont participatives et explorent des scénarii d’expérience utilisateur. A ce stade, il s’agit d’explorer diverses voies et de tirer les leçons de l’expérience plus que produire en direct un produit fini.<br /></br>L’élaboration des premières listes de termes met en évidence la tension entre la problématique de la définition et celle de l’éditorialisation qui sou-tendent des projets plus ou moins explicites. Un premier croisement des termes utilisés dans le manifeste savoircom1 avec ceux de Remix the commons donne par exemple la mind map suivante réalisée avec Pierre-Carl Langlais.<br /></br><a href="https://www.remixthecommons.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/10/Biens-communs-wikipédia-20130930-e1381355634741.jpeg"><img decoding="async" loading="lazy" src="https://www.remixthecommons.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/10/Biens-communs-wikipédia-20130930-e1381355634741.jpeg" alt="Biens communs wikipédia 20130930" width="600" height="388" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-2903" /></a><br /></br>Le 12 octobre, l’expérience est décomposée en 3 processus. Un groupe se consacre à identifier des éléments (termes pertinents et contenus, supports, objets contribuant à les définir) en vue de les recomposer à travers un dispositif développé par le collectif Encyclopetrie (à l’initiative du <a href="http://www.enmi12.org/glossaire/">glossaire des ENMI 2012</a>. Un autre groupe, piloté par les porteurs du<a href="http://livemapping.fr/"> projet mind-mapping</a> fera un travail de cartographie dans le but de mettre en évidence les liens entre les termes du vocabulaire utilisé dans les conversations. Enfin un denier groupe de travail conduira des interviews audio autour de termes en lien avec les communs et de leurs définitions (inspiré de <a href="http://notesondesign.org/biens-communs-10-definitions-partie-2/">la démarche de Sylvia Fredricksson</a>. Cette démarche n’a pas vocation à interférer avec le déroulement ou rendre compte de manière exhaustive de la rencontre. Elle propose des formes complémentaires de lecture de l’événement.<br /></br>Le 15 octobre, l’atelier wikipédia apportera une approche complémentaire avant que les premières leçons ne soient tirées de l’expérience.</p></br><p>F. Sultan</p>es leçons ne soient tirées de l’expérience.</p> <p>F. Sultan</p>)
  • Chargement/Site  + (<blockquote><p>To help reclaim<blockquote><p>To help reclaiming, protecting and creating commons in our neighborhoods and cities, we offer to co-create an interactive Atlas of the charters of urban commons. The collaborative creation process will develop on an intercultural and interdisciplinary fashion, production and sharing of knowledge on legal tools that make alive the urban commons. Through workshops, camps, and cultural residencies, with the commoners, we will co-produce the Atlas (a mapping tool), that will be a place to meet and to interact for creating or recovering our urban commons.</p></blockquote></br><figure id="attachment_4247" aria-describedby="caption-attachment-4247" style="width: 644px" class="wp-caption aligncenter"><a href="https://www.remixthecommons.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/04/Magna-Carta-1215-Document-num--ris---600x100.jpg"><img decoding="async" loading="lazy" class="size-full wp-image-4247" src="https://www.remixthecommons.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/04/Magna-Carta-1215-Document-num--ris---600x100.jpg" alt="Fragment de la Magna Carta de la Cathédrale de Salisbury (UK)" width="644" height="46" /></a><figcaption id="caption-attachment-4247" class="wp-caption-text">Fragment de la Magna Carta de la Cathédrale de Salisbury (UK)</figcaption></figure></br><h1>The charters of the urban commons as inspiration</h1></br><p>Urban commons charters are rules of self-governance established by a community for their commons in their neighbourhood, city, region… They can be transformed into legal instruments that formally recognize the rights and sovereignty of individuals and of the community over their common goods. They are also an instrument for organizing commoning with a view to preserving, sharing and transmitting those common goods. They are accompanied by a multitude of activities, narratives, creations, illustrations, celebrations, and studies that are the heart of the commons culture and that we want to conserve and hand on from generation to generation.</p></br><p>We aim to evolve within this commons culture to generate mutual inspiration and to nourish the imagination as well as the practices of the urban commons around the world.</p></br><p>Documenting commons charters experiences in an iterative, collective, decentralized and self-managed manner is in itself a way of making a common culture. Our proposal is to develop and make available to commoners various modes of documentation adapted to sharing the experiences of commons charters.</p></br><p>We plan to organise camps and cultural residencies and to collectively create an Atlas of urban commons charters through interactive mapping in semantic web.</p></br><p>This process is intended to be exploratory, pragmatic, pedagogical and political; it is as well both interdisciplinary and inter-cultural. It allows commoners to formalise their experience, to link it with that of other members of their community and to share it with other communities. It also allows to share both the legal tools developed over time and the experience accumulated around the world (with input from legal experts and urban designers). It aims to make this process known and recognized as one of the mainsprings of democracy and of the good life in an urban environment.</p></br><h1>Learning from the historical and contemporary experience of the charters of the commons</h1></br><p>The documentation and facilitation activities on the commons in the context of remixthecommons led us to discover the wealth and variety of citizen initiatives and proposals on urban and broader territorial scaleson various continents. In the process of constituting a commons, neighbours and citizens consistently take the key step of creating and formalizing rules of self-governance. Innovative practices in this domain exist at the neighbourhood level (as in Dakar) and on the scale of entire cities (Bologna, Djakarta and others). The experiences that appear to us exemplary are those where citizen initiatives have been able to mobilise a broad range of expertise from various sectors (cooperatives, activists, architects, lawyers, urban designers, informatics, etc) in order to advance proposals that are at one and the same time innovative and pragmatic, that welcome, encourage, ensure and guide active participation by citizens in regenerating, constituting and managing urban commons.</p></br><p>In Europe, the Italian examples of the self-managed cultural spaces, the AquaBeneComune in Milan and various municipal commons charters adopted in several cities are inspiring and hold the potential of being shared, remixed and adapted to other socio-cultural and political contexts.</p></br><p>This blooming of urban charters is a stimulus for commoners apprentices to share and co-produce knowledge and proposals with their pairs.</p></br><p>The consolidation of networks of commons activists on the European level has engendered a dynamic of exchange and intercultural cross-fertilisation. Recent seminars on the subject between France and Italy are an example.</p></br><p>In addition, this collective mobilisation in favour of urban commons charters is a superb way of celebrating le 800th anniversary of the Magna Carta, which profoundly marked the history of the commons.</p></br><h1>An invitation to collaborate</h1></br><p>We wish to implement a digital prototype of the atlas of the charters of urban commons. It will be co-created during a first workshop and improved by an iterative process. Workshops with people and online will stimulate documentation of existing charters and the creation of new adapted to their contexts and to their local rights. These actions will crossed scientific disciplines and popular know-how. And we will take care to have diversified processes of work and to ensure the sharing of data, of the design of uses and of the services inspired by the Atlas.</p></br><p>We are pleased to invite to participate all the activists and researchers motivated by the commons, especially those part of the Francophone network of commoners, and the organizations such as Commons Josephat (Brussels), Marx Dormoy Labs (Paris) Days of Urban Alternatives (Lausanne), or the House of the commons (Montpellier), LARTES in Dakar, …etc, and the European collectives such as Comuns urban activists in Barcelona, P2p plazas in Madrid, …etc.</p></br><p>This initiative will also lead us to collaborate with activists of the Rights to The City, such as in France, the Coordination “Pas sans nous! (Not Without Us!) and the Collective for Citizenship Transition, and the International Alliance of Inhabitants.</p></br><p>Some municipalities and local governments are already committed to support the commons and have their own charter. They offer spaces which allow to experiment our approach. The Festival of the Commons at Chieri in Italy (July 2015) could be the first opportunity.</p></br><h1>The contribution of Remix the commons</h1></br><p>Remix the commons incubates the project. We will share our experience of intercultural and multilingual projects such as <a href="https://www.remixthecommons.org/en/2013/12/definir-les-communs-sur-une-carte/">Mapping the Definition of the Commons</a>, of co-creation processes (see « <a href="http://bollier.org/blog/art-com">The Art of Commoning</a>» ) and our knowledge of European networks, including France, Spain, Italy and Germany. One of the first dates that we can give us, will be the Francophone Festival « <a href="http://tempsdescommuns.org">Temps des Communs</a> » (from 5 to 18 October 2015).</p>e « <a href="http://bollier.org/blog/art-com">The Art of Commoning</a>» ) and our knowledge of European networks, including France, Spain, Italy and Germany. One of the first dates that we can give us, will be the Francophone Festival « <a href="http://tempsdescommuns.org">Temps des Communs</a> » (from 5 to 18 October 2015).</p>)
  • Chargement/Site  + (<div class="link-more"><a href="https://www.remixthecommons.org/fr/test-code-court/" class="more-link"><span>Continuer la lecture<span class="screen-reader-text"> “Test code court”</span>…</span></a></div>)
  • Chargement/Site  + (<h2>Interview with Joan Subirats – B<h2>Interview with Joan Subirats – Barcelona, April 20, 2017</h2></br><p><strong>Alain Ambrosi and Nancy Thede </strong></p></br><blockquote><p><i>The pro-independence government of Catalonia recently sparked a political crisis in Spain by proposing to call a referendum on independence by the end of 2017 with or without the approval of the central government. In contrast, « Catalonia in common » defines itself as an innovative political space of the Catalan left. Initiated by Barcelona in Comú a little less than a year after its election to city hall, the initiave was launched in October 2016. A short manifesto explained its raison-d’être and presented an « ideario politico » (a political project) of some 100 pages for broad discussion over 5 months which culminated in a constituent assembly last April 8.</i></p></br><p><i>This new political subject defines itself as « a left-wing Catalan organisation that aims to govern and to transform the economic, political and social structures of the present neo-liberal system. » Its originality in the political panorama of Catalonia and of Spain is its engagement with « a new way of doing politics, a politics of the commons where grassroots people and communities are the protagonists. » In response to those who see its emergence only in the context of the impending referendum, it affirms: « We propose a profound systemic, revolutionary change in our economic, social, environmental and political model. » </i></p></br><p><i>We interviewed Joan Subirats a few days after the Constituent Assembly of Catalunya en Comú took place. Joan is an academic renowned for his publications and his political engagement. A specialist in public policy and urban issues, he has published widely on the Commons and on the new municipalism. He is one of the artisans of Barcelona in Comú and has just been elected to the coordinating body of the new space named recently « Catalunya en comú ».</i></p></blockquote></br><h3>The Genesis of a New Political Subject</h3></br><p><b>NT —</b> Tell us about the trajectory of the development of this new initiative: a lot of people link it to the 15-M, but I imagine that it was more complex than that and started long before.</p></br><p><img decoding="async" loading="lazy" class="aligncenter size-full wp-image-4740" src="https://www.remixthecommons.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/06/Joan_Subirats_2013_cropped.jpg" alt="Joan_Subirats_2013_(cropped)" width="423" height="526" /><br /></br><a href="https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File%3AJoan_Subirats_2013_(cropped).jpg">By Directa (youtube) [CC BY 3.0 (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0)], via Wikimedia Commons</a></p></br><p><b>JS —</b> At the outset there was Guanyem, which was in fact the beginning of Barcelona en Comú: the first meetings were in February-March 2014. Who was involved? this is quite simultaneous with the decision by Podemos to compete in the European Parliament elections in May 2014. Podemos organises in February 2014; Guanyem begins organising in February- March 2014 to compete in the municipal elections of May 2015.</p></br><p>Going farther back, there is a phase of intense social mobilisation against austerity policies between 2011 and 2013. If we look at the statistics of the Ministry of the Interior on the number of demonstrations, it is impressive, there were never as many demonstrations as during that period, but after mid-2013 they start to taper off. There is a feeling that there are limits and that demonstrations can’t obtain the desired changes in a situation where the right-wing Popular Party (PP) holds an absolute majority. So the debate emerges within the social movements as to whether it’s a good idea to attempt to move into the institutions.</p></br><p>Podemos chooses the most accessible scenario, that of the European elections, because these elections have a single circonscription, so all of Spain is a single riding, with a very high level of proportionality, so with few votes you get high representation because there are 60-some seats, so with one million votes they obtained 5 seats. And people vote more freely in these elections because apparently the stakes are not very high, so they are elections that are good for testing strategies. In contrast, here in Barcelona, we chose the municipal elections as the central target because here there is a long history of municipalism.</p></br><p>So this sets the stage for the period that began in 2014 with Guanyem and Podemos and the European elections and in May 2015 with the municipal elections where in 4 of the 5 major cities – Barcelona, Madrid, Valencia and Zaragoza – alternative coalitions win that are not linked to either of the two major political parties (PP and the Socialist Party – PSOE) that have dominated the national political scene since the return to democracy in 1977. And in the autonomous elections<sup id="cite_ref-1" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-1">[1]</a></sup>, a new political cycle also begins, in which we still are. If we go farther back, to 2011 – there are a couple of maps that show the correlation between the occupation of plazas in the 15-M with the number of alternative citizen canadidacies at the municipal level.</p></br><p>So Podemos and all the alternative citizen coalitions all refer to the 15M as their founding moment. But the 15M is not a movement, it was a moment, an event. You must have heard the joke about the stranger who arrives and wants to talk to the 15M – but there is no 15M, it has no spokespersons and no address. But everyone considers it very important because it transformed the political scene in its wake . But what was there before the 15M?</p></br><p>There were basically 4 major trends that converged in the 15-M :<br /></br>First the anti-globalisation movement, the oldest one, very interesting because a large number of the new political leaders have come out of it, with forms of political mobilisation different from the traditional ones.</p></br><p>Then there was the « Free Culture Forum » linked to issues regarding internet which was very important here in Barcelona – with Simona Levy and Gala Pin, who is now a municipal councillor – that is important because here digital culture, network culture, was present from the very beginning, something that didn’t occur in other places.</p></br><p>The third movement was the PAH (Platform for People Affected by Mortgages) which emerges in 2009 and had precedents with Ada Colau and others who organised « V for vivienda » (like the film « V for vendetta », but in this case vivienda – housing), an attempt to demonstrate that young people were excluded from social emancipation because they didn’t have access to housing. Their slogan was « you’ll never have a house in your whole f’king life ». And the forms of mobilisation were also very new, for example, they occupied IKEA because at that time IKEA’s advertising slogan was « the independent republic of your home », so they occupied it and slept in the beds there. So this was more youthful, alternative, more of a rupture, but then in 2009 with the creation of the PAH they started to try to connect with the immigrant sector and people who were losing their houses because of the mortgage hype, it was very important because it’s the movement that tries to connect with sectors outside of youth: the poor, immigrants, working class… with the slogan ‘this is not a crisis, it’s a sting’. So the PAH is very important because it’s the movement that connects with sectors of the population outside of youth: workers, immigrants, the elderly… For example, here in Plaza Catalunya in 2011 the only major poster rallying people who weren’t youth was that of the PAH.</p></br><p>And the fourth movement – the most ‘authentic’ 15M one – was that of the « Youth without future ». People who organised mainly in Madrid, typical middle-class university sector with post-grad studies, who suddenly realised that they wouldn’t find jobs, that it wasn’t true that their diplomas would open doors for them, they were in a precarious situation.</p></br><p>So those were the four major currents that converged in the basis of the 15M. But what made it ‘click’ was not just those 4 trends, but the fact that huge numbers of other people recognised the moment and converged on the plazas and overwhelmed the movements that started it. The most surprising thing about the moment was that those 4 movements – that were not all that important – were rapidly overwhelmed by success of the movement they started and new people who spontaneously joined. That was what really created the phenomenon, because if it had been just those 4 movements, if it had been like ‘Nuit debout’ in Paris where people occupied the plaza but without the sensation that people had steamrollered the leaders. So, when the plazas are evacuated, the idea becomes ‘Let’s go to the neighbourhoods’. So all of a sudden, in the neighbourhoods of Barcelona and Madrid, assemblies were organised where there was a mixture of the old neighbourhood associations that were no longer very active and whose members were older (my generation) and new people who brought new issues like ecology, energy, bicycle transport, cooperatives, water and a thousand different things and who created new spaces of articulation where people who had never thought that they would meet in the neighbourhoods began to converge.</p></br><p>I think this explains the re-emergence of municipalism that followed: people begin to see the city as a place where diverse social changes can be articulated on a territorial basis: many mobilisations are taking place in isolation, in a parallel manner and don’t have a common meeting-point. Water as a common good, energy transition, sustainable transport, public health, public space, infant education… All of a sudden there was something that brought people together which was to discuss the city, the city we want – David Harvey mentions in an article that the modern-day factory is the city. That is, we no longer have factories, the city is now the space where conflicts appear and where daily life becomes politicised: issues like care, food, schooling, transport, energy costs – and this creates a new space for articulating these issues that hadn’t been previously envisaged.</p></br><p>So I think this is the connection : 15-M as a moment of overwhelming, the end of a cycle of mobilisation – remember that there had been a petition of a million and a half signatures to change the mortgage legislation, that Ada Colau presented in the national Congress, where she accused the PP deputies of being assassins because of what they were doing – but that mobilisation had no effect in the law. A PP deputy declared ‘If these people want to change things, then they should get elected’. So people started thinking ‘OK, if that’s the way it is, then let’s get ourselves elected’. This is the initial change of cycle in 2014. So the 4 movements were present in the meetings of Guanyem and BComun, as well as some progressive intellectuals and people from other issue areas like water, transport, energy etc. That was the initial nucleus here in Barcelona – in Madrid it was different. There the Podemos generation had a different logic. Here, from the beginning, we wanted to create a movement from the bottom up and to avoid a logic of coalition of political parties, this was very clear from the outset. We didn’t want to reconstruct the left on the basis of an agreement amongst parties. We wanted to build a citizen movement that could impose its own conditions on the parties. In the case of Podemos it was different: it was a logic of a strike from above – they wanted to create a strong close-knit group with a lot of ideas in a very short period and as a result an electoral war machine that can assault the heavens and take power. Here, on the other hand, we foresaw a longer process of construction of a movement where we would start with the municipalities and after that, we’ll see.</p></br><p>So Guanyem was created in June 2014, 11 months prior to the municipal elections, with a minimal program in 4 points:</p></br><ol></br><li>we said, we want to take back the city, it’s is being taken away from the citizens, people come here to talk about a ‘business-friendly global city’ and they are taking it away from the citizens, we have lost the capacity to control it, as the first point;</li></br><li>there is a social emergency where many problems don’t get a response;</li></br><li>we want people to be able to have decision-making capacity in what happens in the city, so co-production of policy, more intense citizen participation in municipal decisions;</li></br><li>moralisation of politics. Here the main points are non-repetition of mandates, limits on salaries of elected officials, anti-corruption and transparency measures, etc.</li></br></ol></br><p>So we presented this in June 2014 and we decided that we would give ourselves until September to collect 30,000 signatures in support of the manifesto and if we succeeded, we would present candidates in the municipal elections. In one month we managed to get the 30,000 signatures! Besides getting the signatures on internet and in person, we held a lot of meetings in the neighbourhoods to present the manifesto – we held about 30 or 40 meetings like that, some of them small, some more massive, where we went to the neighbourhoods and we said « We thought of this, what do you think? We thought of these priorities, etc’. » So, in September of 2014 we decided to go ahead; once we decided that we would present a slate, we began to discuss with the parties – but with the strength of all that support of 30,000 people backing us at the grassroots, so our negotiating strength with respect to the parties was very different. In Dec 2014 we agreed with the parties to create Barcelona en Comun – we wanted to call it Guanyem but someone else had already registered the name, so there was a lot of discussion about a new name, there were various proposals: Revolucion democratica, primaria democratica, the term Comu – it seemed interesting because it connected with the Commons movement, the idea of the public which is not restricted to the institutional and that was key. It was also important that in the previous municipal elections in 2011 only 52% of people had voted, in the poorer neighbourhoods a higher number of people abstained and that it was in the wealthier neighbourhoods where a larger proportion of people had voted. So we wanted to raise participation by 10% in the poor neighbourhoods more affected by the crisis and we thought that would allow us to win. And that was what happened. In 2015, 63% voted, but in the poor areas 40% more people voted. In the rich areas, the same people voted as before.</p></br><p>So it was not impossible to think we could win. And from the beginning the idea was to win. We did not build this machine in order to participate, we built it in order to win. We didn’t want to be the opposition, we wanted to govern. And as a result, it was close, because we won 11 of 41 seats, but got the most votes so we head the municipal council, the space existed. From the moment Guanyem was created in June 2014, other similar movements began to be created all over Spain – in Galicia, in Andalucia, in Valencia, Zaragoza, Madrid… One of the advantages we have in Barcelona is that we have Ada Colau, which is a huge advantage, because a key thing is to have an uncontested leader who can articulate all the segments of the movement – ecologists, health workers, education professionals…. If you don’t have that it’s very difficult, and also the sole presence of Ada Colau explains many things. In Madrid they found Manuela Carmena, who is great as an anti-franquista symbol, with her judicial expertise, very popular but who didn’t have that tradition of articulating movements, and as a result now they are having a lot more problems of political coordination than here.</p></br><h3>A New Political Subject for a New Political Era</h3></br><p><b>AA —</b> So now Catalunya en comu defines itself as a new political space on the left for the whole of Catalonia. But in recent Catalan history that’s nothing really new: there have been numerous political coalitions on the left, such as the PSUC<sup id="cite_ref-2" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-2">[2]</a></sup> in 1936 followed by many others. So what is different about this initiative?</p></br><p><b>JS —</b> If we open up our perspective and look at things more globally, I think that what justifies the idea that this is a new political space is the fact that the moment is new, we’re in a new phase so it’s very important to understand that if this new political moment reproduces the models and the conceptual paradigms of the old left and of the Fordism of the end of the 20th century, we won’t have moved ahead at all. The crisis of social democracy is also a crisis of a way of understanding social transformation with codes that no longer exist. As a result the measure of success of this new political space is not so much in to what extent it can bring together diverse political forces, but rather its capacity to understand this new scenario we find ourselves in – a scenario where digital transformation is changing everything, where we no longer know what ‘labour’ is, where heterogeneity and social diversity appear as factors not of complexity but of values, where the structure of age no longer functions as it used to – where everything is in transformation, so we can no longer continue to apply ideas – to use a phrase coined by Ulrich Beck – ‘zombie concepts’, living dead, no?, we forge ahead with our backpacks full of 20th-century concepts, applying them to realities that no longer have anything to do with them. It’s easy to see the defects of the old, traditional concepts, but it’s very difficult to construct new ones because we don’t really know what is happening nor where we are headed. The example of the debate in France between Valls and Hamon – at least, I read the summary in Le Monde, where Valls maintained that it would be possible to come back to a situation of full employment and Hamon said that is impossible, that it’s necessary to work towards the universal basic income; in the end, Hamon is closer to the truth than Valls, but Hamon isn’t capable of explaining it in a credible way – and it is very difficult to explain it in a credible way.</p></br><p>Here, we are working at one and the same time on the Commons and the non-institutional public sphere, we are demanding greater presence of the public administration when probably it wouldn’t really be necessary, but since we don’t have a clear idea of how to construct this new thing, we are still acting sort of like slaves of the old. So that’s where I think the concept of the Commons, of the cooperative, the collaborative, new ideas regarding the digital economy, are more difficult to structure, because we’re also conscious that capitalism is no longer only industrial or financial but now it’s digital capitalism, and it controls all the networks of data transmission and at the same time the data themselves, probably the wealth of the future. So, sure we can do really interesting things in Barcelona, out of Barcelona en Comun, but we have GAFAM (Google, Apple, Facebook, Amazon and Microsoft), and GAFAM has its own logics and that complicates things. So we have to create a new political subject – and it’s obvious that we need something new – but what isn’t so obvious is what are the concepts we need to create this new subject. So if you look at the documents published by Un Pais en Comu<sup id="cite_ref-3" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-3">[3]</a></sup> that’s what you’ll see: a bit of different language, a different way of using concepts, but at the same time a trace of the heritage of the traditional left. The journal ‘Nous Horitzons’ has just published a new issue on ‘Politics in Common’<sup id="cite_ref-4" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-4">[4]</a></sup> which brings together a lot of these elements. The impression that some of us had in the assembly the other day in Vall d’Hebron (the inaugural assembly of the movement) was that the old ways were still weighing us down, that there was a difficulty to generate an innovative dynamic.</p></br><p><b>NT —</b> That was clear in the composition of the audience.</p></br><p><b>JS —</b> Yes, well, the Podemos people weren’t there, of course… they didn’t come for various reasons, because probably not everybody was in agreement with Albano-Dante<sup id="cite_ref-5" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-5">[5]</a></sup> but they saw there was a lot of disagreement and so they preferred not to come, and that’s a type of public that, as well as filling the hall, also changes the type of dynamic – so it was more the traditional-style organisations that were there (Iniciativa or EUIA<sup id="cite_ref-6" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-6">[6]</a></sup>), there was more of the old than the new probably. Perhaps that’s inevitable, but what we have to do now is to see if we can change that dynamic.</p></br><p><b>AA —</b> When one reads the ‘Ideario politico’ (the political project of Un Pais en Comu) it’s a sort of lesson in political economy, political philosophy as well, but also a vast programme, and the left has never put forward this type of Commons-inspired programme before, be it in Catalunya or in Spain or probably internationally. How do you see its contribution in the context of the Commons ecosystem? There have been experiences of the Commons without the Commons label, as in Latin America …</p></br><p><b>JS —</b> Yes, in Catalunya the anarcho-sindicalist movement…</p></br><p><b>AA —</b> Of course, but more recently, the idea of ‘Buen Vivir’ …</p></br><p><b>JS —</b> Yes, but when you go to Latin America and you talk about that, it all revolves around the State. But here, we try not to be state-centric. We are trying to avoid the idea that the only possible transformation needs to depend on the State.</p></br><p><b>AA —</b> But in the ‘Ideario’ a lot of discussion is devoted to public services as well, this implies that the State has to exist. And in the Commons vocabulary there is the concept of the ‘partner-state’, but it doesn’t appear in the Ideario…</p></br><p><b>JS —</b> Yes, there’s a margin there: the resilience of the new politics depends more on the capacity to create ‘muscled’ collective spaces – public, collective, common – than on the occupation of the institutions. But without the occupation of the institutions, it’s very difficult to construct those spaces. The example that comes to mind for me is from Copenhagen: there it was the cooperatives of the workers’ unions that built the big housing coops that exist now; also, the municipal government when the left was in power built a lot of public housing; then when a right-wing government came to power, it privatised all the public housing but it couldn’t privatise the cooperatives. So in the end, things that are strictly state-based are more vulnerable than when you build collective strength. So if we are able to benefit from these spaces in order to build ‘collective muscle’, using our presence in the institutions, this will end up being more resilient, more stable over time than if we put all our eggs in the State basket. So the Barcelona city government has civic social centres that are municipal property, but what is important is to succeed in ensuring that these centres are controlled by the community, that each community make them its own despite the fact that the property is officially that of the municipality, but they must be managed through a process of community management. So you need to build in the community a process of appropriation of institutions that ends up being stronger than if it were all in the hands of the State.</p></br><p>Now we are discussing citizen heritage, how the city government can use its property – houses, buildings – and it can cede them for a certain period in order to construct collective spaces. For example, 8 building sites that belong to the municipality have been put up for auction on 100-year leases for community organisations to build housing cooperatives. This doesn’t take property away from the public sphere and at the same time it generates collective strength. But a certain sector of the political left here, the CUP, criticises this as privatisation of public space. They think Barcelona en Comun should build public housing instead, state-owned housing. That’s a big difference. And people are aware of that, but at the same time there are doubts about whether this makes sense, whether there is sufficient strength within the community so that this can work. Or, for example, the most common criticism is that “you have an idea of the public, the collective, the Commons, that implies capacities in the community that are only present in the middle classes that have the knowledge, the organisational capacity… so it’s a very elitist vision of the collective because the popular sectors, without the backing of the State, won’t be able to do this. » Well, we’re going to try to combine things so it can work, but we don’t want to keep converting the public into the ‘state’.</p></br><p>Nancy Fraser wrote an article on the triple movement – looking at Polanyi’s work on the ‘double movement’ in the Great Transformation, that is the movement towards mercantilisation, and the opposite movement it stimulated towards protection. Polanyi talks about the confrontation of these 2 movements in the early 20th century, and the State – in its soviet form or in its fascist form – as a protectionist response of society which demands protection when faced with the uncertainty, the fragility the double movement engenders. Nancy Fraser says that all that is true, but we’re no longer in the 20th century, we’re in the 21st century where factors like individual emancipation, diversity, feminism are all very important – so we shouldn’t be in favour of a protectionist movement that continues to be patriarchal and hierarchical. We need a movement for protection that generates autonomy – and there resides what I think is one of the keys of the Commons movement. The idea of being able to get protection – so, a capacity of reaction against the dynamics of the market attacks – without losing the strength of diversity, of personal emancipation, of feminism, the non-hierarchical, the non-patriarchal, the idea that somebody decide for me what I need to do and how I will be protected. Let me self-protect myself too, let me be a protagonist too of this protection. And this is contradictory with the state-centric tradition.</p></br><h3>A Commons Economy, Participation and Co-production of Policy</h3></br><p><b>AA —</b> The first theme of the ‘Ideario’ is the economy – you are an economist, amongst other things – how do you see this proposal in terms of the Commons? For example, there is a lot of discussion now about ‘open cooperativism’, etc. What you were saying about the cooperative movement here, that it is very strong but not sufficient…</p></br><p><b>JS —</b> In some aspects no. For example, the city wanted to open a new contract for communications (telephone, internet) – now there are the big companies Telefonica, Movistar, Vodafone, Orange, etc: there’s a cooperative called ‘Som Connexion’ (We are connection)- or ‘Som Energia’ (We are energy) that’s a lot bigger – it has 40,000 members – but these cooperatives, it would be fantastic if the city were to give them the contract for energy or for communication, but they aren’t capable of managing that at the moment. So if they take it, we’d all have big problems: faulty connections, lack of electrical power – because they’re growing for sure but they don’t yet have the ‘muscle’, the capacity they need to take this on.</p></br><p>So we have to continue investing in this, it’s not going to take care of itself. On the other hand, in other areas, like home services for the elderly, we do have very strong cooperatives, Abacus for example is a cooperative for book distribution that has 800 000 members, so that is a coop that’s very powerful, and there are others. But in general, the more powerful the coop, the less politicised it is – they tend to transform themselves into big service companies. But now they are understanding that perhaps it would be in their interest to have a different vision; there has been a very politicised movement in the grassroots level coops that is contradictory with the entrepreneurial trend in the big coops. So we’re in this process right now: yes, there are very big, very strong coops and there are also smaller, more political ones but they don’t have sufficient muscle yet.</p></br><p><b>AA —</b> When we look at issues of participation, co-production of policy and such, it is also a question of culture, a culture of co-production that doesn’t exist. In the neighbourhoods, yes there is a trend to revamping participation, but when we talk to people in the local-level committees they say ‘Sure, people come to the meetings, but because they want a tree planted here…’ and they don’t have that vision of co-creation. So first there has to be a sort of cultural revolution ?</p></br><p><b>JS —</b> There are places where there has been a stronger community tradition that could well converge with this. Some neighbourhoods like Roquetes for example, Barceloneta or Sants, have very strong associational traditions. If you go to Roquetes to the meeting of the community plan, everybody is there: the people from the primary medical services centre, the doctors, the schools are there, the local police, the social workers – and they hold meetings every 2 weeks and they know everything that goes on in the area, and they transfer cases amongst themselves: “we detected this case, how do we deal with it?” etc. The community fabric in those neighbourhoods functions really well. So what can you add to that fabric so that it can go a bit further? On the other hand, in other neighbourhoods like Ciutat Meridiana, in 5 years 50% of the population has changed, so it’s very difficult to create community where the level of expulsion or change is so high. In Sants, in Ca Batlló, there was a very interesting experience where people want to create a cooperative neighbourhood – it’s a bit polemical – they want to create a public school without using public funds, instead using money from the participants themselves, because the coop tradition in Sants is very anarchist, libertarian – so they promote the idea of a public school, open to all, but not using public funds. And it would have its own educational philosophy, that wouldn’t have to submit to standard educational discipline. And groups have appeared in different neighbourhoods dedicated to shared child-raising where there are no pre-schools for children between 0 and 3 years, or people prefer not to take the kids to public pre-schools because they find them too rigid, so they prefer generating relationships amongst parents. So what should the role of the city government be with respect to such initiatives? Should it facilitate or not? There’s a debate about how to position the municipality with respect to these initiatives that are interesting but then when, inside Barcelona en Comú or Catalunya en Comú, the person who is in charge of these issues comes with a more traditional union perspective and says “This is crazy, what we need to do is to create public schools with teachers who are professional civil servants. These experiments are fine for gentrified zones, but in reality…’” And they are partly right. So we’re in that sort of situation, which is a bit ambivalent. We’re conscious that we need to go beyond a state-centric approach, but at the same time we need to be very conscious that if we don’t reinforce the institutional role, the social fragilities are very acute.</p></br><h3>The Commons and Issues of Sovereignty, Interdependence and the « Right to Decide »</h3></br><p><b>AA —</b> Another high-profile issue is that of sovereignty. The way it’s presented in the Ideario is criticised both by those who want a unified Spain and by those who want Catalan independence. Sovereignty is simply another word for independence in the view of many people. But the way it’s presented in the Ideario is more complex and comprehensive, linked to autonomy at every level …</p></br><p><b>JS —</b> Exactly: it’s plural, in lower case and plural: sovereignties. The idea is a bit like what I said earlier about the city, that we want to take back the city. We want to recover the collective capacity to decide over what affects us. So it’s fine to talk about the sovereignty of Catalonia, but we also need to talk about digital sovereignty, water sovereignty, energy sovereignty, housing sovereignty – sovereignty in the sense of the capacity to decide over that which affects us. So we don’t have to wait until we have sovereignty over Catalonia in order to grapple with all this. And this has obvious effects: for example, something we are trying to develop here: a transit card that would be valid on all forms of public transit – like the “Oyster” in London, and many other cities have them – an electronic card that you can use for the train, the metro, the bus: the first thing the Barcelona city government did on this was to ask the question “Who will own the data? “. That’s sovereignty. The entity that controls the data on who moves and how in metropolitan Barcelona has an incredible stock of information with a clear commercial value. So will it belong to the company that incorporates the technology? or will the data belong to the municipality and the municipality will do with it what it needs? At the moment, they are installing digital electricity metres and digital water metres: but to whom do the data belong? because these are public concessions, concessions to enterprises in order that they provide a public service – so who owns the data?</p></br><p>This is a central issue. And it is raised in many other aspects, like food sovereignty. So, we want to ensure that in the future Barcelona be less dependent on the exterior for its food needs, as far as possible. So you need to work to obtain local foodstuffs, control over the products that enter – and that implies food sovereignty, it implies discussing all this. So, without saying that the sovereignty of Catalonia isn’t important, we need to discuss the other sovereignties. Because, suppose we attain the sovereignty of Catalonia as an independent state, but we are still highly dependent in all the other areas. We need to confront this. I don’t think it’s a way of avoiding the issue, it’s a way of making it more complex, of understanding that today the Westphalian concept of State sovereignty no longer makes much sense. I think we all agree on that. We are very interdependent, so how do we choose our interdependencies? That would be real sovereignty, not to be independent because that’s impossible, but rather how to better choose your interdependencies so that they have a more public content.</p></br><p><b>AA —</b> Talking of interdependence, there is the issue as well of internationalism. Barcelona en Comú puts a lot of emphasis on that, saying ‘There is no municipalism without internationalism’ etc. From the very outset of her mandate, Ada Colau in 2015 in her inaugural speech as mayor said that ‘we will work to build a movement of cities of the Mediterranean’, and as time goes on the approach is becoming clearer, for example with the participation of Colau and the vice-mayor Gerardo Pisarello in the major international city conferences. What do you see as the importance of this internationalism within the Commons ecosystem?</p></br><p><b>JS —</b> There are 2 key aspects for me. First, cities are clearly the most global political space and zone of social convergence that exists. Apparently when we talk about cities we’re talking about something local, but cities are actually very globalised. Benjamin Barber wrote a book about ‘Why Mayors should govern the world’. And he set out an example I think is very good: if the mayor of Montreal meets with Ada and the mayor of Nairobi and the mayor of Santiago de Chile and the mayor of say Hong-Kong, after 5 minutes together they’ll all be talking about the same things. Because the problems of cities are very similar from one place to another despite their different sizes. Questions of energy, transport, water, services, food… If we try to imagine that same meeting between Heads of State, the complexity of the political systems, cultural traditions, constitutional models and all will mean that the challenge of coming to a common understanding will be much more complex. That doesn’t mean that cities are the actors that will resolve climate change, but certainly the fact that Oslo, Copenhagen, Amsterdam, Barcelona and Paris agree that in 2025 there will no longer be cars circulating that use diesel will have more impact than a meeting of Heads of State. With AirBnB Barcelona is in constant confrontation, the city has fined them 600 000 euros, but Barcelona on its own can’t combat AirBnB. But New York, Paris, London, Amsterdam and Barcelona have come to an agreement to negotiate jointly with AirBnb: those 5 cities together can negotiate with them. But it isn’t the problem for States, it’s much more a problem for cities than for States. And AirBnB uses digital change to enter spaces where there is a lack of precision – it’s what happens too with Uber, Deliveroo and other platforms of so-called ‘collaborative economy’, which is really extractive economy, but which use the reglamentary voids. The people who work for Uber or Deliveroo aren’t employees, they are independent entrepreneurs but they work in 19th century conditions. Tackling this problem from the level of the city can produce new solutions.</p></br><p>I think when we decided in 2014-2015 to attempt to work at the municipal level in Barcelona, we were aware that Barcelona isn’t just any city: Barcelona has an international presence and we wanted to use Barcelona’s international character to exert an influence on urban issues worldwide. Ada Colau participated in the Habitat conference in Quito in October 2016, before that in the meeting of local authorities in Bogota, she is now co-president of the World Union of Municipalities. So there’s an investment that didn’t start just with us but that started in the period when Maragall<sup id="cite_ref-7" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-7">[7]</a></sup> was mayor, a very high investment by Barcelona in participating in this international sphere of cities. This reinforces Barcelona in its confrontations with the State and with private enterprise as well. It plays an important role. There is an international commission within Barcelona en Comú, they are constantly working with other world cities – they have been in France, they have a strong link with Grenoble and will be going to a meeting of French cities in September to talk about potential collaboration, they often go to Italy, they’ve gone to Belgrade, to Poland. In June they’re organising a meeting of Fearless Cities, with the participation of many mayors from major cities in Europe and around the world.<br /></br>So there is a very clear vision of the global aspect. So the global dimension is very present, and at the level of Spain as well. The problem there is that there is political interference, for example in Madrid, which is very important as a city, but within the municipal group “Ahora Madrid” they’re very internally divided, so sometimes you speak to one and the others don’t like it. We have really good relations with Galicia: A Coruña and Santiago de Compostela, also with Valencia, but Valencia also has its own dynamic. Zaragoza. Each city has its own dynamic, so sometimes it’s complicated to establish on-going relations.</p></br><p><b>AA —</b> What about Cadiz?</p></br><p><b>JS —</b> Of course, Cadiz is also part of this trend, but the group there is part of the Podemos anti-capitalist faction, so there are nuances.</p></br><p><b>NT —</b> You mentioned 2 points regarding internationalism…</p></br><p><b>JS —</b> Yes, first there was the general global perspective on cities and the second is Barcelona’s own concrete interest. So the first is more global, that is, any city in the world today has many more possibilities if it looks at its strategic global role and if it wants to strengthen its position, it has to work on the global level. In the case of Barcelona specifically, there is also a will that’s partly traditional, because it was begun by Maragall, you have to remember that here in Barcelona there are 10 districts, and during the war of the Balkans, Maragall created District 11, which was Sarajevo: city technicians went to Sarajevo to work with them, and still today there are municipal technicians who travel regularly to Gaza to work there, or with La Havana – in other words there’s a clearly established internationalist stance in the municipality. Also, the headquarters of the World Union of Local Governments is in Barcelona. The international headquarters of Educating Cities is in Barcelona, so there has constantly been a will to be present on the international scene since Maragall, and now this is continuing but with a new orientation as well. Perhaps there used to be the idea of exporting the Barcelona model, branding Barcelona, but that is no longer the case.<br /></br>There’s very intense organisation globally, probably if Ada accepted all the invitations she receives, she’d be travelling all the time.</p></br><p><b>AA —</b> Coming back to the issue of sovereignty vs independence and “the right to decide”, how does this play out?</p></br><p><b>JS —</b> The issue of independence is internally very complex with different positions. I think there is a general agreement on 3 things, ie:</p></br><ol></br><li>Catalonia has its own demos and therefore is a political subject which must be recognised,</li></br><li>it has to be able to decide how to articulate itself with the other political subjects in Spain and in Europe, it has to have the right, the capacity to decide;</li></br><li>this requires the construction of a State of its own.</li></br></ol></br><p>It is on the fourth point that we are not in agreement: whether that State should be independent or whether it should be in some way linked, allied, confederated with the rest of the Iberian Peninsula or with Europe. These 3 initial points are sufficiently important and they are the basis for the fact that Catalunya en Comú or Barcelona en Comú is part of the broad sovereigntist space in Catalonia. What it isn’t part of is the independentist space in Catalonia. Despite the fact that I would say some 30-40% of the members are pro-independence, but the rest not. And that is an issue which divides us. But what we are trying to do is to work out this debate on the basis of our own criteria, not on those of other movements. The criteria of the others are ‘you are independentist or you are not independentist’. Our own criteria are: yes, we are sovereigntists, we discuss sovereignties and we’ll see. Since we agree on what is the most important (that is – an autonomous political subject, the right to decide, an autonomous State), let’s discuss how we can articulate. We have fraternal relations with 4 million people in the rest of Spain who agree with us on the first 3 criteria. So the key question probably would be: Does Catalonia want to separate from the rest of Spain or from this Spain? The standard response would be “We have never known any other. We’ve always seen the same Spain, so there is no other Spain”. So the debate we can have is over “Yes, another Spain is possible”. Sort of like the debate right now over whether to leave Europe: do we want to leave Europe of leave this Europe? But is another Europe possible or not?</p></br><h3>The Challenges of Scale</h3></br><p><b>NT —</b> I am struck by the fact that every time we refer to the initiative of Catalunya en Comú, you respond by giving the example of what’s happening in Barcelona: do you see Barcelona as the model for Un Pais en Comú?</p></br><p><b>JS —</b> No, it’s not that it’s the model, there is even some reticence within Barcelona en Comú that this new political initiative may have negative consequences for Barcelona en Comú. The Barcelona in Comú experiment has worked really well: within BeC political parties continue to exist (Podemos, Iniciativa, EUIA, Guanyem) and all agree that it’s necessary to create this subject, because it’s clear – there’s a phrase by a former mayor of Vitoria in the Basque country who said “Where my capacities end, my responsibilities begin” – that is, clearly, cities are developing roles that are more and more important, but their capacities continue to be very limited and especially their resources are very limited – so there’s an imbalance between capacities and responsibilities. Between what cities could potentially do and what they really can do. Refuge-cities – a thousand things. So within Barcelona en Comú there is an understanding of the interest of creating Catalunya en Comú in order to have influence in other levels of government. And to present candidates in elections in Spain with En Comú Podem because to be represented in Madrid is also important. But of course, sometimes this expansion can make us lose the most original aspect, that is the emphasis on municipalism, in the capacity to create these spaces – so there’s a certain tension. And obviously, when you go outside Barcelona in Catalonia, the local and territorial realities are very different, you find… you no longer control what kind of people are joining and so you can end up with surprises – good and bad ones – so there are some doubts, some growing pains. You have to grow, but how will that affect what we have so far? our ways of working and all that… I always refer to Barcelona en Comú because we have existed for longer, we have a sort of ‘tradition’ in the way we work, and on the contrary, the other day we held the founding assembly of Catalunya en Comú and – where are we headed? how long will we be able to maintain the freshness, avoid falling into the traditional vices of political parties? Xavi (Domenech) is a very good candidate, he has what I call a Guanyem DNA, but it’s not evident that we can pull this through. That’s the doubt.</p></br><p><b>NT —</b> How do you assess the results of the founding assembly of Catalunya en Comú? Are you happy with what came out of it?</p></br><p><b>JS —</b> Yes, I’m satisfied, although I don’t think the results were optimal, but we are squeezed by a political calendar that we don’t control. It’s very probable that there will be elections this year in Catalonia, so if that happens… what would have been preferable? To reproduce the Barcelona en Comú model, take more time and work more from the bottom up, hold meetings throughout the territory – we did hold about 70 or 80, but a lot more would have been better – do things more slowly and look around, build links with local movements, the same ones as in Barcelona but on the level of Catalonia – energy, water, etc: reconstruct the same process. But sure, they’re going to call elections or a referendum in 2 days. What is clear is that we can’t do the same thing as with ‘Catalunya si que es pot’<sup id="cite_ref-8" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-8">[8]</a></sup>, which was a coalition but it didn’t work. So all this has meant that the process – despite the fact that I think it has been carried out well, is not optimal: within the realm of the possible, I think it was done with great dignity.</p></br><p><b>NT —</b> And with respect to the deliberative process that was used to arrive at the final document?</p></br><p><b>JS —</b> Basically the same thing: it could have been done better, with deeper debates in each area, it was done very quickly, a lot of issues in a short period of time. The task was very complex, and I think the result is worthy. We tried to avoid standardised jargon and parameters, to make it a bit different. So now we’ll see – yesterday the Executive met for the first time, and on May 13 will be the first meeting of the coordinating group of 120 people<sup id="cite_ref-9" class="reference"><a href="#cite_note-9">[9]</a></sup>. So we’ll have to see how this all is gotten underway. I am not convinced that it will all be functional in time for the Catalan elections, for me the key date is May 2019 which are the next municipal elections. Then we’ll see if this has really jelled and if we can have a significant presence throughout the territory. This territorial vision is very important in order to avoid a top-down construction. The key thing in Catalonia is to do it with dignity and not to become entrapped in this dual logic of independence or not, to be capable of bringing together a social force that is in that position.</p></br><div class="" style="font-size: .8em;"></br><p>NOTES</p></br><ol class="references"></br><li id="cite_note-1"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><a href="#cite_ref-1">↑</a></span> <span class="reference-text">Autonomous elections are those held in the 17 Autonomous Communities of Spain created by the 1978 Constitution. Catalunya is one of them.</span></li></br><li id="cite_note-2"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><a href="#cite_ref-2">↑</a></span> <span class="reference-text">The Unified Socialist Party of Catalonia or PSUC: Founded in 1936, it allied the main parties of the Catalan left around the Communist Party. It was dissolved in 1987.</span></li></br><li id="cite_note-3"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><a href="#cite_ref-3">↑</a></span> <span class="reference-text">« A country in common ». The process, carried out in a transparent and well-documented manner, began with a negotiation with certain left-wing parties and movements, and encouraged discussion and new proposals at popular assemblies throughout the region and in online discussion open to the public. More than 3,000 people participated in 70 assemblies and more than 1,700 proposals and amendments were made online with the webpage registering nearly 130,000 hits. The Assembly discussed and voted on the various amendments and agreed on a transitional structure composed of a coordinating body of 120 members and an executive committee of 33 members, each with a one-year mandate to propose an ethical code, statutes, an organizational structure and political options in the unfolding conjuncture. </span></li></br><li id="cite_note-4"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><a href="#cite_ref-4">↑</a></span> <span class="reference-text">« La Politica de Comù » in Nous horitzons (New Horizons) No. 215, 2017. Originally titled Horitzons, the magazine was founded in 1960 in clandestinity and published in Catalan abroad by intellectuals linked to the PSUC. It has been published in Catalonia since 1972. It recently opened its pages to other progressive political tendencies. </span></li></br><li id="cite_note-5"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><a href="#cite_ref-5">↑</a></span> <span class="reference-text">Albano Dante Fachin, member of the Catalan parliament, is the head of Podem (the Catalan wing of the Podemos party). He opposed the participation of his party in the constituent assembly of Un Pais en Comù thus creating a crisis in the ranks of Podemos at both the Catalan and national levels. Party leader Pablo Iglesias did not disown him, but delegated his national second-in-command Pablo Echenique to represent him in the assembly. </span></li></br><li id="cite_note-6"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><a href="#cite_ref-6">↑</a></span> <span class="reference-text">Coalitions of the Catalan left since the transition period of the 1970s have been numerous and complex for the uninitiated. « Iniciativa for Catalonia Verts » dates from 1995 and was composed of the Green party with Iniciativa for Catalonia, itself a 1987 coalition of the left parties around the PSUC and the former Catalan Communist Party. EUIA (United and Alternative Left) is another coalition in 1998 which includes the first two and all the small parties of the radical left. EUIA is the Catalan branch of Izquierda Unida (United Left) the new name of the Spanish Communist Party. </span></li></br><li id="cite_note-7"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><a href="#cite_ref-7">↑</a></span> <span class="reference-text">Pasqual Maragall, member and later president of the Catalan Socialist Party, became mayor of Barcelona in 1982 with the support of the elected members of the Unified Socialist Party of Catalonia (PSUC). He remained in this position for almost 15 years without ever having a majority in the municipal council. He then became President of the Catalan government in 2003.</span></li></br><li id="cite_note-8"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><a href="#cite_ref-8">↑</a></span> <span class="reference-text">Catalunya Sí que es Pot (CSQP, « Yes Catalonia Is Possible ») is a left-wing coalition created in view of the Catalan elections in the autumn of 2015. Barcelona en Comù, itself a municipal coalition, was elected in May 2015 but decided not to run in the autonomous elections. </span></li></br><li id="cite_note-9"><span class="mw-cite-backlink"><a href="#cite_ref-9">↑</a></span> <span class="reference-text">The election result was no surprise: ‘A country in common’ founder Xavier Domenech will preside the Executive Committee and Ada Colau, the current mayor of Barcelona, is president of the coordinating body. The membership, via an internet vote, chose on May 20 a new name preferring « Catalunya en Comù » to « En Comú podem », thus distinguishing itself from the 2015 Catalan coalition with Podemos, also called « En comu podem » and signalling a reinforcement of the « Barcelona en Comù » wing with respect to the supporters of Podemos in the new entity. The rejection of the earlier name ‘Un Pais en Comu’ may also denote a desire to distance itself from a pro-independence stance.</span></li></br></ol></br></div>i> </ol> </div>)
  • Chargement/Site  + (<h3>Presentation</h3> <p><h3>Presentation</h3></br><p><em></em><em><a href="https://wiki.remixthecommons.org/index.php/Penser_les_communs">Framing the commons</a></em> is a series of interviews made during the first <a href="http://p2pfoundation.net/Berlin_Commons_Conference">International Commons Conference</a>, co-organized by the Heinrich Boll Foundation and the<a href="http://p2pfoundation.net/Commons_Strategies_Group"> Commons Strategies Group</a>, took place in Berlin November 1 and 2, 2010. The conference organizers and participants were invited to talk about their vision of the Commons and of the future of the movement.</p></br><p>Framing the commons is the second chapter produced by Remix The Commons in 2010/2011.</p></br><h3>Collaborators</h3></br><p>Alain Ambrosi and Abeille Tard</p>s is the second chapter produced by Remix The Commons in 2010/2011.</p> <h3>Collaborators</h3> <p>Alain Ambrosi and Abeille Tard</p>)
  • Chargement/Site  + (<h3>Présentation</h3> <p><h3>Présentation</h3></br><p><a href="https://wiki.remixthecommons.org/index.php/Penser_les_communs">Penser les communs</a> est une série d’entrevues réalisées lors de la première <a href="http://p2pfoundation.net/Berlin_Commons_Conference">International Commons Conference</a>, co-organisée par la Fondation Heinrich Boell et le <a href="http://p2pfoundation.net/Commons_Strategies_Group"> Commons Strategies Group</a>, à Berlin en 2010. Les organisateurs de la conférence et des participants ont été invités à s’exprimer sur leur vision sur les biens communs et de l’avenir du mouvement des communs.</p></br><p>Framing the commons est le deuxième chapitre produit par Remix The Commons en 2010/2011.</p></br><h3>Collaborateurs</h3></br><p>Alain Ambrosi et Abeille Tard</p>The Commons en 2010/2011.</p> <h3>Collaborateurs</h3> <p>Alain Ambrosi et Abeille Tard</p>)
  • Chargement/Site  + (<p><a href="http://www.bollier.or<p><a href="http://www.bollier.org/blog/new-videos-explore-political-potential-commons" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Original publication by David Bollier</a></p></br><p>Just released: a terrific 25-minute video overview of the commons as seen by frontline activists from around the world, “<a href="http://wiki.remixthecommons.org/index.php?title=Les_communs_dans_l%E2%80%99espace_politique" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">The Commons in Political Spaces: For a Post-capitalist Transition</a>,” along with more than a dozen separate interviews with activists on the frontlines of commons work around the globe. The videos were shot at the World Social Forum in Montreal last August, capturing the flavor of discussion and organizing there.</p></br><p>A big thanks to Remix the Commons and Commons Spaces – two groups in Montreal, and to Alain Ambrosi, Frédéric Sultan and Stépanie Lessard-Bérubé — for pulling together this wonderful snapshot of the commons world. The overview video is no introduction to the commons, but a wonderfully insightful set of advanced commentaries about the political and strategic promise of the commons paradigm today.Frédéric Sultan of Remix the Commons</p></br><p>The overview video (“Les communs dans l’espace politique,” with English subtitles as needed) is striking in its focus on frontier developments: the emerging political alliances of commoners with conventional movements, ideas about how commons should interact with state power, and ways in which commons thinking is entering policy debate and the general culture.</p></br><p>The video features commentary by people like Frédéric Sultan, Gaelle Krikorian, Alain Ambrosi, Ianik Marcil, Matthew Rhéaume, Silke Helfrich, Chantal Delmas, Pablo Solon, Christian Iaione, and Jason Nardi, among others.</p></br><p>The individual interviews with each of these people are quite absorbing. (See the full listing of videos <a href="http://wiki.remixthecommons.org/index.php?title=Commons_Space" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">here</a>.) Six of these interviews are in English, nine are in French, and three are in Spanish. They range in length from ten minutes to twenty-seven minutes.</p>nterviews are in English, nine are in French, and three are in Spanish. They range in length from ten minutes to twenty-seven minutes.</p>)